The writing is good, the size of the updates is good too (not too long or short), there are enough pictures (not too few nor too many), the quotes are awesome and please make another map! I can help you with that last part if you want, not that I'm that good a map maker either.
Horus Triumphant - an Alternate Antiquity timeline
- Thread starter phoenix101
- Start date
Thanks for the praise, I'll let you know if/when I need help with a map.
The Jews that live in Egypt, some as merchants and others as settled mercenaries, mostly keep to themselves. As long as they pay taxes and serve the pharaoh faithfully they won't face official harrasment. They are allowed their own houses of worship ( OTL there is a mention of a 'temple of Yah' for the Jewish garrison on Elephantine/Abu). Sadly they do have to deal with a lot of casual racism, a downside of the long established Egyptian culture is a certain degree of xenophobia.
Cyprus is ruled by several native kings, most important of which is the king of Salamis. For now the island is under Egyptian hegemony.
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Thanks @Icedaemon, honestly I can't really complain about the popularity of the timeline, every update gets at least some reactions and a couple likes. I'll just keep going and see where this ends up. In general I'm more or less certain in what direction the timeline will go in the next two centuries, but after that its all still open. The next update will probably be Wednesday or Thursday, and might even feature a map.
I'll keep using the quotes at the start of chapters, they're not that hard to come up with (although the fake Egyptian texts IMO turn out beter than the fake historian quotes, probably because they're rather formulaic).
I'll keep using the quotes at the start of chapters, they're not that hard to come up with (although the fake Egyptian texts IMO turn out beter than the fake historian quotes, probably because they're rather formulaic).
I really should stop promising updates by a certain date, cause I never seem to be able to make it. I've not been feeling well this week and thus was unable to do much work on the update. Sorry for that, I'll try to have something up this weekend.
10. The death and succession of Philippos Nikator
10. The death and succession of Philippos Nikator
Philip’s last year
A most curious omen occurred during Philip’s journey back to Babylon while staying at Zeugma on the Euphrates. At dawn he was making sacrifices near the riverbank, praying for a safe crossing, for he was still a pious man. After sacrificing a goat and burning incense on an altar something caught the king’s eye. Where at first the river was empty now Philip could see a man, as if appeared out of nowhere, crossing the river on a boat. Philip, who was not above conversing with commoners, decided to make a chat with the man. By now the man had moored his boat on the riverside, but was already making preparations to cross over to the other side again. He noticed the approach of the king, and called out to him in perfect Attic Greek: ‘Oh King, I am but a simple ferryman and will soon be gone, but do not worry, our next meeting is not far off’. Philip, startled, wanted to call out to the man, demanding he name himself, but he and his boat were already gone. Philip retired to his tent for the rest of the day, delaying the journey, in quiet contemplation of his future. He did not consult any of his seers, not even Aristandros, for he knew well what this omen meant.
To this day there still stands an altar on the banks of the Euphrates at Zeugma, I have seen it myself during my service in the east, which is the altar upon which Philip made his offerings. A small shrine has been built around it, and locals still make offerings upon it, in honour of the great king himself.
- Excerpt from ‘The Life of Philippos Nikator’ by Bomilkar of Malakka
After having crossed the Hellespont in March 330 Philip and an army 10000 strong marched quickly through Anatolia, first making way to Gordion. There he met the satrap Antigonos of Phrygia, an able administrator of impressive stature. After resupplying at Gordion the army travelled further to Cilicia and then to Syria itself, where Philip inspected the work being done at Nikatoris. Afterwards he crossed the Euphrates at Zeugma and then followed the river south towards Babylon, only stopping to find another city, Eurydikeia on the Euphrates [1], named for his recently passed wife. He arrived at Babylon in June, while Alexander was away fighting the Cadusians. In Babylon Philip passed most of his days either leading the army in exercises, inspecting building sites or touring the countryside, most notably its hunting grounds. The drudgeries of administrating such a vast realm he left to Eumenes of Cardia, his secretary, and the chiliarch Parmenion. In October Alexander returned triumphantly from Media, and his return was celebrated throughout the city. Hellenic Games were held and Alexander and his forces were allowed to enter the city through the Processional Way, cheered on by jubilant crowds while behind them the unfortunate Cadusians were dragged through the streets in chains.
Philip after Alexander’s return became increasingly close to him, in a degree that hadn’t been seen before. Now father and son went out hunting together and, according to some sources, often discussed matters of the army and the state till deep in the night. Often Alexander’s close companions, such as Hephaistion and Ptolemaios, were also present. The new bond between father and son could be explained by the loss of Eurydice, and the realization of Philip’s part that Alexander was definitely his successor. On the other hand there had never been an indication that Alexander, as eldest son, would not be his successor. Another explanation could be that Philip, confronted with omens of his death, wanted to be close to his son in order to make his wishes for the future clear and to prevent any succession struggle by clearly indicating that it is Alexander who should succeed him. In January 329 Philip fell ill, and rarely left his bed. The exact nature of the affliction is unknown, but after several weeks the king recovered somewhat, but was still not healthy enough to perform his duties. Confined to the palace, now Philip also entrusted some tasks that traditionally a king would perform to Alexander.
In February Alexander travelled to southern Mesopotamia, into the marshlands where the Euphrates and the Tigris pour into the Persian gulf, in order to find a city that would serve as harbour and entrepot of trade between India, Mesopotamia, Arabia and Persia. At the confluence of the Eulaios and the Tigris Alexander founded the city of Herakleia on the Tigris, which had a great location but was prone to flooding [2]. Alexander thus also ordered the construction of embankments and a great artificial platform, upon which the Hellenistic centre of this new city was to arise. Peaceful trade was not the only purpose of this new city, a naval base was also to arise on the banks of the Tigris, allowing the Macedonians to construct a fleet to both control and safeguard trade in the region. Another purpose for a fleet exploration and supplying the land army, were it to venture east or south along the Arabian coast. Having established this new settlements Alexander returned to Babylon, where preparations were underway for a great expedition to the east. Envoys had been send to Phrataphernes and Satibarzanes, ordering them to set up supply depots and to marshal their forces to join their king when he marches east. Philip planned to first march on Sogdia and Chorasmia, old Achaemenid satrapies who did not submit to him, and then march further east to subdue India, reunifying what was once the empire of Cyrus. It is unknown whether or not Philip was aware of the distances involved but it was certainly an ambitious plan. Unfortunately for him he would never see it come to fruition.
A coin of Philippos Nikator
Alexander returned to Babylon in April 329, and at the time Philip seemed to be healthy again. He once again personally oversaw the exercises of the army, just outside the city. There the phalanx practiced its manoeuvres and the cavalry its charges. One day Philip returned to the city when suddenly the wind started blowing, and his kausia (a wide-brimmed sun hat) was blown into a nearby irrigation channel. A soldier retrieved it for him, and at the time it was probably not seen as an omen, but the day after Philip fell ill again. Despite his weakened health the week after he once again ventured out of the city, inspecting the reinforcements from Macedonia that had arrived under Balakros. Several days after that, on the 15th of April 329, Philip decided to go hunting, and left the city through its western gate. After a day of hunting he and his hunting party were approached by a group of Babylonian priest while on their way back to the city. They urged Philip not to enter the city again, bad omens had been observed, and the king leaving through the western gate, associated with the sunset and thus death, only reinforced their belief. Philip however decided to ignore them, the next day he was expected to attend a ceremony consecrating the new temple of Zeus that was built in the Philippeion (the Hellenic district of Babylon). He returned to the Palace of Nebuchadnezzar, but that night Philip’s condition worsened. He got a fever, and had increasingly trouble with breathing. On the 16th his condition only worsened, and on the 17th it was clear that he would not recover. On his own wish he was brought out of the palace on a litter, and visited the temple of Zeus and oversaw a parade of the army, giving a last salute to their king. All this greatly weakened Philip, and in the night of the 18th of April 329 he passed away, he was 53 years old.
The struggle for succession
The Great King Philippos Nikator, king of the Macedonians, Babylonians, Persians and all the peoples of Asia, Hegemon of the Hellenic League, died not long after his son’s return to Babylon. The city was in mourning, the army passed by the sarcophagus in solemn procession, the Persian priests put out their sacred fires and foreign rulers send their condolences and congratulations to Alexander. Soon, the news spread to the far corners of the world, and Alexander’s succession, once so certain, was looking increasingly precarious.
- Excerpt from The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
Philip’s death, which came quite sudden, was a shock to his nascent empire. His succession, at least in Babylon, was off course undisputed. His son, Alexander, would succeed Philip as king. The day after Philip’s death Alexander was acclaimed as king by the assembled army, just outside Babylon. But king of what? Macedonia, off course, but Philip’s dominions were much more extensive than that. Conscious of the fact that he was much more than just king of Macedonia, but also aware that it the army, which largely consisted of rather xenophobic Macedonians, that granted him his position, he adopted some minor Persian and Babylonian customs. He made offerings to Marduk at the Esagila, he send gifts to the Persian aristocracy and he summoned the satraps to Babylon, to let them affirm their loyalty to him. For now he did not differ much from his father, he did not adapt eastern dress nor did he demand the proskynesis from his Macedonian subjects. Alexander’s first priority was securing his hold over Macedon itself, which was still the bedrock of his military strength.
All satraps hurried to Babylon, except Phrataphernes and Satibarzanes, who claimed to be too busy dealing with nomadic incursions and an uprising by the Sogdian warlord Spitamenes. They did however request help from their new king. Alexander, ridding himself of some of the more recalcitrant elements of the Macedonians army, send east 6000 men under command of Balakros. In honour of his father Alexander held funeral games in Babylon and had Philip’s body embalmed and prepared for the journey back to Macedon, where he would be interred in his new tomb. Alexander would of course accompany his father’s body, a good reason to visit Macedon and to make sure that his homeland too would accept his kingship. Parmenion, who was as loyal to Alexander as he had been to Philip, would stay behind as chiliarch in Babylon and would function as regent over the eastern Empire in Alexander’s absence. Support of Parmenion, a popular general and relative of several satraps, not to mention his son Philotas, was crucial for Alexander. With everything settled in the east Alexander left Babylon in May 329, accompanied by an army 12000 strong he marched up the Euphrates, crossed at Zeugma and then went through Syria and Cilicia, where he and his army would board a ship back to Greece. It was during his stay at Tarsus, in July 329, that Alexander received an envoy from Macedon, bearing most unwelcome news.
At the start of 329 there had been an uprising by the Triballi, a Thracian tribe, under their king Syrmus. At the same time a group of Scythians had swept across the Danube and allied themselves to Syrmus, who now posed a serious threat to Macedon itself. The regent Antipater had raised his forces, 35000 strong, and confronted the Triballi in battle near Philippopolis in March 329. At first the battle seemed to be going well for Antipater, with the Macedonians forcing back the Triballi, but in their overconfidence (and perhaps inexperience) the phalanx advanced into broken, uneven terrain with hills and patches of forest. Seeing the gaps in the phalanx the Triballi renewed their offensive, and managed to inflict heavy casualties upon the Macedonians. In the meantime the Triballi’s Scythian allies managed to torch the Macedonian baggage train. With his army in chaos Antipater tried to change the course of battle by charging in with the cavalry, but sadly for him he was cut down during the charge, stabbed through the chest by a Thracian spear. Defeat was total for the Macedonians, who had suffered many casualties, Philippopolis was stormed and brutally sacked by the Triballi. A small detachment of the Macedonian army, 5000 men under command of Antipater’s son Cassander, managed to escape.
Cassander, when he returned to Macedonia with the remnants of the army, encountered a country in chaos. The news of the defeat of the army and the death of the regent was a shock to the population and now from the east the news of Philip’s death had spread to Macedon. While in Babylon it might have seemed clear that it would be Alexander who would succeed Philip, in Macedon itself that was far from certain. Cassander, while young, was an ambitious man, and loathed Alexander. Cassander had served well during Philip’s campaign in the east as commander of a detachment of the phalanx, but for one reason or another he and Alexander seemed to not get along during the campaign. Alexander managed to convince his father to dismiss Cassander, after the battle of Adana, and thus he was send back to Macedon, leading a group of veterans back to their homeland. If Cassander could somehow prevent Alexander’s ascent to the throne he would do so, and luckily for him there was another man with a claim to the throne. In fact, he had already been king. Philip came to the throne by deposing his nephew for whom he was appointed regent, Amyntas IV. Instead of killing or exiling him somewhere far away Philip allowed Amyntas to live, and even married him to one of his daughters, Cynane.
Cassander thus exploited the power vacuum his father’s and Philip’s death left behind. Using his 5000 soldiers, who were generally loyal to him, he occupied the palace and treasury at Pella. Despite lacking any formal authority he seized the treasury, filled with many talents of Persian gold and silver, and used it to hire mercenaries. He justified this by stating that he hired them to defend the country from the Triballi, who were still a threat. Queen Olympias, who distrusted Cassander and tried to travel east to join up with her son, was caught trying to escape the palace and put under arrest. He also had his soldiers secure Amyntas IV and Cynane. With his coup a success he now marched north again to crush the Triballi, which turned out to be easier than expected. Tensions between the Triballi and the Scythians, supposedly over the division of loot, had led to open warfare between the two. While the Triballi did manage to repel the Scythians they were now weaker than before. Despite this the Triballi king Syrmus was still confident that he could once again beat the Macedonians, and in June 329 he launched his attack, advancing on Macedon through the valley of the river Strymon. The details are sparse, but somewhere on the banks of the Strymon Cassander ambushed the Triballi and defeated them utterly, with most of them killed or captured. He returned to Pella early in July, and in a public ceremony Amyntas IV declared himself the rightful king of Macedon.
This move was not universally popular, and while some among the Macedonian aristocracy supported Cassander and Amyntas many among them remained loyal to Alexander. Few veterans from the Asian campaign joined up with Cassander when he called them up, and many of them managed to cross the Aegean and joined Alexander in Asia. After hearing the news Alexander, instead of sailing to Macedon from Cilicia, decided to march overland to the Anatolian coast, where he arrived at Sardis in September 329. In the meantime civil strife wrecked Macedon, with some cities now openly revolting against Cassander. Despite his large mercenary force his ramshackle regime did not manage to keep the country under control, and in one infamous incident the rioting in Pella had to be put down by the army, and during the fighting a fire started which ravaged a large part of the city. It was perhaps during this confusion that Olympias managed to escape her detainment, because the next time she shows up is at the court of her brother, the Molossian king Alexander I of Epiros. Amyntas and Cassander then must have decided that their best bet was defeating Alexander in battle, claiming the kingship by virtue of victory.
Cassander marched his army, mostly consisting of mercenaries but also some Macedonian troops, to the Hellespont, hoping to block Alexander’s advance into Europe. Meanwhile to the south, in Greece itself, Alexander send some troops across the Aegean under his admiral Nearchus, where they reinforced the garrisons of Athens, Thebes and Corinth, ensuring their loyalty. The Macedonian succession struggle was watched with interest by those among the Greeks who wished to rid themselves of their oppressors, but the already present garrisons and the memory of their recent defeats deterred them from rebelling. Alexander spend his time at Sardis waiting, he had requested reinforcements from further east so he would at least have parity with Cassander’s forces. Cassander, who knew that time was not on his side, probably heard of this and decided to strike before reinforcements arrived. Scraping together a small fleet from Macedon itself and by bullying the cities of the Thracian Chersonese and on the European side of the Propontis, he ferried his forces across the Hellespont in October 329. This surprised Alexander, who did not expect Cassander and Amyntas to go on the offensive. He hurried north with 20000 men, and came across Cassander and Amyntas’ army at Adramyttion, who had managed to gather an army 30000 strong. At the fields of Adramyttion, Alexander would be outnumbered.
Alexander’s phalanx at Adramyttion
There were some negotiations before battle, with Amyntas offering Alexander Asia beyond the Taurus. Alexander was of course insulted by this, he was Philip’s rightful heir in his entire kingdom or not at all. On the 20th of October 329 the armies met near Adramyttion, the first time that two Macedonian-style phalanxes faced off against each other. After initial skirmishes the two phalanxes clashed, and initially it seemed like Cassander’s more numerous but less experienced phalanx would win the day. Sadly for him the falling back of Alexander’s phalanx was a ruse, and when Cassander committed the rest of his forces to break through Alexander struck with his hetairoi, shattering the flank of Cassander’s phalanx. Now Alexander’s veterans rallied again, and supported by hypaspists, drove back Cassander’s mercenaries. Cassander, seeing the hopelessness of his cause, tried to flee the battlefield but was unlucky enough to catch an arrow in his throat. Late in the afternoon the battle was done, Amyntas had been captured and was unceremoniously executed, and Alexander was once again the undisputed ruler of Macedonia and it’s empire.
Footnotes
Philip’s last year
A most curious omen occurred during Philip’s journey back to Babylon while staying at Zeugma on the Euphrates. At dawn he was making sacrifices near the riverbank, praying for a safe crossing, for he was still a pious man. After sacrificing a goat and burning incense on an altar something caught the king’s eye. Where at first the river was empty now Philip could see a man, as if appeared out of nowhere, crossing the river on a boat. Philip, who was not above conversing with commoners, decided to make a chat with the man. By now the man had moored his boat on the riverside, but was already making preparations to cross over to the other side again. He noticed the approach of the king, and called out to him in perfect Attic Greek: ‘Oh King, I am but a simple ferryman and will soon be gone, but do not worry, our next meeting is not far off’. Philip, startled, wanted to call out to the man, demanding he name himself, but he and his boat were already gone. Philip retired to his tent for the rest of the day, delaying the journey, in quiet contemplation of his future. He did not consult any of his seers, not even Aristandros, for he knew well what this omen meant.
To this day there still stands an altar on the banks of the Euphrates at Zeugma, I have seen it myself during my service in the east, which is the altar upon which Philip made his offerings. A small shrine has been built around it, and locals still make offerings upon it, in honour of the great king himself.
- Excerpt from ‘The Life of Philippos Nikator’ by Bomilkar of Malakka
After having crossed the Hellespont in March 330 Philip and an army 10000 strong marched quickly through Anatolia, first making way to Gordion. There he met the satrap Antigonos of Phrygia, an able administrator of impressive stature. After resupplying at Gordion the army travelled further to Cilicia and then to Syria itself, where Philip inspected the work being done at Nikatoris. Afterwards he crossed the Euphrates at Zeugma and then followed the river south towards Babylon, only stopping to find another city, Eurydikeia on the Euphrates [1], named for his recently passed wife. He arrived at Babylon in June, while Alexander was away fighting the Cadusians. In Babylon Philip passed most of his days either leading the army in exercises, inspecting building sites or touring the countryside, most notably its hunting grounds. The drudgeries of administrating such a vast realm he left to Eumenes of Cardia, his secretary, and the chiliarch Parmenion. In October Alexander returned triumphantly from Media, and his return was celebrated throughout the city. Hellenic Games were held and Alexander and his forces were allowed to enter the city through the Processional Way, cheered on by jubilant crowds while behind them the unfortunate Cadusians were dragged through the streets in chains.
Philip after Alexander’s return became increasingly close to him, in a degree that hadn’t been seen before. Now father and son went out hunting together and, according to some sources, often discussed matters of the army and the state till deep in the night. Often Alexander’s close companions, such as Hephaistion and Ptolemaios, were also present. The new bond between father and son could be explained by the loss of Eurydice, and the realization of Philip’s part that Alexander was definitely his successor. On the other hand there had never been an indication that Alexander, as eldest son, would not be his successor. Another explanation could be that Philip, confronted with omens of his death, wanted to be close to his son in order to make his wishes for the future clear and to prevent any succession struggle by clearly indicating that it is Alexander who should succeed him. In January 329 Philip fell ill, and rarely left his bed. The exact nature of the affliction is unknown, but after several weeks the king recovered somewhat, but was still not healthy enough to perform his duties. Confined to the palace, now Philip also entrusted some tasks that traditionally a king would perform to Alexander.
In February Alexander travelled to southern Mesopotamia, into the marshlands where the Euphrates and the Tigris pour into the Persian gulf, in order to find a city that would serve as harbour and entrepot of trade between India, Mesopotamia, Arabia and Persia. At the confluence of the Eulaios and the Tigris Alexander founded the city of Herakleia on the Tigris, which had a great location but was prone to flooding [2]. Alexander thus also ordered the construction of embankments and a great artificial platform, upon which the Hellenistic centre of this new city was to arise. Peaceful trade was not the only purpose of this new city, a naval base was also to arise on the banks of the Tigris, allowing the Macedonians to construct a fleet to both control and safeguard trade in the region. Another purpose for a fleet exploration and supplying the land army, were it to venture east or south along the Arabian coast. Having established this new settlements Alexander returned to Babylon, where preparations were underway for a great expedition to the east. Envoys had been send to Phrataphernes and Satibarzanes, ordering them to set up supply depots and to marshal their forces to join their king when he marches east. Philip planned to first march on Sogdia and Chorasmia, old Achaemenid satrapies who did not submit to him, and then march further east to subdue India, reunifying what was once the empire of Cyrus. It is unknown whether or not Philip was aware of the distances involved but it was certainly an ambitious plan. Unfortunately for him he would never see it come to fruition.
A coin of Philippos Nikator
Alexander returned to Babylon in April 329, and at the time Philip seemed to be healthy again. He once again personally oversaw the exercises of the army, just outside the city. There the phalanx practiced its manoeuvres and the cavalry its charges. One day Philip returned to the city when suddenly the wind started blowing, and his kausia (a wide-brimmed sun hat) was blown into a nearby irrigation channel. A soldier retrieved it for him, and at the time it was probably not seen as an omen, but the day after Philip fell ill again. Despite his weakened health the week after he once again ventured out of the city, inspecting the reinforcements from Macedonia that had arrived under Balakros. Several days after that, on the 15th of April 329, Philip decided to go hunting, and left the city through its western gate. After a day of hunting he and his hunting party were approached by a group of Babylonian priest while on their way back to the city. They urged Philip not to enter the city again, bad omens had been observed, and the king leaving through the western gate, associated with the sunset and thus death, only reinforced their belief. Philip however decided to ignore them, the next day he was expected to attend a ceremony consecrating the new temple of Zeus that was built in the Philippeion (the Hellenic district of Babylon). He returned to the Palace of Nebuchadnezzar, but that night Philip’s condition worsened. He got a fever, and had increasingly trouble with breathing. On the 16th his condition only worsened, and on the 17th it was clear that he would not recover. On his own wish he was brought out of the palace on a litter, and visited the temple of Zeus and oversaw a parade of the army, giving a last salute to their king. All this greatly weakened Philip, and in the night of the 18th of April 329 he passed away, he was 53 years old.
The struggle for succession
The Great King Philippos Nikator, king of the Macedonians, Babylonians, Persians and all the peoples of Asia, Hegemon of the Hellenic League, died not long after his son’s return to Babylon. The city was in mourning, the army passed by the sarcophagus in solemn procession, the Persian priests put out their sacred fires and foreign rulers send their condolences and congratulations to Alexander. Soon, the news spread to the far corners of the world, and Alexander’s succession, once so certain, was looking increasingly precarious.
- Excerpt from The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
Philip’s death, which came quite sudden, was a shock to his nascent empire. His succession, at least in Babylon, was off course undisputed. His son, Alexander, would succeed Philip as king. The day after Philip’s death Alexander was acclaimed as king by the assembled army, just outside Babylon. But king of what? Macedonia, off course, but Philip’s dominions were much more extensive than that. Conscious of the fact that he was much more than just king of Macedonia, but also aware that it the army, which largely consisted of rather xenophobic Macedonians, that granted him his position, he adopted some minor Persian and Babylonian customs. He made offerings to Marduk at the Esagila, he send gifts to the Persian aristocracy and he summoned the satraps to Babylon, to let them affirm their loyalty to him. For now he did not differ much from his father, he did not adapt eastern dress nor did he demand the proskynesis from his Macedonian subjects. Alexander’s first priority was securing his hold over Macedon itself, which was still the bedrock of his military strength.
All satraps hurried to Babylon, except Phrataphernes and Satibarzanes, who claimed to be too busy dealing with nomadic incursions and an uprising by the Sogdian warlord Spitamenes. They did however request help from their new king. Alexander, ridding himself of some of the more recalcitrant elements of the Macedonians army, send east 6000 men under command of Balakros. In honour of his father Alexander held funeral games in Babylon and had Philip’s body embalmed and prepared for the journey back to Macedon, where he would be interred in his new tomb. Alexander would of course accompany his father’s body, a good reason to visit Macedon and to make sure that his homeland too would accept his kingship. Parmenion, who was as loyal to Alexander as he had been to Philip, would stay behind as chiliarch in Babylon and would function as regent over the eastern Empire in Alexander’s absence. Support of Parmenion, a popular general and relative of several satraps, not to mention his son Philotas, was crucial for Alexander. With everything settled in the east Alexander left Babylon in May 329, accompanied by an army 12000 strong he marched up the Euphrates, crossed at Zeugma and then went through Syria and Cilicia, where he and his army would board a ship back to Greece. It was during his stay at Tarsus, in July 329, that Alexander received an envoy from Macedon, bearing most unwelcome news.
At the start of 329 there had been an uprising by the Triballi, a Thracian tribe, under their king Syrmus. At the same time a group of Scythians had swept across the Danube and allied themselves to Syrmus, who now posed a serious threat to Macedon itself. The regent Antipater had raised his forces, 35000 strong, and confronted the Triballi in battle near Philippopolis in March 329. At first the battle seemed to be going well for Antipater, with the Macedonians forcing back the Triballi, but in their overconfidence (and perhaps inexperience) the phalanx advanced into broken, uneven terrain with hills and patches of forest. Seeing the gaps in the phalanx the Triballi renewed their offensive, and managed to inflict heavy casualties upon the Macedonians. In the meantime the Triballi’s Scythian allies managed to torch the Macedonian baggage train. With his army in chaos Antipater tried to change the course of battle by charging in with the cavalry, but sadly for him he was cut down during the charge, stabbed through the chest by a Thracian spear. Defeat was total for the Macedonians, who had suffered many casualties, Philippopolis was stormed and brutally sacked by the Triballi. A small detachment of the Macedonian army, 5000 men under command of Antipater’s son Cassander, managed to escape.
Cassander, when he returned to Macedonia with the remnants of the army, encountered a country in chaos. The news of the defeat of the army and the death of the regent was a shock to the population and now from the east the news of Philip’s death had spread to Macedon. While in Babylon it might have seemed clear that it would be Alexander who would succeed Philip, in Macedon itself that was far from certain. Cassander, while young, was an ambitious man, and loathed Alexander. Cassander had served well during Philip’s campaign in the east as commander of a detachment of the phalanx, but for one reason or another he and Alexander seemed to not get along during the campaign. Alexander managed to convince his father to dismiss Cassander, after the battle of Adana, and thus he was send back to Macedon, leading a group of veterans back to their homeland. If Cassander could somehow prevent Alexander’s ascent to the throne he would do so, and luckily for him there was another man with a claim to the throne. In fact, he had already been king. Philip came to the throne by deposing his nephew for whom he was appointed regent, Amyntas IV. Instead of killing or exiling him somewhere far away Philip allowed Amyntas to live, and even married him to one of his daughters, Cynane.
Cassander thus exploited the power vacuum his father’s and Philip’s death left behind. Using his 5000 soldiers, who were generally loyal to him, he occupied the palace and treasury at Pella. Despite lacking any formal authority he seized the treasury, filled with many talents of Persian gold and silver, and used it to hire mercenaries. He justified this by stating that he hired them to defend the country from the Triballi, who were still a threat. Queen Olympias, who distrusted Cassander and tried to travel east to join up with her son, was caught trying to escape the palace and put under arrest. He also had his soldiers secure Amyntas IV and Cynane. With his coup a success he now marched north again to crush the Triballi, which turned out to be easier than expected. Tensions between the Triballi and the Scythians, supposedly over the division of loot, had led to open warfare between the two. While the Triballi did manage to repel the Scythians they were now weaker than before. Despite this the Triballi king Syrmus was still confident that he could once again beat the Macedonians, and in June 329 he launched his attack, advancing on Macedon through the valley of the river Strymon. The details are sparse, but somewhere on the banks of the Strymon Cassander ambushed the Triballi and defeated them utterly, with most of them killed or captured. He returned to Pella early in July, and in a public ceremony Amyntas IV declared himself the rightful king of Macedon.
This move was not universally popular, and while some among the Macedonian aristocracy supported Cassander and Amyntas many among them remained loyal to Alexander. Few veterans from the Asian campaign joined up with Cassander when he called them up, and many of them managed to cross the Aegean and joined Alexander in Asia. After hearing the news Alexander, instead of sailing to Macedon from Cilicia, decided to march overland to the Anatolian coast, where he arrived at Sardis in September 329. In the meantime civil strife wrecked Macedon, with some cities now openly revolting against Cassander. Despite his large mercenary force his ramshackle regime did not manage to keep the country under control, and in one infamous incident the rioting in Pella had to be put down by the army, and during the fighting a fire started which ravaged a large part of the city. It was perhaps during this confusion that Olympias managed to escape her detainment, because the next time she shows up is at the court of her brother, the Molossian king Alexander I of Epiros. Amyntas and Cassander then must have decided that their best bet was defeating Alexander in battle, claiming the kingship by virtue of victory.
Cassander marched his army, mostly consisting of mercenaries but also some Macedonian troops, to the Hellespont, hoping to block Alexander’s advance into Europe. Meanwhile to the south, in Greece itself, Alexander send some troops across the Aegean under his admiral Nearchus, where they reinforced the garrisons of Athens, Thebes and Corinth, ensuring their loyalty. The Macedonian succession struggle was watched with interest by those among the Greeks who wished to rid themselves of their oppressors, but the already present garrisons and the memory of their recent defeats deterred them from rebelling. Alexander spend his time at Sardis waiting, he had requested reinforcements from further east so he would at least have parity with Cassander’s forces. Cassander, who knew that time was not on his side, probably heard of this and decided to strike before reinforcements arrived. Scraping together a small fleet from Macedon itself and by bullying the cities of the Thracian Chersonese and on the European side of the Propontis, he ferried his forces across the Hellespont in October 329. This surprised Alexander, who did not expect Cassander and Amyntas to go on the offensive. He hurried north with 20000 men, and came across Cassander and Amyntas’ army at Adramyttion, who had managed to gather an army 30000 strong. At the fields of Adramyttion, Alexander would be outnumbered.
Alexander’s phalanx at Adramyttion
There were some negotiations before battle, with Amyntas offering Alexander Asia beyond the Taurus. Alexander was of course insulted by this, he was Philip’s rightful heir in his entire kingdom or not at all. On the 20th of October 329 the armies met near Adramyttion, the first time that two Macedonian-style phalanxes faced off against each other. After initial skirmishes the two phalanxes clashed, and initially it seemed like Cassander’s more numerous but less experienced phalanx would win the day. Sadly for him the falling back of Alexander’s phalanx was a ruse, and when Cassander committed the rest of his forces to break through Alexander struck with his hetairoi, shattering the flank of Cassander’s phalanx. Now Alexander’s veterans rallied again, and supported by hypaspists, drove back Cassander’s mercenaries. Cassander, seeing the hopelessness of his cause, tried to flee the battlefield but was unlucky enough to catch an arrow in his throat. Late in the afternoon the battle was done, Amyntas had been captured and was unceremoniously executed, and Alexander was once again the undisputed ruler of Macedonia and it’s empire.
Footnotes
- OTL Callinicum, modern day Raqqa
- The site of OTL Charax Spasinou
Hooray for Alexander! I'm curious to see how he'll rule an empire he inherited rather than one he created. I imagine he's still a bold, courageous gambler, as well as more mentally stable and less megalomaniacal.
That was indeed more or less my intention, to make Alexander more stable by making him inherit an empire instead of winning it all for himself. He also isn't declared to be the son of Zeus by the Oracle at Siwah, and relies much more on his reputation as son and heir of Philip, at least for now.
Alexander's life will be quite different, he will have to deal with consolidating an empire instead of just conquering everything in sight. He will go to some places he didn't OTL, but he also won't go to some places in this timeline he went to OTL (probably an easy guess).
Aside from Media and Persia itself Argead rule is still more or less theoretical in the east, a show of force might be necessary to show the satraps who is in charge.
I'm almost done writing the next update, should be up tomorrow. Alexander also shows up, but its mostly about Egypt.
It really wasn't intended to be ominous! Both Alexander and Egypt survive the update.
11. Ends and beginnings
11. Ends and beginnings
Alexander in Europe
After Adramyttion Alexander visited the site of Ilion, where he ordered a restoration of the local temple of Athena, which would become a marvellous edifice indeed. Offerings were made by the King at the gravesite of Achilles, Hephaistion did the same at the grave of Patroklos. It was only after these events that Alexander crossed over to Thrace.
- Excerpt from The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
Alexander’s victory at Adramyttion only confirmed his position as king of Macedon. Captured nobles that had opposed him he had executed, most notably Pausanias of Orestis, a former bodyguard of Philip, and Iollas, brother of Cassander. The common troops he gave a chance to join his army, most of them were Macedonian after all, or to be sold as slaves. Unsurprisingly practically all of them decided to join Alexander, who duly send them east to reinforce the garrisons in Media and Babylonia. His sister Cynane, now widowed, he also forgave, but immediately married her off to Hephaistion, increasing his ties to the royal family. Then he crossed over to Europe in November, and met no resistance during his march on Pella. There he buried his father in a grand ceremony, and was once again acclaimed as king by the assembled army. Knowing his audience, during the ceremony he acclaimed as Great King by his soldiers, but Alexander corrected them, telling them that King of Macedonia was his foremost title.
Alexander spend the winter at Pella, and when spring arrived he marched his army north. He retook the ruins of Philippopolis and ordered its reconstruction, and then campaigned against the Triballi. They did not dare to confront him in an open battle, so Alexander defeated them by storming several of their settlements. Having sufficiently punished the Triballi Alexander then went north, where he confronted several Scythian groups near the Danube and defeated them in detail, dividing them and dealing with them one by one. One group of Scythian raiders retreated behind the Danube, but in a supreme demonstration of the prowess of the Macedonian engineering corps Alexander had them built a bridge across the mighty river, at the same time he had them build ballista’s, which were used to bombard the Scythian positions. After the completion of the bridge Alexander led the cavalry across and managed to corner the Scythians, bringing them to heel too. Apparently he considered a campaign against the Getai, but decided against it. He demolished the bridge and returned to Macedon, bringing back plunder and slaves.
Triballi infantry chased down by Macedonian cavalry
During Alexander’s march back to Macedon he passed through Thrace, which had been subjugated by Philip. Thrace consisted of several client states, the most powerful being the Odrysian Kingdom ruled by king Seuthes III. The overall satrap of Thrace was a general named Zopyrion, who had resisted Cassander during his rebellion and thus kept his position. Zopyrion suspected Seuthes of fermenting unrest in Thrace, possibly in anticipation of a rebellion against Macedonian rule. He reported this to Alexander, who promptly took action. Alexander marched his army to Seuthes’ fortified palace, which was located in central Thrace and called Seuthopolis. Seuthes denied to Alexander that he had any intent of revolting, but was not believed by him. Alexander had him executed, razed his palace and placed his young son Kotys on the Odrysian throne, ensuring that the Thracians would lack any strong central leadership. While this move did not endear Alexander to the Thracians he showed that would not even tolerate the slightest hint of disobedience, and the loyal Thracian aristocracy was richly rewarded with gold and silver. The Thracians supplied the Macedonian army with excellent light infantry and cavalry, so they could not be treated too harshly. Having secured his northern flank Alexander now returned to Pella, where he arrived in June 328.
Alexander was greeted in Pella by his mother, Olympias, who had returned from Epiros after having fled during Cassander’s rebellion. Epiros was a land of small villages, not large poleis, and was most famous for the Oracle at Dodona, second in importance only to Delphi. The country’s three main tribes, the Chaonians, Thesprotians and, most importantly, the Molossians had only recently been united into a single state. This was done by, confusingly, king Alexander I of the Molossian dynasty, a brother of Olympias who was married to his niece, and Alexander of Macedon’s sister, Cleopatra. Alexander of Epiros’ reign started inauspiciously, he was placed on the throne by Philip II and was more or less a Macedonian puppet, but ended up quite well for the Molossian Kingdom. His marriage to Cleopatra ensured Epiros’ alliance with Macedon, and during his reign Alexander attempted to reform his country and army to resemble Macedon. He reformed the coinage system, introducing a single coin for the whole of Epiros, and introduced the sarissa and Macedonian-style cavalry to the Epirote army. In 334, while Philip and Alexander were in the east, Alexander of Epirus was campaigning in southern Italia, on behalf of the Greek city of Taras (Tarentum) which was threatened by the Saunitai (Samnites). The details of his campaign are sparse, but he successfully managed to defend Taras and even drove back the Saunitai, who he defeated decisively at the battle of Metapontion, where he managed to lure them into the open plains and crushed them with his cavalry. Afterwards he campaigned on the Adriatic coast, capturing several towns that served as bases for pirates who disrupted trade in the Adriatic, which was becoming increasingly important for the nascent Epirote state. The campaign ended with the capture of Sipontum, an important pirate base. Afterwards Alexander of Epiros waged a short war against the Bruttians and Lucanians, who tried to ambush him at Pandosia, but Alexander was forewarned by deserters, and thus managed to defeat the Italic tribes. For him this was enough for now, he had sufficiently cowed the Italians, exacted tribute from them and had enslaved many of their men. He left behind a garrison in Taras and then returned to Epiros.
Olympias
Alexander (of Macedon) must have been happy to see his mother in Pella, despite her somewhat eccentric and domineering character. Sadly for mother and son their reunion would not last long. Not long after Alexander’s return to Pella news arrived from Passaron, the Epirote capital, that Alexander of Epiros had died in a hunting accident, he was gored by a boar while hunting near the river Acheron. Cleopatra’s son (and also cousin) Neoptolemos was to succeed his father, but was far too young to take the throne. Cleopatra would thus serve as regent for her son, but Alexander also urged his mother to return to Passaron, so that she and her daughter could exercise a joint regency over the kingdom. He send an ‘escort’ along of 5000 men under the command of Leonnatos, who were to guard the regents and king of Epiros. Using this family tragedy Alexander more or less established Epiros as a Macedonian protectorate, and got Olympias out of the country. During Antipater’s regency over Macedon she had often quarrelled with the old general, which turned out to be an impediment to governing the kingdom. Alexander hoped his mother could at least cooperate with her own daughter. The rest of the year 328 he spend in Macedon and Greece, where he visited the synedrion of the Hellenic League, who he ordered to levy troops for his eastern expedition. Because this was not a war in common defence Alexander would pay the cities for their men, in that respect they were more like mercenaries than levied troops. Around 8000 troops were gathered by the League, mostly by the larger poleis of Corinth, Thebes and Athens. While not a large amount of soldiers Alexander was glad they joined him on his expedition, for they were both warriors and hostages, insurances that the poleis of Greece would behave themselves while the king was in the far east.
Come Spring 327 Alexander departed his homeland, together with an army 20000 strong. Hephaistion he left behind as regent of Macedon, a position Alexander could only grant to someone he could trust absolutely. Despite the ease of travel by sea Alexander intended to march overland, so that on his way to Babylon he could subjugate Cappadocia. Ariarathes II, a son of the last satrap of Cappadocia Holophernes, ruled Cappadocia and did not intend to submit himself to Alexander. Not content with the title of satrap Ariarathes II declared himself king, and till now had resisted all attempts to subjugate him. Occasionally he launched raids into western Anatolia or Armenia, much to the dismay of the satraps Antigonos and Orontes, who did not manage to stop or contain the raids. In the previous year Antigonos went on the offensive against Ariarathes, and even besieged the Cappadocian capital Mazaka for some time, but had to retreat due to the harsh winter on the Anatolian plateau. Now with his large army Alexander would surely end the problem once and for all. While resupplying in Gordion Alexander received an envoy send by Parmenion, who had travelled west in all haste to relay the king this message. Satibarzanes and Phrataphernes had risen up and joined forces with Spitamenes, and together they now threatened the entire eastern half of the Argead Empire. Balakros and his force had been massacred, betrayed by their own allies. According to the rebelling satraps they did not fight for independence, or to put themselves on the throne. No, they rebelled to support the rightful King of Kings, true descendant of Darius the Great and heir to the House of Achaemenes, the Great King Artaxerxes IV. Still a young boy, only 15 years old, he had disappeared when Artabazus seized the throne for himself in 338. It is unlikely that this boy actually was Artaxerxes IV, who was probably quietly disposed of by Artabazus, and much more likely that he just was a random boy, used as a cynical ploy, a banner to rally behind in order to expel the Macedonians.
Alexander could not delay his eastern expedition for a campaign in Cappadocia, unless he wanted to risk losing his eastern satrapies. There was also unrest among the troops, who had by now heard rumours of what was going on in the east. Some feared for their relatives who served in the distant east, others were frightful of the stories that circulated about vengeful Persians slitting their throats in the night. Alexander needed to show his army that not all was lost, that he still was the rightful king of Asia. In Gordion stood an ox-cart, supposedly driven there by the first Phrygian king, a man named Gordias, which was tied to a post with an intricate knot. During the ages none had managed to untie the knot, and legend said that he who could would be the rightful ruler of Asia. Alexander, perhaps hoping for a divine omen and confirmation of his rule, decided to solve the puzzle. When confronted with the knot Alexander argued that it made no difference how the knot was untied, and so he drew his sword and sliced it in half, thus solving the mystery. His army now somewhat calmed by this seemingly divine omen, offerings were made to the gods, and the army finally departed. Alexander marched east once again, intending to deal with the eastern satrapies in the same way he dealt with the Gordian knot.
Horus flies to heaven
The king dies not, who is mentioned by reason of his achievements.
- Inscription of Senusret I found at Iunu (Heliopolis) [1]
Originally the sed-festival, as celebrated by Nakhthorheb, was intended as a ceremony of rejuvenation. The king had to show his fitness and ability to rule, performing athletic exercises, and in some instances even running alongside the Apis bull [2]. This element, although still present, was less prominent during Nakhthorheb’s festival, possibly because he already was past 60 at the time. Much more emphasis was put on the general prosperity of Egypt as a whole, with the parades of the army and cattle symbolising the wealth and strength of the nation. The festival had shown that Egypt was prosperous, its granaries and treasuries were overflowing and its armies were strong.
Sadly however, its king was increasingly less so. Nakhthorheb was long past his prime, and increasingly relied on his son and co-regent Nakhtnebef. In 329 it is mentioned that the king travelled to Tjebnetjer to oversee the final work being done on the new temple of Anhur-Shu, construction of which started 10 years before. Afterwards it seems the king rarely left his home city of Tjebnetjer anymore, and spend most of his days at the palace in that city. Fittingly during this time one of the king’s great supporters, the vizier Wennefer, also passed away. He was a man that had come far in life, starting as a literal snake doctor, because of his loyalty to the ruling dynasty and a knack for sycophantism he rose to the rank of vizier, and was now interred in a richly decorated tomb of his own, including pylon gateway, an avenue of sphinxes, a four-column hypostyle hall and four small shrines [3]. It was a monument not only to the man himself, but also to a dynasty that was extraordinarily generous to those that would serve it.
A Greek source from Naukratis mentions that the king, already fragile, fell ill in August 329, a year after the sed-festival. The last regnal date mentioned of the king is at the Serapeum, the burial place of the Apis bulls, where an inscription on a sarcophagus mentions ‘the second month of the inundation during the thirty-first year of Senedjemibra’. This corresponds to October 329, and the Apis bull seems to have died around that time. Nakhthorheb passed away the following month, an event that is mentioned on the walls on his own tomb as ‘Horus flew to heaven’, an euphemism often used in Egyptian texts for the death of a ruler.
Egypt had lost a great pharaoh, that much was certain. He had successfully defended Egypt, expanded its borders, enriched its temples and reinvigorated its cults. The army was strong and the treasuries full, Egypt was respected at home and abroad. Most important however was that he reinforced the ideological underpinning of his regime, the divine kingship. A strong army and exchequer meant nothing if the common people did not see their ruler as legitimate, at least not for a long lasting state. The long and prosperous rules of Nakhtnebef I and Nakhthorheb, with exception of the period of turmoil during Djedhor’s rule, were essential to restore the majesty of Egyptian monarchy in the eyes of the population. The short rules of their predecessors of the Twenty-Eighth and Twenty-Ninth Dynasty had as effect that their rulers were seen as little more than squabling warlords, and despite their best efforts it must have seemed as if the kingship of the land was a revolving door of would-be tyrants. Nakhtnebef I had changed that by making necessary reforms, donating lavishly to temples and cults, and Nakhthorheb had continued those policies. In the eyes of the Egyptians, in order to be a legitimate king one had to act legitimately, which was exactly what the rulers of the Thirtieth Dynasty did.
Nakhthorheb under protection of Horus
To be a pharaoh meant that you were the incarnation of Horus, so his task was upholding ma’at (the cosmic order) and defeating the forces of disorder. He had to ensure the well-being of Egypt, both economically and spiritually, by organizing the irrigation system, defending the country against foreign foes and by enriching the temples of the gods, who would bless Egypt in return. Monuments had to be constructed, as had been done since time immemorial, both to the gods and monuments to the king himself, such as his tomb. By acting legitimately, as a true king of Egypt, the gods in return would bless the ruler with bountiful harvests, success in all his endeavours and jubilees in abundance. Going by these criteria, it is not hard to see why the Egyptians would think that Senedjemibra Nakthhorheb was a good king, although not one of the calibre of Ramesses II, Montuhotep II, Thutmose III or Amenhotep III. Not reaching the heights of those monarchs was no shame, for they were some of the most illustrious rulers the Nile Valley ever saw.
As had been done since the earliest days of the Old Kingdom the king was mummified in the finest linen, while royal artisans were busy finishing the decorations of his tomb. The mummification process took 90 days, after which the body was placed in a wooden sarcophagus, which in turn was placed in a slightly larger silver sarcophagus. Then, in a solemn procession, the sarcophagus was brought to its burial site, the tomb at the courtyard of the temple of Anhur-Shu. It was then placed in larger stone sarcophagus already located in the burial vault [4], where the king’s successor, Nakhtnebef II, performed the Opening-of-the-Mouth Ceremony, to give the deceased the ability to eat and speak in the afterlife. The burial chamber was not very large, but richly decorated and filled with high-quality burial goods. Then the entourage left the chamber, after which it was sealed. On the door to the burial chamber Nakhthorheb’s royal titulary was inscribed, followed by phrase ‘ankh djet’ meaning ‘living forever’, something the great pharaoh had certainly deserved.
The ka’s of Ra have appeared
The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Khakaura, the Son of Ra, Nakhtnebef, great in his lifetime, said: I was elevated above millions by Amun-Ra, king of the gods, the Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands. I proceeded amid rejoicing to Ipetsut and was inducted into the presence of the great god, it was he who granted me the beneficent kingship over the Two Lands.
- Coronation stela of Nakhtnebef II, found at Ipetsut
Nakhthorheb’s successor was of course long known. Already co-regent for seven years, his son Nakhtnebef, now in his early thirties ascended to the Throne of Horus. It is known that, after his father’s internment, he celebrated two coronations, one at Tjebnetjer and one at Ipetsut. As throne name he chose ‘Khakaura’, which means ‘the ka’s of Ra have appeared’. This was not a unique name, it already had been used by one of Egypt’s more renowned pharaohs, the Middle Kingdom pharaoh Senusret III, a great conqueror and able ruler. Nakhtnebef with this move also imitated his namesake and great-grandfather, founder of the dynasty, who had adopted the throne name Kheperkara, the throne name of Senusret I, another great Middle Kingdom ruler and famous as the founder of the temple of Ipetsut.
Choosing the throne name of Senusret III was no coincidence for Nakhtnebef, for he too intended to once again turn the attention of the Egyptian state towards warfare and expansion. Already in his youth the king was famous for his physical prowess and feats of endurance. Now he was eager to bring these qualities to the Egyptian state itself. A thoroughly military man, already in the first year he had assembled a strike force at Dorginarti, near the Second Cataract. It consisted of native soldiers, Greek mercenaries and levied troops from the protectorates in the Near East, notably a Judean detachment and a battalion of hoplites from Cyprus, commanded by Stasanor of Soli. Nakhtnebef, citing mistreatment of Egyptian traders as reason, thus invaded Nubia in his first regnal year. Near the Third Cataract he defeated a Nubian army and proceeded further upriver, devastating the land and capturing many locals. For one reason or another he did not press his attack further, and he appeared content with just plundering the land. Nakhtnebef returned to Egypt in May 328, where he made lavish donations to Ipetsut, and he also send some gold further north for the other great shrines of the land.
Afterwards the king proceeded to Memphis and oversaw the administration of the land for some time, and possibly visited Tjebnetjer to supervise the construction of his own tomb at the temple of Anhur-Shu. Later that year another military campaign was planned, using many of the same forces he utilised against the Nubians. In October of that year Nakthnebef led his forces west, into the Libyan Desert, to assault and occupy the Oasis of Siwa. His father had often paid off the Libyan raiders, making sure they wouldn’t plunder the Valley of the Nile. His son however had no patience for paying off some bandits, and stopped paying them. Pre-empting the raiders he decided to strike at their base at the Siwa Oasis, capturing it by surprise and dealing a heavy blow to the Libyans. He fortified the oasis, giving the Egyptians a base to exert control over the Western Desert. He also launched an attack on the tribes who lived more to the north, near the Mediterranean. Nakhtnebef turned out to be an able commander and scattered the Libyans with ease, and founded at city on the coast to guard the approaches to Egypt, which he named Ineb-Amenti (‘Western Wall’) [5].
The new king must have been quite refreshing for the Egyptians. Nakhthorheb had been somewhat lethargic and inactive during the later parts of his reign, but his son turned out to be an extraordinarily active ruler. After the Libyan campaign he returned to Memphis, where he oversaw the inauguration of a new Apis bull, and afterwards Nakhtnebef went south to Waset. Uniquely among kings of this era it seems Nakhtnebef preferred the south over the north, spending more time at Waset than at Memphis. It was also at Waset that many of his building projects were concentrated. He ordered the construction of two colossal, 8 meter tall, polished granite statues, one of himself and one of his father, who were to stand beside the gate at the First Pylon at Ipetsut. Another more practical project was the construction of a small palace for himself at the southern city, known as the Hut-Khakaura-em-Waset, ‘Estate of Khakaura at Waset’, a home for the king at his preferred city. He did not however forget the gods of the north, and even gave them a home in the southern city, constructing a complex of shrines just north of Ipetsut, near the Precinct of Montu. It included shrines for Anhur, Neith, Wadjet and Bast. Several statues of the king were also set up at these shrines, and they have a curious appearance. Like his namesake Senusret III the statues of Nakhtnebef II had a dour, severe expression fitting for a military strongman.
Senusret III
He was less interested in the administration of his country than his father was, and appointed a certain Ankhefenkhonsu [6], an able administrator from the city of Khent-Min, and a childhood friend of the king, as vizier. He did however show that dissent would not be tolerated. There were rumours of a conspiracy among the Delta nobility, and Nakhtnebef, a keen student of his country’s history, knew that he had to act before he would lose his throne. It might seem cruel and premature, but Nakhtnebef was not one to take risks if it came to his kingship, he would be a powerful and vigorous king or he would be nothing. The suspects were summoned to the palace, arrested and duly executed, their estates seized and added to the royal demesne. Other Delta noblemen fared better, one Bakenanhur [7], a nobleman from Sau, had served valiantly during the Nubian and Libyan campaigns, and had so impressed the pharaoh that he made him his son-in-law, marrying him to his daughter Mutnefret. Besides Mutnefret the pharaoh also had a son, the 16 year old Nakhthorheb, who not long after the Libyan campaign was already named co-regent by his father, ensuring dynastic continuity. Under Nakhtnebef II Egypt changed its course, but for now the future of the land of the Nile seemed bright.
Footnotes
Alexander in Europe
After Adramyttion Alexander visited the site of Ilion, where he ordered a restoration of the local temple of Athena, which would become a marvellous edifice indeed. Offerings were made by the King at the gravesite of Achilles, Hephaistion did the same at the grave of Patroklos. It was only after these events that Alexander crossed over to Thrace.
- Excerpt from The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
Alexander’s victory at Adramyttion only confirmed his position as king of Macedon. Captured nobles that had opposed him he had executed, most notably Pausanias of Orestis, a former bodyguard of Philip, and Iollas, brother of Cassander. The common troops he gave a chance to join his army, most of them were Macedonian after all, or to be sold as slaves. Unsurprisingly practically all of them decided to join Alexander, who duly send them east to reinforce the garrisons in Media and Babylonia. His sister Cynane, now widowed, he also forgave, but immediately married her off to Hephaistion, increasing his ties to the royal family. Then he crossed over to Europe in November, and met no resistance during his march on Pella. There he buried his father in a grand ceremony, and was once again acclaimed as king by the assembled army. Knowing his audience, during the ceremony he acclaimed as Great King by his soldiers, but Alexander corrected them, telling them that King of Macedonia was his foremost title.
Alexander spend the winter at Pella, and when spring arrived he marched his army north. He retook the ruins of Philippopolis and ordered its reconstruction, and then campaigned against the Triballi. They did not dare to confront him in an open battle, so Alexander defeated them by storming several of their settlements. Having sufficiently punished the Triballi Alexander then went north, where he confronted several Scythian groups near the Danube and defeated them in detail, dividing them and dealing with them one by one. One group of Scythian raiders retreated behind the Danube, but in a supreme demonstration of the prowess of the Macedonian engineering corps Alexander had them built a bridge across the mighty river, at the same time he had them build ballista’s, which were used to bombard the Scythian positions. After the completion of the bridge Alexander led the cavalry across and managed to corner the Scythians, bringing them to heel too. Apparently he considered a campaign against the Getai, but decided against it. He demolished the bridge and returned to Macedon, bringing back plunder and slaves.
Triballi infantry chased down by Macedonian cavalry
During Alexander’s march back to Macedon he passed through Thrace, which had been subjugated by Philip. Thrace consisted of several client states, the most powerful being the Odrysian Kingdom ruled by king Seuthes III. The overall satrap of Thrace was a general named Zopyrion, who had resisted Cassander during his rebellion and thus kept his position. Zopyrion suspected Seuthes of fermenting unrest in Thrace, possibly in anticipation of a rebellion against Macedonian rule. He reported this to Alexander, who promptly took action. Alexander marched his army to Seuthes’ fortified palace, which was located in central Thrace and called Seuthopolis. Seuthes denied to Alexander that he had any intent of revolting, but was not believed by him. Alexander had him executed, razed his palace and placed his young son Kotys on the Odrysian throne, ensuring that the Thracians would lack any strong central leadership. While this move did not endear Alexander to the Thracians he showed that would not even tolerate the slightest hint of disobedience, and the loyal Thracian aristocracy was richly rewarded with gold and silver. The Thracians supplied the Macedonian army with excellent light infantry and cavalry, so they could not be treated too harshly. Having secured his northern flank Alexander now returned to Pella, where he arrived in June 328.
Alexander was greeted in Pella by his mother, Olympias, who had returned from Epiros after having fled during Cassander’s rebellion. Epiros was a land of small villages, not large poleis, and was most famous for the Oracle at Dodona, second in importance only to Delphi. The country’s three main tribes, the Chaonians, Thesprotians and, most importantly, the Molossians had only recently been united into a single state. This was done by, confusingly, king Alexander I of the Molossian dynasty, a brother of Olympias who was married to his niece, and Alexander of Macedon’s sister, Cleopatra. Alexander of Epiros’ reign started inauspiciously, he was placed on the throne by Philip II and was more or less a Macedonian puppet, but ended up quite well for the Molossian Kingdom. His marriage to Cleopatra ensured Epiros’ alliance with Macedon, and during his reign Alexander attempted to reform his country and army to resemble Macedon. He reformed the coinage system, introducing a single coin for the whole of Epiros, and introduced the sarissa and Macedonian-style cavalry to the Epirote army. In 334, while Philip and Alexander were in the east, Alexander of Epirus was campaigning in southern Italia, on behalf of the Greek city of Taras (Tarentum) which was threatened by the Saunitai (Samnites). The details of his campaign are sparse, but he successfully managed to defend Taras and even drove back the Saunitai, who he defeated decisively at the battle of Metapontion, where he managed to lure them into the open plains and crushed them with his cavalry. Afterwards he campaigned on the Adriatic coast, capturing several towns that served as bases for pirates who disrupted trade in the Adriatic, which was becoming increasingly important for the nascent Epirote state. The campaign ended with the capture of Sipontum, an important pirate base. Afterwards Alexander of Epiros waged a short war against the Bruttians and Lucanians, who tried to ambush him at Pandosia, but Alexander was forewarned by deserters, and thus managed to defeat the Italic tribes. For him this was enough for now, he had sufficiently cowed the Italians, exacted tribute from them and had enslaved many of their men. He left behind a garrison in Taras and then returned to Epiros.
Olympias
Alexander (of Macedon) must have been happy to see his mother in Pella, despite her somewhat eccentric and domineering character. Sadly for mother and son their reunion would not last long. Not long after Alexander’s return to Pella news arrived from Passaron, the Epirote capital, that Alexander of Epiros had died in a hunting accident, he was gored by a boar while hunting near the river Acheron. Cleopatra’s son (and also cousin) Neoptolemos was to succeed his father, but was far too young to take the throne. Cleopatra would thus serve as regent for her son, but Alexander also urged his mother to return to Passaron, so that she and her daughter could exercise a joint regency over the kingdom. He send an ‘escort’ along of 5000 men under the command of Leonnatos, who were to guard the regents and king of Epiros. Using this family tragedy Alexander more or less established Epiros as a Macedonian protectorate, and got Olympias out of the country. During Antipater’s regency over Macedon she had often quarrelled with the old general, which turned out to be an impediment to governing the kingdom. Alexander hoped his mother could at least cooperate with her own daughter. The rest of the year 328 he spend in Macedon and Greece, where he visited the synedrion of the Hellenic League, who he ordered to levy troops for his eastern expedition. Because this was not a war in common defence Alexander would pay the cities for their men, in that respect they were more like mercenaries than levied troops. Around 8000 troops were gathered by the League, mostly by the larger poleis of Corinth, Thebes and Athens. While not a large amount of soldiers Alexander was glad they joined him on his expedition, for they were both warriors and hostages, insurances that the poleis of Greece would behave themselves while the king was in the far east.
Come Spring 327 Alexander departed his homeland, together with an army 20000 strong. Hephaistion he left behind as regent of Macedon, a position Alexander could only grant to someone he could trust absolutely. Despite the ease of travel by sea Alexander intended to march overland, so that on his way to Babylon he could subjugate Cappadocia. Ariarathes II, a son of the last satrap of Cappadocia Holophernes, ruled Cappadocia and did not intend to submit himself to Alexander. Not content with the title of satrap Ariarathes II declared himself king, and till now had resisted all attempts to subjugate him. Occasionally he launched raids into western Anatolia or Armenia, much to the dismay of the satraps Antigonos and Orontes, who did not manage to stop or contain the raids. In the previous year Antigonos went on the offensive against Ariarathes, and even besieged the Cappadocian capital Mazaka for some time, but had to retreat due to the harsh winter on the Anatolian plateau. Now with his large army Alexander would surely end the problem once and for all. While resupplying in Gordion Alexander received an envoy send by Parmenion, who had travelled west in all haste to relay the king this message. Satibarzanes and Phrataphernes had risen up and joined forces with Spitamenes, and together they now threatened the entire eastern half of the Argead Empire. Balakros and his force had been massacred, betrayed by their own allies. According to the rebelling satraps they did not fight for independence, or to put themselves on the throne. No, they rebelled to support the rightful King of Kings, true descendant of Darius the Great and heir to the House of Achaemenes, the Great King Artaxerxes IV. Still a young boy, only 15 years old, he had disappeared when Artabazus seized the throne for himself in 338. It is unlikely that this boy actually was Artaxerxes IV, who was probably quietly disposed of by Artabazus, and much more likely that he just was a random boy, used as a cynical ploy, a banner to rally behind in order to expel the Macedonians.
Alexander could not delay his eastern expedition for a campaign in Cappadocia, unless he wanted to risk losing his eastern satrapies. There was also unrest among the troops, who had by now heard rumours of what was going on in the east. Some feared for their relatives who served in the distant east, others were frightful of the stories that circulated about vengeful Persians slitting their throats in the night. Alexander needed to show his army that not all was lost, that he still was the rightful king of Asia. In Gordion stood an ox-cart, supposedly driven there by the first Phrygian king, a man named Gordias, which was tied to a post with an intricate knot. During the ages none had managed to untie the knot, and legend said that he who could would be the rightful ruler of Asia. Alexander, perhaps hoping for a divine omen and confirmation of his rule, decided to solve the puzzle. When confronted with the knot Alexander argued that it made no difference how the knot was untied, and so he drew his sword and sliced it in half, thus solving the mystery. His army now somewhat calmed by this seemingly divine omen, offerings were made to the gods, and the army finally departed. Alexander marched east once again, intending to deal with the eastern satrapies in the same way he dealt with the Gordian knot.
Horus flies to heaven
The king dies not, who is mentioned by reason of his achievements.
- Inscription of Senusret I found at Iunu (Heliopolis) [1]
Originally the sed-festival, as celebrated by Nakhthorheb, was intended as a ceremony of rejuvenation. The king had to show his fitness and ability to rule, performing athletic exercises, and in some instances even running alongside the Apis bull [2]. This element, although still present, was less prominent during Nakhthorheb’s festival, possibly because he already was past 60 at the time. Much more emphasis was put on the general prosperity of Egypt as a whole, with the parades of the army and cattle symbolising the wealth and strength of the nation. The festival had shown that Egypt was prosperous, its granaries and treasuries were overflowing and its armies were strong.
Sadly however, its king was increasingly less so. Nakhthorheb was long past his prime, and increasingly relied on his son and co-regent Nakhtnebef. In 329 it is mentioned that the king travelled to Tjebnetjer to oversee the final work being done on the new temple of Anhur-Shu, construction of which started 10 years before. Afterwards it seems the king rarely left his home city of Tjebnetjer anymore, and spend most of his days at the palace in that city. Fittingly during this time one of the king’s great supporters, the vizier Wennefer, also passed away. He was a man that had come far in life, starting as a literal snake doctor, because of his loyalty to the ruling dynasty and a knack for sycophantism he rose to the rank of vizier, and was now interred in a richly decorated tomb of his own, including pylon gateway, an avenue of sphinxes, a four-column hypostyle hall and four small shrines [3]. It was a monument not only to the man himself, but also to a dynasty that was extraordinarily generous to those that would serve it.
A Greek source from Naukratis mentions that the king, already fragile, fell ill in August 329, a year after the sed-festival. The last regnal date mentioned of the king is at the Serapeum, the burial place of the Apis bulls, where an inscription on a sarcophagus mentions ‘the second month of the inundation during the thirty-first year of Senedjemibra’. This corresponds to October 329, and the Apis bull seems to have died around that time. Nakhthorheb passed away the following month, an event that is mentioned on the walls on his own tomb as ‘Horus flew to heaven’, an euphemism often used in Egyptian texts for the death of a ruler.
Egypt had lost a great pharaoh, that much was certain. He had successfully defended Egypt, expanded its borders, enriched its temples and reinvigorated its cults. The army was strong and the treasuries full, Egypt was respected at home and abroad. Most important however was that he reinforced the ideological underpinning of his regime, the divine kingship. A strong army and exchequer meant nothing if the common people did not see their ruler as legitimate, at least not for a long lasting state. The long and prosperous rules of Nakhtnebef I and Nakhthorheb, with exception of the period of turmoil during Djedhor’s rule, were essential to restore the majesty of Egyptian monarchy in the eyes of the population. The short rules of their predecessors of the Twenty-Eighth and Twenty-Ninth Dynasty had as effect that their rulers were seen as little more than squabling warlords, and despite their best efforts it must have seemed as if the kingship of the land was a revolving door of would-be tyrants. Nakhtnebef I had changed that by making necessary reforms, donating lavishly to temples and cults, and Nakhthorheb had continued those policies. In the eyes of the Egyptians, in order to be a legitimate king one had to act legitimately, which was exactly what the rulers of the Thirtieth Dynasty did.
Nakhthorheb under protection of Horus
To be a pharaoh meant that you were the incarnation of Horus, so his task was upholding ma’at (the cosmic order) and defeating the forces of disorder. He had to ensure the well-being of Egypt, both economically and spiritually, by organizing the irrigation system, defending the country against foreign foes and by enriching the temples of the gods, who would bless Egypt in return. Monuments had to be constructed, as had been done since time immemorial, both to the gods and monuments to the king himself, such as his tomb. By acting legitimately, as a true king of Egypt, the gods in return would bless the ruler with bountiful harvests, success in all his endeavours and jubilees in abundance. Going by these criteria, it is not hard to see why the Egyptians would think that Senedjemibra Nakthhorheb was a good king, although not one of the calibre of Ramesses II, Montuhotep II, Thutmose III or Amenhotep III. Not reaching the heights of those monarchs was no shame, for they were some of the most illustrious rulers the Nile Valley ever saw.
As had been done since the earliest days of the Old Kingdom the king was mummified in the finest linen, while royal artisans were busy finishing the decorations of his tomb. The mummification process took 90 days, after which the body was placed in a wooden sarcophagus, which in turn was placed in a slightly larger silver sarcophagus. Then, in a solemn procession, the sarcophagus was brought to its burial site, the tomb at the courtyard of the temple of Anhur-Shu. It was then placed in larger stone sarcophagus already located in the burial vault [4], where the king’s successor, Nakhtnebef II, performed the Opening-of-the-Mouth Ceremony, to give the deceased the ability to eat and speak in the afterlife. The burial chamber was not very large, but richly decorated and filled with high-quality burial goods. Then the entourage left the chamber, after which it was sealed. On the door to the burial chamber Nakhthorheb’s royal titulary was inscribed, followed by phrase ‘ankh djet’ meaning ‘living forever’, something the great pharaoh had certainly deserved.
The ka’s of Ra have appeared
The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Khakaura, the Son of Ra, Nakhtnebef, great in his lifetime, said: I was elevated above millions by Amun-Ra, king of the gods, the Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands. I proceeded amid rejoicing to Ipetsut and was inducted into the presence of the great god, it was he who granted me the beneficent kingship over the Two Lands.
- Coronation stela of Nakhtnebef II, found at Ipetsut
Nakhthorheb’s successor was of course long known. Already co-regent for seven years, his son Nakhtnebef, now in his early thirties ascended to the Throne of Horus. It is known that, after his father’s internment, he celebrated two coronations, one at Tjebnetjer and one at Ipetsut. As throne name he chose ‘Khakaura’, which means ‘the ka’s of Ra have appeared’. This was not a unique name, it already had been used by one of Egypt’s more renowned pharaohs, the Middle Kingdom pharaoh Senusret III, a great conqueror and able ruler. Nakhtnebef with this move also imitated his namesake and great-grandfather, founder of the dynasty, who had adopted the throne name Kheperkara, the throne name of Senusret I, another great Middle Kingdom ruler and famous as the founder of the temple of Ipetsut.
Choosing the throne name of Senusret III was no coincidence for Nakhtnebef, for he too intended to once again turn the attention of the Egyptian state towards warfare and expansion. Already in his youth the king was famous for his physical prowess and feats of endurance. Now he was eager to bring these qualities to the Egyptian state itself. A thoroughly military man, already in the first year he had assembled a strike force at Dorginarti, near the Second Cataract. It consisted of native soldiers, Greek mercenaries and levied troops from the protectorates in the Near East, notably a Judean detachment and a battalion of hoplites from Cyprus, commanded by Stasanor of Soli. Nakhtnebef, citing mistreatment of Egyptian traders as reason, thus invaded Nubia in his first regnal year. Near the Third Cataract he defeated a Nubian army and proceeded further upriver, devastating the land and capturing many locals. For one reason or another he did not press his attack further, and he appeared content with just plundering the land. Nakhtnebef returned to Egypt in May 328, where he made lavish donations to Ipetsut, and he also send some gold further north for the other great shrines of the land.
Afterwards the king proceeded to Memphis and oversaw the administration of the land for some time, and possibly visited Tjebnetjer to supervise the construction of his own tomb at the temple of Anhur-Shu. Later that year another military campaign was planned, using many of the same forces he utilised against the Nubians. In October of that year Nakthnebef led his forces west, into the Libyan Desert, to assault and occupy the Oasis of Siwa. His father had often paid off the Libyan raiders, making sure they wouldn’t plunder the Valley of the Nile. His son however had no patience for paying off some bandits, and stopped paying them. Pre-empting the raiders he decided to strike at their base at the Siwa Oasis, capturing it by surprise and dealing a heavy blow to the Libyans. He fortified the oasis, giving the Egyptians a base to exert control over the Western Desert. He also launched an attack on the tribes who lived more to the north, near the Mediterranean. Nakhtnebef turned out to be an able commander and scattered the Libyans with ease, and founded at city on the coast to guard the approaches to Egypt, which he named Ineb-Amenti (‘Western Wall’) [5].
The new king must have been quite refreshing for the Egyptians. Nakhthorheb had been somewhat lethargic and inactive during the later parts of his reign, but his son turned out to be an extraordinarily active ruler. After the Libyan campaign he returned to Memphis, where he oversaw the inauguration of a new Apis bull, and afterwards Nakhtnebef went south to Waset. Uniquely among kings of this era it seems Nakhtnebef preferred the south over the north, spending more time at Waset than at Memphis. It was also at Waset that many of his building projects were concentrated. He ordered the construction of two colossal, 8 meter tall, polished granite statues, one of himself and one of his father, who were to stand beside the gate at the First Pylon at Ipetsut. Another more practical project was the construction of a small palace for himself at the southern city, known as the Hut-Khakaura-em-Waset, ‘Estate of Khakaura at Waset’, a home for the king at his preferred city. He did not however forget the gods of the north, and even gave them a home in the southern city, constructing a complex of shrines just north of Ipetsut, near the Precinct of Montu. It included shrines for Anhur, Neith, Wadjet and Bast. Several statues of the king were also set up at these shrines, and they have a curious appearance. Like his namesake Senusret III the statues of Nakhtnebef II had a dour, severe expression fitting for a military strongman.
Senusret III
He was less interested in the administration of his country than his father was, and appointed a certain Ankhefenkhonsu [6], an able administrator from the city of Khent-Min, and a childhood friend of the king, as vizier. He did however show that dissent would not be tolerated. There were rumours of a conspiracy among the Delta nobility, and Nakhtnebef, a keen student of his country’s history, knew that he had to act before he would lose his throne. It might seem cruel and premature, but Nakhtnebef was not one to take risks if it came to his kingship, he would be a powerful and vigorous king or he would be nothing. The suspects were summoned to the palace, arrested and duly executed, their estates seized and added to the royal demesne. Other Delta noblemen fared better, one Bakenanhur [7], a nobleman from Sau, had served valiantly during the Nubian and Libyan campaigns, and had so impressed the pharaoh that he made him his son-in-law, marrying him to his daughter Mutnefret. Besides Mutnefret the pharaoh also had a son, the 16 year old Nakhthorheb, who not long after the Libyan campaign was already named co-regent by his father, ensuring dynastic continuity. Under Nakhtnebef II Egypt changed its course, but for now the future of the land of the Nile seemed bright.
Footnotes
- As mentioned on page 10 of Elizabeth Blyth’s Karnak: Evolution of a Temple
- There are sadly not many descriptions of sed-festivals left, despite their regular occurrence during Egyptian history, and in some the king has to run along tracks and show his skill in archery, and in others it is absent. The djed-pillar might or might not show up, its quite mysterious. For example Amenhotep III’s festival featured no physical exercise on behalf of the king, but he was rather obese, which might have made it hard for him. On the other hand so was Hatshepsut, but her festival did feature some gymnastics.
- More or less OTL except becoming vizier, his tomb is rather impressive, and looks kind of like a miniature temple.
- OTL Nakhthorheb’s sarcophagus has been found, and has had a rather interesting history. It somehow ended up in Alexandria, were it functioned as a ritual bath in a mosque until it was discovered by the French during Napoleon’s expedition to Egypt. Because of its location they assumed it was the sarcophagus of Alexander the Great and Napoleon send it to France, according to some rumours he planned to use it for himself one day. En route to France it was captured by the British, and it can be found at the British Museum today.
- On the site of OTL Paraitonion, modern day Marsa Matruh.
- His name means ‘His life is for Khonsu’
- Which means ‘Servant of Anhur’
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Rest in peace, Nakhthorheb. If this chapter is any indication, your contributions will not be forgotten. Let's hope Nakhtnebef II doesn't do anything stupid.
I must ask, when will a certain pair of very peculiar cities whose emnity was legendary show up?
I must ask, when will a certain pair of very peculiar cities whose emnity was legendary show up?
Rome and Carthage (and Syracuse) will show up in the not too distant future, but first Alexander will need to deal with the east.