From Iron, Blood: A Bismark Assassinated TL

How shall the Spainish issue be covered?

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  • The Colonial Option

    Votes: 8 61.5%
  • The Church Option

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  • The Catalan Option

    Votes: 5 38.5%

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Greetings. If you all don't mind me asking, I'm considering adopting a format change forthe "war" portions of the timeline to improve clarity and want to get a little feedback before I impliment it.

Essentially, chapters covering "War Fronts" will include a Footnote post containing Wikiboxes that cover both the conflict as a whole and the major battles/sieges/operations. By doing so, when these are mentioned in the future readers will be able to reference those posts to get a basic summery of events without having to re-read large blocks of text. Would this be something you'd be interested in, and if so would you prefer it to be at the end of the chapter (as a literal footnote) or beginning (It makes more sense in my head, but could be somewhat of a spoiler... or a trailer/preview depending on how you look at it)
 
Would this be something you'd be interested in, and if so would you prefer it to be at the end of the chapter (as a literal footnote) or beginning (It makes more sense in my head, but could be somewhat of a spoiler... or a trailer/preview depending on how you look at it)
I agree because think that would improve the TL but while I prefer the second option (at the end of the chapter)... though I would suggest that perhaps it would be posted after and how a continuation of the chapter post (but in one different).
 
Wikibox Sample/Test
This is an example of what I had in mind

mantua.png
 
France's impact in Germany has been covered, but what's Austrian assessment of the risk of French intervention for Italy?
I mean that a full scale invasion of Italy is at the risk of compelling the French to intervene directly to preserve Italian independance; even though Italy started the fight and Italian fortunes on the battlefield may be of no direct concern as it's more or less Austrians defending themselves, I doubt a rupture of the status quo in force since 1860 as would happen in the case of an invasion would be acceptable to Napoléon III.
 

I like these.

Thank you!

France's impact in Germany has been covered, but what's Austrian assessment of the risk of French intervention for Italy?
I mean that a full scale invasion of Italy is at the risk of compelling the French to intervene directly to preserve Italian independance; even though Italy started the fight and Italian fortunes on the battlefield may be of no direct concern as it's more or less Austrians defending themselves, I doubt a rupture of the status quo in force since 1860 as would happen in the case of an invasion would be acceptable to Napoléon III.

The diplomatic/forgein relations components of different fronts will be getting their own chapter sections when they reach peak relivancy. Obviously, Napoleon 3rd dosen't want to see Italy shattered, but he needs to maintain the apperance of a neutral party both to meet his agreement to non-intervention and not poison the well for his Grand Congress. That means he'll have to be somewhat cautious about when and in responce to what provocation he pulls the "intent to mobalize" card on and, at least in theory, oblige Vienna to back down.
 
The diplomatic/forgein relations components of different fronts will be getting their own chapter sections when they reach peak relivancy. Obviously, Napoleon 3rd dosen't want to see Italy shattered, but he needs to maintain the apperance of a neutral party both to meet his agreement to non-intervention and not poison the well for his Grand Congress. That means he'll have to be somewhat cautious about when and in responce to what provocation he pulls the "intent to mobalize" card on and, at least in theory, oblige Vienna to back down.

Yeah and even if he wasn't neutral, a good part of his best troop are still in Mexico, and he doesn't want to be involved in both conflict. However it could strain the relation between him and the Habsburg but i'm pretty sure that the Austrian diplomat are aware of this and would try to ease his concerns, but Austria will stay cautious, because Napoleon III is already humiliated because of Luxemburg same for french nationalist, they walk on a tightrope. In the opposite
 
I’m sure ideally the Austrians will at the least demand a massive indemnity in order to cover costs of the war and have the Italians forsake their claim on Venetia in perpetuity.
 
I’m sure ideally the Austrians will at the least demand a massive indemnity in order to cover costs of the war and have the Italians forsake their claim on Venetia in perpetuity.
I don't think you're wrong with Austrian war goals but if the Prussians march into Vienna it will be moot.
 
Yeah and even if he wasn't neutral, a good part of his best troop are still in Mexico, and he doesn't want to be involved in both conflict. However it could strain the relation between him and the Habsburg but i'm pretty sure that the Austrian diplomat are aware of this and would try to ease his concerns, but Austria will stay cautious, because Napoleon III is already humiliated because of Luxemburg same for french nationalist, they walk on a tightrope. In the opposite

Both sides know the others have some extremely tender spots in reguards to Italy that, while they're willing to take a hard stand to defend, would much prefer just not be aggitated right now. Turin is really the only one who wants to actively mess with the status quo on the penninsula... which is a headache for Napoleon who just wants them to sit down and behave like a good little minor ally.


I’m sure ideally the Austrians will at the least demand a massive indemnity in order to cover costs of the war and have the Italians forsake their claim on Venetia in perpetuity.

Certainly true on the second part, but given Italy is already broke and tapped out on her credit line how would she pay such an indemnity? Unless it's a matter of Austria being able to sign over debt obligations from their centeral bank to the Italian's of an equivalent amount or something similar.

I don't think you're wrong with Austrian war goals but if the Prussians march into Vienna it will be moot.

If being the operative word here. If the two sides are making a single peace treaty just between them, the Prussian faction will certainly be able to bail their ally out of just about anything. If there are two or more treaties or outsiders are involved...

Silesia-Bohemia is likely the decisive front for the framework of the peace negotations, whatever the results.
 
Chapter VII: Italia Irredimibile (Part B)
The Battle of Mantua


Background and Bombardment

During the previous Savoyard-Habsburg conflicts, the southern sections of the Quadrilatero had been considered of mere peripheral importance in both side's military doctrine. With the main fields of contention being Lombardy and Piedmont the crossings at Pischera; not only much narrower and closer to the battlefields but able to use Lake Garda as a route of supply and defensive anchor for forces, were understood to be the key to Austrian ability to project power into the region. Following the annexation of Tuscany and the Trans-Po in 1860, however, Mantua suddenly became the center of gravity with the expansion of the borders to the entire Venetian perimeter. Its position astride the Mincio and a mere 13 kilometers north of the Po the fortress-complex not only gave the owner control over the vital river traffic, but guarded the quickest routes to the Adige and Apennine Gap: absolutely vital lifelines between the theater and old heartlands. It was in recognition of that fact that Mamora had insisted on making the fortress the ordered target for the southern offensive: confident that it's lose alongside a (presumed) successful push in the North would cause Austria to realize her position in Venetia was untenable and so leave it to her rightful owner.

Cialdini's preparations for the campaign had them set up to pursue a completely different course. Taking a fundimentally different view than his rival, who's extended time in the Lombard plains and Crimea lead him to see a map as a series of fortresses, roads, and armies, the Duke's experience fighting Carlist and Sicilian insurgents meant he focused much more closely on topography. Despite how beneficial seizing the city maybe to Italy's broader strategic position, a closer look revealed that any sizable force wanting to directly attack from the south could only ford the Po with great effort at the shallows around the willow swamps. This would leave no quick route of retreat if the assult was repelled, potentially allowing the Austrian field army to catch them trapped and isolated. To avoid this fate Cialidini had arrayed his guns and men to focus on an invasion where he could take control of crossings a safe distance from the Austrian army and, while the Army of the Mincio obliged them to remain in the West, cut around the main forts entirely and take the Verona-Vencia highway. As any potential releif forces would be tied down fighting Prussia, the Austrians would be be obliged to either fight out in the open or wither on the vines behind their defences... either way, making sure the Austrians could be neutralized on both fronts and insuring both partners got what they wanted.

This contradiction between their pre-war breifings and schedules and direct Ministerial and General Staff orders ultimately lead to the split actions by the Army of the Po. Heading the last minute organization of the move on Mantua was Nino Bixio who, due to his close proffesional history with the Redshirts, had been one of the few higher ranking officers kept out of the Pronunciamiento. In addition to a normal, ingrained obedience to the chain of command General Bixio moved quickly to keep the campaign to the west partially out of a worry for the fate of his former commander's assult on Borgoforte. The march, which began on July 3rd, just as rapidly found itself falling into shambles as the flaws in its improvised nature showed themselves. With Garibaldi's barn-burning sweep having carried off what carts and wagons had been assigned to the front, much of the baggage had to be carried by the men who would often abandon excess weight on the roadside; one of the most frequent cases being the ammunition chests for the artillery. While it had been easy enough to transport the rations that were stockpiled at their garrisons for food , a want of casks and extra canteens meant water had to be collected on-march from the river. This not only lead to a breakdown in marching order as foraging parties were constantly breaking off, but meant what the men were drinking was from stagnent marshes exposed to the warm summer suns: thick with sediment and disease-causing bacteria that frequently brought down men with digestive distress. This would only compound the transport problem as time went on: baggage needing to be unloaded onto still-fit men in order to carry the indisposed, which would prove to be a major problem when they finally had to cross the river as overloaded wagons and horses sunk into the muck, obliging them to abandon yet more of their equipment as it was damaged behyond repair.

By the time Italians got their first sight of the Austrian defenders they were already something of a ragged and sorry sight, marching in loose unorganized colums with frequent stragglers. With nearly a fifth of the men rendered ineffective from dysentery and many of the dragoon mounts reassigned to the baggage train, reconissance efforts were completely inattiquette with the teams frequently falling victim to cavalry patrols. From the spotty reports, they could only make a rough estimate of 3-5 thousand men spread between the garrisons of Mantua proper and it's fortified northern and eastern suburbs. The redoubts guarding the town from any fancy manuvers involving crossing the river outside gun range and setting up batteries on the high ground and the walls too high to immediately storm, the Italians moved into the suburb of Cerese and happily billeted themselves in the civilian homes while setting up their guns for a bombardment of the outer works: waiting for late morning on the next day (The 7th) so the sun wouldent be directly in their face as they found their range.

Ritter von Hartung, the Austrian commander, found these early bombardments relatively ineffectual. Having lost a greater share of their higher caliber guns to the crossing and forced to aim upwards from their position in the half-flooded flatlands,few of the shots both made contact and had the strength to seriously impact the stonework and harm his men, while misses rather than bouncing simply plunged harmlessly into the mud. Contrasting this his counter-fire was being directed at a known distance from fixed positions, producing heavy casulties among crews who's only entrenchments were hastily dug earthen bulwarks. Reports from the headquarters note that Hartung's primary worry, after properly contuering the enemy position and finding only a fraction of the suspected forces were present, was that the shockwaves of the hits might lead to dishes falling from shelves in the mess. This didn't mean he was entirely inactive though: as the planned springboard for operations into Italy, the city had received several coded telegraphs from the Field Army updating them on the progress of the march and informed them in kind of the Italian point force. To keep them pinned in position until the Archduke arrived, Hartung made every effort to appear to be taking the attack seriously and disuade any retreat. Skirmisher companies were dispatched to the bridge east of the village of Pictole to harass any Italian observers and camp pickets,while the guns of the Cittadella and San Giorgio were transferred to the near side of the river and sighted to the fields just behind the surburbs: preparing withering vollies to break up attempts at organized retreat.

Then, at 3pm, the yellow and black banners appeared over the hills...
 
Certainly true on the second part, but given Italy is already broke and tapped out on her credit line how would she pay such an indemnity? Unless it's a matter of Austria being able to sign over debt obligations from their centeral bank to the Italian's of an equivalent amount or something similar

Well I mostly thought of that due to the view seemingly available options open to the Austrians to punish the Italians. Short of seizing more territory from them and addding it to Venetia (my personal choice tbh), burdening the Italians with a massive war indemnity on top of their already sizable debts seemed to be the best option.
 
Well I mostly thought of that due to the view seemingly available options open to the Austrians to punish the Italians. Short of seizing more territory from them and addding it to Venetia (my personal choice tbh), burdening the Italians with a massive war indemnity on top of their already sizable debts seemed to be the best option.

Napoleon III would have to give his sign-off on any gains for the Habsburgs, which outside rather extenuating circumstances I can't see him doing. Especially to the extent the new border would be defensable. That's not to say the territorial situation has to be status quo though. I need to do some research to see just how politically and financially viable this would be, but I have an... interesting idea that would allow the French to politically placate several major lobbies at once and would be a suitable check on Italy without overly crippling or alienating her
 
Chapter VII: Italia Irredimibile (Part C)
The Battle of Mantua

Engagement and Aftermath

The site the Italians had chosen for the siege camp was, from a tactical standpoint, well suited for repelling an attack from the Austrians. The wide bend in the Mincio; with what few major crossings their were funneled through the urban center of Mantua proper, served as a natural bottleneck which drastically shrunk the depth and breath of the potential battlefield and so neutralized the Austrians ability to exploit their superior numbers for either an encircling maneuver or line-shattering charge. The suburb itself had no shortage of buildings that could serve as hardpoints and cover in the event of a small arms duel, while its position in a low valley with the fortress-city imposed between them and the heights to the north and east of town would frustrate any attempts to reduce them with artillery. Even the regional population served as an asset; the peasantry in the surrounding villages, having a proud tradition of passively resistance to Austrian authority, being more than willing to provide material for additional field-works and beds for their sick countrymen. There simply wasn't a better position on this side of the Po where they'd stand a better chance of fighting a successful battle: a fact the command staff, meeting in Cerese's church, quickly recognized as they weighed their options for what to do next. No matter how good of a place to take a stand, however, there were those who suggested using the delay created by the Austrian need to get their men across the river in fighting order to stage a quick withdrawal while they could still avoid it being contested. Such a plan would require abandoning a solid chunk of the heavier artillery and the illness casulties dispersed into civilian care, if they were to move out fast enough to reach the marsh ford before the Austrians could head them off, but this could be seen as a nessicery sacrifice if it saved the Po Army from destruction.

General Bixio ultimately rejected this proposal, choosing instead to use the precious few hours to prepare a loose network of dikes and shallow trenches to close off the outer streets and allyways of the town and provide cover for troops needing to reload. In later debreifings defending the iniative he asserted that they'd simply been operating under the official campaign plan, where the Northern army ought to already be storming past Pischera without any major Austrian field army to blunt their advance. In those conditions, it was obvious they'd only need to hold their ground for a day or two before the Archduke would turn around to find his nation's position in Western Venetia hopelessly compromised and HE'D be the one forced to retreat in poor order and run a losing race to avoid getting surrounded. Wether or not this was his actual motivation or a wise decision, the man ordered his men to disperse into loose formations in the rooftops, windows, and secured alleys of the eastern outskirts of town and the gaps between the northern batteries. While this meant his officers were spread relatively thin, the simplicity of the approach made him believe this wouldn't be a real weakness: they were to hold every building as long as feesable so long as it wasn't struck by heavy artillery, turning to fire into the interior streets if a barracade was overrun and the Habsburgs tried to break in.

What this sacrificed was any possability of harassing the Austrian deployment, and Hartung wasted no time in informing his superior of this golden opportunity. Having marched only a few days along good roads and country, the Austrian soldiers were much fresher and in better spirits than their Italian counterparts and so could conduct a hasty advance if ordered. The field guns were hauled ahead of the main troop body; screened by the cavalry and skirmishers who'd driven away any threat from the Pictole Bridge, to set up a line against the fortifying infantry. This was followed up by the cavalry, who rode out of shot range and towards the southward facing roads. While Albrecht's men took up their position, the city garrison kept up a steady, low intensity bombardment that, while dealing only negligible damage, kept the civilian work teams too skittish to approach the already deployed guns and so keeping them locked in engaging the fortress rather than being redirected to counter the new threat.

By around 6, the Italian morale was already slipping as the colums of camp smoke rising from the south and the scarcity of orders and absence of organized allies around them made it clear the window for a general retreat had closed. It was at that time that the Southern Army began it's assult: beginning with a coordinated, high density, ten minute barrage now that thered been oppritunities to get all the guns layed. The small squads: isolated and only able to hear the crashing and snapping of iron smashing into wood and stone and the muffled screams of comrades falling beneath the rubble, were absolutely terrified and many of fresher recruits firing off into the smoke and dust. Those that managed to keep their nerve found they still had suitable cover by the time the hellish rain ended, croaching behind their new hiding places to prepare for the inevitable Austrian assult. This would come soon after as the field commanders, following classical military doctrine, conducted a main line advance against what they assumed would be an exposed position. If the Po forces had been able to close ranks and conduct a proper rotating volley,this could have been a disaster, but faced with relative stroms of fire from the larger Austrian formations the isolated pockets of Italians quickly broke under the pressure.

The cascading collapse of the thin outer shell of the invader's position; each building or strech of road lost opening up it's neighbor to unexpected flanking fire, lead to rapidly mounting casulty and prisoner counts; the later often throwing themselves on a common Catholic piety to beg for merciful captivity rather than death. This only lead to further breakdown in command as routs and surrenders lead to more and more of those formations brace or foolhardy enough to hold their strong points as ordered fell behind Austrian lines to be engulfed by steadily arriving renforcements. The artillery and men facing Mantua, though wanting to aid their brothers, were held by the threat of Hartung's garrison who menaced them from the slope above; the commander having assembled his crack infantry into an assult formation and making a very loud show of demonstrating they were ready to be committed if the siege line tried to redeploy. Those men who didn't willingly yeild,by most accounts, did fight as bravely and compitently as any other nation's regulars (despite the infamious reputation commonly associated with them), but quickly lost their ability to resist either to enemy bullets or a shortage of their own.

Those who had shed ammunition on the hard march, suffice to say, must have regretted their decision.

The big breathrough came as night fell over the wreckage of dissident suburb, most of the small units who still had an opening falling victim to the temptation and using the cover of darkness to sneak away from the main battfield through the rubble. The latest wave of Austrian troops arriving from across the Mincio: stepping in to replace their tired comrades who'd been fighting earlier in the evening, finally pushed through the last organized resistance of the north-eastern corner of the suburbs thus splitting off the reserves in the town center from the artillery lines. Bixio, facing the threat of his front losing coherence and the enemy fortress guns being freed up to bombard their fallback position around the field command before he could salvage some kind of evacuation from there,ordered his veteren guard forces forward to try to plug the gap. With only a small stockpile of munitions this small body could only counter the march with a bayonet charge against the flank of the advance with the hope of breaking their moral. But it was already too late; the field artillery had been dispersed back into the smaller units and as the men concentrated into a dense block for the attack they faced a withering strike from a cannister shell, wounding so many that the remainder quickly broke against the dense Austrian rectangles. The noise of the clash drew in more of the enemy which quickly lead to the cream of the Savoyards being cut down as they were given no space in which to yield.

While not able to respond with an official capitulation until the next mourning, the Battle effectively ended with the capture of the rear of the Italian gun line. In addition to the many bands of deserters who's fall into the hands of local farmers of Austrian cavalry patrols over the next couple of days and the formations who'd formally conceded in the field, Albrecht also found himself in possession of thousands of intestinally-troubled prisoners and just over 100 pieces of artillery. The greater half of the Army of the Poor had effectively been removed from the board with Bixio and his staff transfered to Verona for comfortable captivity. Most importantly for the Archduke, however, was the fact the path into Italy proper had been left wide open, giving him the tempting offers of striking at either the remaining Royal forces to his east or the radicals of the troublesome Republicans in their rears. Not wanting to make a foolish decision and needing time to process this POW's and restock on supplies, he decided to have his men make camp to the north, carefully considering which way he should go...
 
Napoleon III would have to give his sign-off on any gains for the Habsburgs, which outside rather extenuating circumstances I can't see him doing. Especially to the extent the new border would be defensable. That's not to say the territorial situation has to be status quo though. I need to do some research to see just how politically and financially viable this would be, but I have an... interesting idea that would allow the French to politically placate several major lobbies at once and would be a suitable check on Italy without overly crippling or alienating her

I’ll be definitely be excited to see how the situation is resolved once the dust settles.
 
Chapter VII: Italia Irredimibile (Part D)
The Battle of Rovigo


Background


Those forces who remained at the main regional encampment in Bologna,chosing to abide by the pre-war plans rather than the more recent orders, found their actions never the less dictated by the consequences of the wholesale pursuit of Mamora's western-focused strategy. This corps: headed by Giacomo Durando as the most senior of the remnants of Cialidini's staff, was made up largely of veteran formations seasoned by the conquest and suppression of the Papal and Neopolitan territories to the south and so arguably was the most gifted among the Italian armies in terms of human capital. A shortage of equipment, brought on by a combination of passivity and low official priority in the face of Nixio and Garibaldi passing through to gather up mobile transport and artillery for their offensives, placed some severe practical restrictions on how that quality could be exploited. Looking for an opportunity to compel the Austrians into a Napoleonic field engagement,, they'd concluded it would be much too difficult to break through the double ring of fortresses surrounding Verona. Unable to access the most logical target the Southern Army would be obliged to defend, Durando cautiously held his men back in a policy of "reconnaissance in force": sending his cavalry and small groups of raiders to gather information on the enemy presence from the locals and searching for any openings in their defenses. This discretion proved to be well-founded as after two weeks of probing it was clear the territories inside the Quadrilateral were beyond their reach. So long as the South Army remained close enough to retire onto the forts, any attempt to pursue them would not only be fruitless but leave their rear and line of retreat exposed to any forces that might arrive from the direction of Venice.

Giacomo would have happily continued this approach; acting as a deterrent to Albrechet advancing too far from his protective base and ready to react to any unexpected reinforcements from Vienna, were it not for the arrival of news of the defeat and Mantua and the rebasing of the Archduke's mobile army there. This unexpected development, running counter to what Mamora had long argued in that the Mincio offensive would oblige the Austrian army to remain rooted around Verona, lead to a deep sense of unease among the men as they began to question the other assumptions they'd been making about how the war would unfold. Clearly there was no guarantee anybody had a clear picture of just what actions their counterparts on other sections of the front were taking at any given time, and now that the Austrians were poised to advance into the gap between them there was little hope of restablishing the nessicery communication to realign their action. Continuing to stand idle was no longer an option either, as if allowed to act without concern the enemy field army would destroy the Legion, wreck havoc in Tuscany, and would be free to wheel around and catch the northern force either pulling back from or engaged with Pischera without any route of retreat.

To make this weighty decision, General Durando looked to documents his predicessor left behind to try to gleen some better-informed insight on the region. As it turned out, Cialidini's notes provided him just what he was looking for: a fully fleshed out plan for an invasion that would deal a critical blow to Habsburg control of Venetia without having to engage in a bloody slog with the main Austrian fortification. Having conducted a detailed topeographic survey of the winding streams that made up the southern parts of the province, he'd determined that while most of the lower Po was unsuited for large scale troop crossings (either due to it's breth or fortress cover) there was a strech of a few dozen kilometers just east of Castagnaro where if unopposed one could cross and get into the rear of the western defenses. From there, only a few small fortifications at Vincentia and Padua would stand between them and the main highways to and from Venice itself where co-operation from local partisans and the Italian navy could cut the entire region west of the Tyrol off from the rest of the Empire.

To a man under extensive pressure to complete the campaign as soon as possible: the Italian war instructions making it very clear state finances couldn't afford either an extended mobalization or the costs of repairing the damage an Austrian army running amuck in her richest provinces should the army try to fight a defensive delaying campaign, this option seemed like Mana from heaven. His advisors, also well aware their reputations and careers were subject to accusations of treason or cowardness at the hands of a jingoistic public already suspicious of the Po Army, gave their assent to the plan on July 17th and turned their "reconissance in force" into a full on point offensive: making a limited advance with a few thousand light troops from a separate base in Ferrara to draw attention towards the Po Delta.

Archduke Albrecht, in turn,had been writing up his own plans for further advance from the comfort of his forward Headquarters in the Castle of St. George. Though initially dreaming of a direct march to the southwest, a curtosy inspection of the huge percentage of his Italian prisoners who'd been struck by wetland diseses had quickly disuaded him. Naturally lose averse, he confidently predicted that the geography and reinforced defensive lines of the Quadrilatero would protect him from any moves by the Italian mobs massing on west banks. After all, THEY were clearly intimidated as despite all the shouting and bluster coming out of the Italian press and in propaganda leaflets had yet to make any agressive moves. Time could easily be spared to march his men to the easier and less misqueto-ridden crossing south of Rovigo and make his main thrust into the former Papal legations. With the Imperial Fleet facilitating supply and only a thin garrison covering that interior front, a small detachment could rally Papal Loyalist and advance rapidly down the Adriatic coast and so create the conditions where Napoleon III would compel the Italians to surrender to modest terms without having to risk a major battle: keeping the Southern Army intact to bolster their position in the German theater.

This plane required support from the homefront, however, in order to time the shipments and diplomatic moves,meaning it had to be delayed until a response was received from Vienna. The Emperor and General Staff thankfully thought it strategically sound: signing off on the military portion so the Southern Army could set out marching on the 15th. The court factions, seeking a more general gain and looking to the long-term solution to the "Italian Problem" added their own ripple to it's political portion. They were well aware that the Kingdom by no means had the universal spirit of national identity the Party of Action and the intellectuals would claim: their hold on the island of Sicily and the rural regions of Naples particularly tenious as peasent brigande constantly undermining the security of the roads and villages in opposition to the confiscation of wealth and betrayal of land reforms that had been promised by Garibaldi and the stillborn Bourbon Constiution of 61' by the agents and oppritunists of the northern Savoyards. Though over time they might be intgrated forcefully, the war had obliged Turin to pull the troops garrisoning the region north to bolster their armies leaving the proverbial henhouse unguarded. Already, there were reports of conscription riots flaring up in Palermu in the face of demand for new troops, and as it so happened there were no fewer than three men in the same city who had a vested interest in potentially seeing this powder keg explode.

A Priest, a Prince, and a Pauper...
 
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