Here is a map of Eastern Europe in 1946 just so you have a reference. New chapter coming tomorrow!
Death in Tehran (Redux)
- Thread starter Thanosaekk
- Start date
Chapter 20: The Powderkeg pt.1
On November 29, 1943, as the NKVD scrambled to piece together the events in the Tehran Conference and news of the infamous assassination spread around the world, a conference was being held in the town of Jajce, Bosnia and Herzegovina. A number of partisan leaders convened as members of the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ), and made a series of decisions on the future of the country. First, Yugoslavia would become a federal democracy of six constituent states. Secondly, a National Committee would be elected to govern temporarily, with Josip Broz Tito as its Prime Minister. Finally, King Peter II would not be allowed to return unless the monarchy was accepted by a majority of the people.
For the next few months, the Partisans continued expanding their area of control in the mountains, and were soon receiving support from the Western Allies. In the winter of 1944 - 45, the cooperation of the various resistance forces and the major powers was challenged, though, when a coup occurred in Croatia and British troops landed in Dalmatia. Members of the Croatian Peasant Party and NDH defectors were shielded in Zadar from both the Germans and the partisans, causing tensions once again. Nevertheless, Tito's partisans continued their campaigns, liberating the rest of Yugoslavia and cooperating with the Red Army in advances to Belgrade and Hungary. When the war ended and the dust settled, a deal had to be struck, and so the British agreed to withdraw their troops in exchange for promises of a democratic government and a free referendum on the monarchy.
Proper elections for a Constituent Assembly were held in combination with the referendum on 6 March 1946. Besides occasional reports of intimidation by partisan units in Bosnia, this process was largely accepted as free and fair. The People's Front, a broad alliance dominated by the League of Communists, was able to get a majority of 61% and was followed by the Croatian HSS, which swept much of its home region to get 19%. They were followed by a revived Yugoslav National Party in favor of a royal restoration, and other minor movements, typically ethnic-based ones. The referendum showed only a 26% support for the return of King Peter, and so the Constituent Assembly declared the country a republic only a few days after convening for the first time.
It was also notable that, after pleas from the HSS, Britain and various other movements, local governments with significant autonomy were introduced for each federal republic. Additional elections held led to the formation of these 6 governments, but the autonomy provided to them resulted in disparities. For example, while in Serbia and Macedonia the People's Front won with ease and began encouraging left-wing policies, the HSS in Croatia and the awkward multi-ethnic coalition in Bosnia-Herzegovina did everything in their capacity to resist them. It did not take long for Prime Minister Tito to see this was a problem, and not before long he would start expanding the cabinet's powers "in the name of Yugoslav unity".
Nowhere were the issues of the reformed nation more apparent than in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Croats, Serbs and Muslims all co-existed. As mentioned, an awkward coalition of several parties had been formed under the pressure of the central government, with a revived version of the Yugoslav Muslim Organization leading it. What was championed as progress in solving ethnic strife in the country turned out to be ineffective at day-to-day governing, and soon the situation in the Constituent republic began to deteriorate.
First, in the summer of 1946, reports indicated tensions and increasing murders between ethnic groups in the region. The blame was constantly shifted to different groups and scapegoats, but the murder of a Muslim Bosniak in Banja Luka on September 12 ignited even more violence that got progressively worse every week. Riots became a common occurrence in most major towns, causing widespread destruction of property and making the United Nations issue a resolution for foreign observers to come and report on the problems the province faced. Prime Minister Tito only agreed to the resolution after setting his own terms that rendered the effort almost useless. The failure to produce anything more than vague reports was criticized by many UN member states and allowed the unrest to continue without foreign involvement.
The question of the Yugoslav borders was an important one for Britain. For the most part, pre-war borders were restored, but the country that would inherit Istria and Trieste had not been determined yet. The port city was occupied by an Australian division in the last days of the war, with partisans only getting to seize its outskirts, but there were demands for it to be included to the Croatian and Slovene republics. Despite these calls, Trieste remained under Allied occupation with no decision as to its legal status before the official peace treaty with Italy. Another point of contention was Carinthia in Austria, parts of which had Slovene populations and were even occupied by Yugoslav partisans in July.
By this point, the UK and to a lesser extent America were becoming concerned about the possibility of Tito's Yugoslavia evolving into an authoritarian state and striving for annexation of more territories, if not for the unification of the Balkans. Anthony Eden was cautiously optimistic about the prospect of limiting the power of the League of Communists, and together with his cabinet began examining solutions, some of which were quite radical. Long before a definitive proposal was made on that subject, the unrest in Bosnia and elsewhere came to an end, but the underlying problems still existed. The Yugoslav state, which was carefully balancing the interests of the West and the Soviets, was becoming more unstable every day.
On November 29, 1943, as the NKVD scrambled to piece together the events in the Tehran Conference and news of the infamous assassination spread around the world, a conference was being held in the town of Jajce, Bosnia and Herzegovina. A number of partisan leaders convened as members of the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ), and made a series of decisions on the future of the country. First, Yugoslavia would become a federal democracy of six constituent states. Secondly, a National Committee would be elected to govern temporarily, with Josip Broz Tito as its Prime Minister. Finally, King Peter II would not be allowed to return unless the monarchy was accepted by a majority of the people.
For the next few months, the Partisans continued expanding their area of control in the mountains, and were soon receiving support from the Western Allies. In the winter of 1944 - 45, the cooperation of the various resistance forces and the major powers was challenged, though, when a coup occurred in Croatia and British troops landed in Dalmatia. Members of the Croatian Peasant Party and NDH defectors were shielded in Zadar from both the Germans and the partisans, causing tensions once again. Nevertheless, Tito's partisans continued their campaigns, liberating the rest of Yugoslavia and cooperating with the Red Army in advances to Belgrade and Hungary. When the war ended and the dust settled, a deal had to be struck, and so the British agreed to withdraw their troops in exchange for promises of a democratic government and a free referendum on the monarchy.
Proper elections for a Constituent Assembly were held in combination with the referendum on 6 March 1946. Besides occasional reports of intimidation by partisan units in Bosnia, this process was largely accepted as free and fair. The People's Front, a broad alliance dominated by the League of Communists, was able to get a majority of 61% and was followed by the Croatian HSS, which swept much of its home region to get 19%. They were followed by a revived Yugoslav National Party in favor of a royal restoration, and other minor movements, typically ethnic-based ones. The referendum showed only a 26% support for the return of King Peter, and so the Constituent Assembly declared the country a republic only a few days after convening for the first time.
It was also notable that, after pleas from the HSS, Britain and various other movements, local governments with significant autonomy were introduced for each federal republic. Additional elections held led to the formation of these 6 governments, but the autonomy provided to them resulted in disparities. For example, while in Serbia and Macedonia the People's Front won with ease and began encouraging left-wing policies, the HSS in Croatia and the awkward multi-ethnic coalition in Bosnia-Herzegovina did everything in their capacity to resist them. It did not take long for Prime Minister Tito to see this was a problem, and not before long he would start expanding the cabinet's powers "in the name of Yugoslav unity".
Nowhere were the issues of the reformed nation more apparent than in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Croats, Serbs and Muslims all co-existed. As mentioned, an awkward coalition of several parties had been formed under the pressure of the central government, with a revived version of the Yugoslav Muslim Organization leading it. What was championed as progress in solving ethnic strife in the country turned out to be ineffective at day-to-day governing, and soon the situation in the Constituent republic began to deteriorate.
First, in the summer of 1946, reports indicated tensions and increasing murders between ethnic groups in the region. The blame was constantly shifted to different groups and scapegoats, but the murder of a Muslim Bosniak in Banja Luka on September 12 ignited even more violence that got progressively worse every week. Riots became a common occurrence in most major towns, causing widespread destruction of property and making the United Nations issue a resolution for foreign observers to come and report on the problems the province faced. Prime Minister Tito only agreed to the resolution after setting his own terms that rendered the effort almost useless. The failure to produce anything more than vague reports was criticized by many UN member states and allowed the unrest to continue without foreign involvement.
The question of the Yugoslav borders was an important one for Britain. For the most part, pre-war borders were restored, but the country that would inherit Istria and Trieste had not been determined yet. The port city was occupied by an Australian division in the last days of the war, with partisans only getting to seize its outskirts, but there were demands for it to be included to the Croatian and Slovene republics. Despite these calls, Trieste remained under Allied occupation with no decision as to its legal status before the official peace treaty with Italy. Another point of contention was Carinthia in Austria, parts of which had Slovene populations and were even occupied by Yugoslav partisans in July.
By this point, the UK and to a lesser extent America were becoming concerned about the possibility of Tito's Yugoslavia evolving into an authoritarian state and striving for annexation of more territories, if not for the unification of the Balkans. Anthony Eden was cautiously optimistic about the prospect of limiting the power of the League of Communists, and together with his cabinet began examining solutions, some of which were quite radical. Long before a definitive proposal was made on that subject, the unrest in Bosnia and elsewhere came to an end, but the underlying problems still existed. The Yugoslav state, which was carefully balancing the interests of the West and the Soviets, was becoming more unstable every day.
Chapter 21: The Powderkeg pt.2
In June 1944, despite the numerous challenges presented to them, the Greek government-in-exile was able to orchestrate the Damascus Conference, where representatives from both them and the various resistance groups active in the mainland would meet. There was a clear rift between the monarchist and Venizelist members of the GiE and the almost exclusively left-leaning partisans of the National Liberation Front (EAM), but representatives from both, as well as the smaller center-right groups of EDES and EKKA, came to Syria.
The goal of the conference was to do what became one of the most popular strategies employed by the Western Allies and the Soviets to ensure a balance of power, and arrange a national unity coalition from across the spectrum. EAM was definitely in a negotiating position, as despite any clear Soviet support, it controlled almost all of the Greek countryside by June 1944 and even had formed its own government in the mountains - meaning there were three different candidates for the legitimate regime. Being in that position, it demanded presence in the cabinet, the merger of all proper divisions and partisan units into a single military with a neutral commander in chief, and the creation of a regency until a referendum on the monarchy was held. The British-supported delegation vaguely agreed, and a joint declaration was made that called for a new government after liberation on these terms.
The gradual withdrawal of German troops from occupied Greece began on January 15 1945, and nine days later Athens was liberated. The power vacuum in these regions was soon filled by the arrival of exiled forces like the Sacred Band and a British division, although EAM took the opportunity to bring the rest of the country besides major cities and transport links under its control. In Athens, a tense stand-off occurred for days as EAM units were gradually disbanded, but the tension was defused by February 1st, when the composition of the new cabinet was declared. Positions were spread between the officials returning from the Middle East and socialists - many of whom belonged to the smaller parties participating in EAM.
A regent was appointed until a referendum on the King was held. The man appointed to this position was Archbishop Damaskinos of Athens, a prominent priest who was known for his moderate beliefs, the calls for peace and unity, as well as his actions in saving Jews and protesting against the Nazis. The regency gave him no real power, which was mainly held by Prime Minister Papandreou, but he helped cool tensions and clean the stain of fascism and collaborationism. Despite the liberation, though, morale still remained remarkably low due to the effects of a large famine and hyperinflation, and that was the government's first priority by far. The arrival of RPUN funds was directed mainly at fixing those problems, as well as repairing and rebuilding infrastructure destroyed by the Germans during their withdrawal. In general, Greece had made the best out of its volatile state, and sought to regain pre-war economic levels in the future.
Recovery was not so simple for the state of Albania, which had fallen to the partisans of the National Liberation Movement. Although the Congress of Përmet had created a provisional government composed of numerous LANÇ members, underlying rivalries still existed and caused friction inside the movement. Enver Hoxha had been generally accepted as the leader and General Secretary before the liberation, but opposition to him had rallied around Mustafa Gjinishi, another resistance fighter who was rumoured to be plotting against Hoxha. In the winter of 1944-45, unbeknownst to most countries, a bloodless coup took place that removed him from power and installed "collective rule" by the LANÇ with Gjinishi at its helm - and rumour has it that it was launched with Soviet backing.
Hoxha still remained in the shadows, eagerly waiting to strike at every weak point of the "collective" decision-making body and return to his former position. After lurking in the shadows for months and launching criticism after criticism of "Gjinishi's puppet committee", he made a grand speech in the June 1947 convention of the LANÇ, where he attacked every move made since his downfall and urged for a return to his policies in the first weeks of liberation.
Domestically, the Albanian regime had taken a cautious approach to implementing socialism, and was more concerned about problems such as rampant poverty and illiteracy that were rarely addressed by previous governments. This was also where much of the (limited) RPUN funding was directed to, with collectivization of land and rapid industrialisation taking a back seat. Politics in the de jure democracy were dominated by the Communist Party, with any serious opposition to the right banned or replaced by subservient parties. As for foreign policy, Albania never fully aligned with the Soviets and even had some dealings with the United Kingdom. Thus, it is not hard to imagine the dislike of many leading communists for what had been done in these years.
In the end, Hoxha's motion to end the current system reinstate himself as General Secretary was narrowly shot down with 7 in favor and 8 against. Having played his last card, he had no choice but to flee. In his last tour from Tirana to the port of Dürres, he tried to rally locals to his cause but failed as the government that had granted him exile observed. What followed was a barrage of accusations from both sides of the power struggle: Hoxha called Gjinishi a British agent, only for himself to be labelled a Yugoslav puppet. In addition, from July to October 1947, it is estimated there were over two dozen assassination attempts on Gjinishi, some planned by Hoxha and others a result of his attempts at radical reform.
In June 1944, despite the numerous challenges presented to them, the Greek government-in-exile was able to orchestrate the Damascus Conference, where representatives from both them and the various resistance groups active in the mainland would meet. There was a clear rift between the monarchist and Venizelist members of the GiE and the almost exclusively left-leaning partisans of the National Liberation Front (EAM), but representatives from both, as well as the smaller center-right groups of EDES and EKKA, came to Syria.
The goal of the conference was to do what became one of the most popular strategies employed by the Western Allies and the Soviets to ensure a balance of power, and arrange a national unity coalition from across the spectrum. EAM was definitely in a negotiating position, as despite any clear Soviet support, it controlled almost all of the Greek countryside by June 1944 and even had formed its own government in the mountains - meaning there were three different candidates for the legitimate regime. Being in that position, it demanded presence in the cabinet, the merger of all proper divisions and partisan units into a single military with a neutral commander in chief, and the creation of a regency until a referendum on the monarchy was held. The British-supported delegation vaguely agreed, and a joint declaration was made that called for a new government after liberation on these terms.
The gradual withdrawal of German troops from occupied Greece began on January 15 1945, and nine days later Athens was liberated. The power vacuum in these regions was soon filled by the arrival of exiled forces like the Sacred Band and a British division, although EAM took the opportunity to bring the rest of the country besides major cities and transport links under its control. In Athens, a tense stand-off occurred for days as EAM units were gradually disbanded, but the tension was defused by February 1st, when the composition of the new cabinet was declared. Positions were spread between the officials returning from the Middle East and socialists - many of whom belonged to the smaller parties participating in EAM.
A regent was appointed until a referendum on the King was held. The man appointed to this position was Archbishop Damaskinos of Athens, a prominent priest who was known for his moderate beliefs, the calls for peace and unity, as well as his actions in saving Jews and protesting against the Nazis. The regency gave him no real power, which was mainly held by Prime Minister Papandreou, but he helped cool tensions and clean the stain of fascism and collaborationism. Despite the liberation, though, morale still remained remarkably low due to the effects of a large famine and hyperinflation, and that was the government's first priority by far. The arrival of RPUN funds was directed mainly at fixing those problems, as well as repairing and rebuilding infrastructure destroyed by the Germans during their withdrawal. In general, Greece had made the best out of its volatile state, and sought to regain pre-war economic levels in the future.
Recovery was not so simple for the state of Albania, which had fallen to the partisans of the National Liberation Movement. Although the Congress of Përmet had created a provisional government composed of numerous LANÇ members, underlying rivalries still existed and caused friction inside the movement. Enver Hoxha had been generally accepted as the leader and General Secretary before the liberation, but opposition to him had rallied around Mustafa Gjinishi, another resistance fighter who was rumoured to be plotting against Hoxha. In the winter of 1944-45, unbeknownst to most countries, a bloodless coup took place that removed him from power and installed "collective rule" by the LANÇ with Gjinishi at its helm - and rumour has it that it was launched with Soviet backing.
Hoxha still remained in the shadows, eagerly waiting to strike at every weak point of the "collective" decision-making body and return to his former position. After lurking in the shadows for months and launching criticism after criticism of "Gjinishi's puppet committee", he made a grand speech in the June 1947 convention of the LANÇ, where he attacked every move made since his downfall and urged for a return to his policies in the first weeks of liberation.
Domestically, the Albanian regime had taken a cautious approach to implementing socialism, and was more concerned about problems such as rampant poverty and illiteracy that were rarely addressed by previous governments. This was also where much of the (limited) RPUN funding was directed to, with collectivization of land and rapid industrialisation taking a back seat. Politics in the de jure democracy were dominated by the Communist Party, with any serious opposition to the right banned or replaced by subservient parties. As for foreign policy, Albania never fully aligned with the Soviets and even had some dealings with the United Kingdom. Thus, it is not hard to imagine the dislike of many leading communists for what had been done in these years.
In the end, Hoxha's motion to end the current system reinstate himself as General Secretary was narrowly shot down with 7 in favor and 8 against. Having played his last card, he had no choice but to flee. In his last tour from Tirana to the port of Dürres, he tried to rally locals to his cause but failed as the government that had granted him exile observed. What followed was a barrage of accusations from both sides of the power struggle: Hoxha called Gjinishi a British agent, only for himself to be labelled a Yugoslav puppet. In addition, from July to October 1947, it is estimated there were over two dozen assassination attempts on Gjinishi, some planned by Hoxha and others a result of his attempts at radical reform.
Chapter 22: Forza Italia!
The country of Italy had initially been an Axis member, but in 1943 attempted to defect to the Allies. A bloody two year long campaign followed, and by the end of it a group of resistance distinct from the fascists that had plunged the country into WW2 had emerged. This included everyone from right-wing nationalists to communists following what the Kremlin dictated, and made for a diverse political landscape. Before the country could become a sovereign, fledgling democracy, though, it was under occupation by the armies of the British, the Americans, and various other foreign units that were gradually returning to their homeland.
The first dispute between the Allies and Italy arose before WWII had even ended; in May 1945, after German positions in the north of the country collapsed, French armies that had held the line in the western Alps since autumn made their move and occupied border towns like Sanremo, Sestriere and Aosta. While they soon withdrew from most of these points, a significant force remained stationed in the Aosta Valley under the orders of provisional leader Charles de Gaulle. The US quietly condemned the occupation before a peace treaty was made, but the UK was actually supportive of the move. Thus, without particular eagerness from the White House to pressure France, the occupation continued into late 1945 and 1946.
Formally, despite the widespread presence of foreign troops, the country still remained an independent state. Pietro Nenni had succeeded Badoglio as Prime Minister, and had led the National Liberation Committee composed of several anti-fascist parties to victory as its leader. In reality, the CLN was a broad organization with many representatives and decentralized power that stemmed from partisan groups. Despite that, it was still useful as a substitute for the British and American military commander that run the country and earned more control in the lead up to the 1946 elections that would decide the future of the country.
The collapse of the fascist regime had allowed for a diverse mix of new parties to enter the political stage, and in 1946 it was time for them to take over administration of the country. Possibly the largest of the parties and a contender for victory in the elections was Democrazia Cristiana, the spiritual successor of the briefly popular Italian People's Party. It had been formed shortly after the war came to the homeland, and focused mainly on Catholic principles and social conservatism. As for its opponents, they were mainly the left-leaning PSI and PCI which, unlike in other European countries, were not particularly hostile after cooperation in the National Liberation Committee.
The elections were held on November 16, 1946. A new electoral system using party list proportional representation was used to elect 525 delegates to the Constituent Assembly that was to draft the nation's new constitution. The vote resulted in a 32.6% plurality for Democrazia Cristiana, with the PSI and PCI coming second and third respectively. In the end, a coalition government between the three was formed, and prominent DC leader Alcide de Gasperi was appointed prime minister. On the same day, the Italian people decided on the fate of the monarchy. King Umberto II had succeeded his father Victor Emmanuel in the hopes of repairing the public attitude towards the throne, but it was not enough, as the abolition of the monarchy was preferred by 56.3% of the population and a republic was declared soon after, to the dismay of the small monarchist political movements. Claimants to the throne were barred from staying in the country, although many other members of the House of Savoy were not.
Meanwhile, Anglo-American troops had withdrawn from the last occupation zones in the north by the time elections were held, and the Allies were now tasked with hammering out a definitive peace treaty with Italy. The disputes that would have to be settled were numerous, and to cover them we start in the north of the country. The annexation of Aosta had been de facto enforced by the French occupation, but other areas like South Tyrol and Istria were less certain. It was likely the population of the former would want to join Austria if they had the opportunity to, but it was decided for it to remain in Italy as a semi-autonomous region. Within months, a party advocating for independence or further autonomy had appeared, but it had little say beyond in local politics. As for Istria, the Yugoslav claim was enforced by their military, and with the Balkan country having cooled relations with the West, there was no room for negotiation. Trieste, however, was held by Commonwealth troops and was scheduled to rejoin Italy in 1949.
Most other core regions of the country remained, but the colonies had to be taken care of as well. In the case of Italian Somaliland, it came under a U.N. trusteeship (an evolution of the pre-war LoN mandate system) and was effectively under British rule. The matter of Libya proved much more complex, however, as three different colonial powers were invested in it.
With the end of the Western Desert campaign, the colony had been split into its three regions. Tripolitania and Cyrenaica were under separate British military administrations, while the sparsely inhabited region of Fezzan was under French control after the FFF had advanced into Libya through the Sahara from the south. The country was still plagued by numerous problems, though. Even though Eden himself had made a promise for the end of Italian rule back in 1942, there was no real political class to take over in the case of independence, and a state had to be formed from scratch. In addition, infrastructure all along the coast was severely damaged, and the question of what would happen to the Italian settlers remained unanswered.
Despite vague promises, both France and Britain were interested in maintaining control or at least influence over their sections of Libya. Fezzan guarded French interests in Algeria and Equatorial Africa, and Paris was also concerned about the possibility of arms flowing to Algerian rebels through routes from the east. Eden, despite his pledge to the locals, was still interested in keeping Cyrenaica to project power in the Mediterranean, especially when Egypt and Palestine seemed to be drifting away from Imperial rule. In contrast to the colonial empires, the USA and USSR were eager to see independence soon. Despite various proposals that floated around, from an Egyptian - Tunisian partition to a Soviet trusteeship to a Jewish settlement, the status quo held on to the disappointment of the locals. The military administrations became more entrenched, and the only progress towards decolonization was the creation of a National Congress dominated by the historic Senussi clan.
Back in Italy, which itself was reluctant to reclaim its African territories, the DC - PSI - PCI coalition government under de Gasperi survived despite several hurdles. The DC received pressure from the public and many party members due to the possibility of their leftist coalition partners being proxies of the USSR that planned to take over, but no evidence for such claims existed. Reconstruction was a top priority and was helped by a large amount of RPUN aid, while a brand new Constitution was introduced on May 1, 1948 and cemented Italy as a parliamentary democracy that moved on from its fascist past.
The country of Italy had initially been an Axis member, but in 1943 attempted to defect to the Allies. A bloody two year long campaign followed, and by the end of it a group of resistance distinct from the fascists that had plunged the country into WW2 had emerged. This included everyone from right-wing nationalists to communists following what the Kremlin dictated, and made for a diverse political landscape. Before the country could become a sovereign, fledgling democracy, though, it was under occupation by the armies of the British, the Americans, and various other foreign units that were gradually returning to their homeland.
The first dispute between the Allies and Italy arose before WWII had even ended; in May 1945, after German positions in the north of the country collapsed, French armies that had held the line in the western Alps since autumn made their move and occupied border towns like Sanremo, Sestriere and Aosta. While they soon withdrew from most of these points, a significant force remained stationed in the Aosta Valley under the orders of provisional leader Charles de Gaulle. The US quietly condemned the occupation before a peace treaty was made, but the UK was actually supportive of the move. Thus, without particular eagerness from the White House to pressure France, the occupation continued into late 1945 and 1946.
Formally, despite the widespread presence of foreign troops, the country still remained an independent state. Pietro Nenni had succeeded Badoglio as Prime Minister, and had led the National Liberation Committee composed of several anti-fascist parties to victory as its leader. In reality, the CLN was a broad organization with many representatives and decentralized power that stemmed from partisan groups. Despite that, it was still useful as a substitute for the British and American military commander that run the country and earned more control in the lead up to the 1946 elections that would decide the future of the country.
The collapse of the fascist regime had allowed for a diverse mix of new parties to enter the political stage, and in 1946 it was time for them to take over administration of the country. Possibly the largest of the parties and a contender for victory in the elections was Democrazia Cristiana, the spiritual successor of the briefly popular Italian People's Party. It had been formed shortly after the war came to the homeland, and focused mainly on Catholic principles and social conservatism. As for its opponents, they were mainly the left-leaning PSI and PCI which, unlike in other European countries, were not particularly hostile after cooperation in the National Liberation Committee.
The elections were held on November 16, 1946. A new electoral system using party list proportional representation was used to elect 525 delegates to the Constituent Assembly that was to draft the nation's new constitution. The vote resulted in a 32.6% plurality for Democrazia Cristiana, with the PSI and PCI coming second and third respectively. In the end, a coalition government between the three was formed, and prominent DC leader Alcide de Gasperi was appointed prime minister. On the same day, the Italian people decided on the fate of the monarchy. King Umberto II had succeeded his father Victor Emmanuel in the hopes of repairing the public attitude towards the throne, but it was not enough, as the abolition of the monarchy was preferred by 56.3% of the population and a republic was declared soon after, to the dismay of the small monarchist political movements. Claimants to the throne were barred from staying in the country, although many other members of the House of Savoy were not.
Meanwhile, Anglo-American troops had withdrawn from the last occupation zones in the north by the time elections were held, and the Allies were now tasked with hammering out a definitive peace treaty with Italy. The disputes that would have to be settled were numerous, and to cover them we start in the north of the country. The annexation of Aosta had been de facto enforced by the French occupation, but other areas like South Tyrol and Istria were less certain. It was likely the population of the former would want to join Austria if they had the opportunity to, but it was decided for it to remain in Italy as a semi-autonomous region. Within months, a party advocating for independence or further autonomy had appeared, but it had little say beyond in local politics. As for Istria, the Yugoslav claim was enforced by their military, and with the Balkan country having cooled relations with the West, there was no room for negotiation. Trieste, however, was held by Commonwealth troops and was scheduled to rejoin Italy in 1949.
Most other core regions of the country remained, but the colonies had to be taken care of as well. In the case of Italian Somaliland, it came under a U.N. trusteeship (an evolution of the pre-war LoN mandate system) and was effectively under British rule. The matter of Libya proved much more complex, however, as three different colonial powers were invested in it.
With the end of the Western Desert campaign, the colony had been split into its three regions. Tripolitania and Cyrenaica were under separate British military administrations, while the sparsely inhabited region of Fezzan was under French control after the FFF had advanced into Libya through the Sahara from the south. The country was still plagued by numerous problems, though. Even though Eden himself had made a promise for the end of Italian rule back in 1942, there was no real political class to take over in the case of independence, and a state had to be formed from scratch. In addition, infrastructure all along the coast was severely damaged, and the question of what would happen to the Italian settlers remained unanswered.
Despite vague promises, both France and Britain were interested in maintaining control or at least influence over their sections of Libya. Fezzan guarded French interests in Algeria and Equatorial Africa, and Paris was also concerned about the possibility of arms flowing to Algerian rebels through routes from the east. Eden, despite his pledge to the locals, was still interested in keeping Cyrenaica to project power in the Mediterranean, especially when Egypt and Palestine seemed to be drifting away from Imperial rule. In contrast to the colonial empires, the USA and USSR were eager to see independence soon. Despite various proposals that floated around, from an Egyptian - Tunisian partition to a Soviet trusteeship to a Jewish settlement, the status quo held on to the disappointment of the locals. The military administrations became more entrenched, and the only progress towards decolonization was the creation of a National Congress dominated by the historic Senussi clan.
Back in Italy, which itself was reluctant to reclaim its African territories, the DC - PSI - PCI coalition government under de Gasperi survived despite several hurdles. The DC received pressure from the public and many party members due to the possibility of their leftist coalition partners being proxies of the USSR that planned to take over, but no evidence for such claims existed. Reconstruction was a top priority and was helped by a large amount of RPUN aid, while a brand new Constitution was introduced on May 1, 1948 and cemented Italy as a parliamentary democracy that moved on from its fascist past.
Chapter 23: The Palestinian Question
Palestine had always been an issue for every British administration since it was inherited as a League of Nations mandate. In practice, it had been a colony, but a significant military presence in the region could still not prevent clashes and battles between the Jewish Haganah and Arab Palestinian organisations and militias. With the end of WW2, maintaining a large army there was no longer practical and drained funds, while Zionist voices in favor of an independent Israel were getting the spotlight after the events of the Holocaust. To resolve the issue of the inefficient mandate, the colonial government had entered talks with Jewish leaders even before the war, giving rise to the idea of a partition.
In 1946, the question of Palestine's future fell on Prime Minister Eden and his cabinet, and for the first time it truly looked as if that position in the Eastern Mediterranean could not be held anymore. In his time in Churchill's government, Eden's position on the Palestine debate had remained unclear as he preferred to focus on European affairs, but he was not particularly liked by the Zionists. Taking up the position of cabinet leader made him feel he had no choice but to take a side, but he tried to find a compromise nevertheless.
By this point, there were only two real solutions to the Palestinian Question. The first was a united binational state inhabited by both Arabs and Jews, with the additional option of introducing a canton-like system for provinces based on their populations. The second option was a partition of the mandate west of the Jordan into separate states for Jews and Arabs. Both sides had their drawbacks - the former would require cooperation of two groups resentful of each other, but Eden drew attention to the disadvantages of the latter. Even before becoming PM, he had noted full Jewish sovereignty over even a section of Palestine would alienate nearby Muslim states, states that were important to the Empire and its link to India. In addition, he believed an influx of Jewish refugees from Europe combined with only a small state for them would inevitably lead to expansionism on behalf of the proposed Israel.
Jewish migration into the region was becoming an increasingly important issue, with Holocaust survivors and those interned in Cyprus wanting to head to Palestine. The MacDonald White Paper had set a limit on this kind of migration, which led to unrest orchestrated by the Haganah and the Irgun that was aimed at forcing the British to allow unrestricted entry of Jews to the mandate. Full revolt was declared in 1944, and a low-level insurgency waged by these paramilitaries began. It only really took off in late 1945 and early 1946 as over 20.000 troops participated in attacks on military targets. Outposts were raided, even as the presence of Commonwealth troops was gradually reduced.
1946 and 1947 were marked by this "Palestinian Emergency", which also saw the various Jewish militia forces changing allegiances and methods. The Irgun and Lehi, the more radical of the groups, were always at the front of the attacks and were also interested in supporting immigration of Jews through non-legal means. Underground networks that handled transport from Europe and Cyprus south to Palestine were created and often managed by Irgun members and associates. Meanwhile, the more moderate Haganah considered seeking benefits from the UK by assisting in putting down the revolt, but no large scale action or announcement was ever made. Instead, separate groups inside the force fought either with or against the rebels which almost brought both the Haganah and the associated Yishuv to collapse as single units.
Bombings and even assassination attempts were becoming more common, as the government was still believed to be following pro-Arab policies to appease the local populations and the nearby kingdoms alike. Prime Minister Eden, realizing the dire situation, offered to repeal much of the 1939 MacDonald White Paper and allow more to immigrate. Back in the 30s, he had been a critic of the policy himself, but the cautious approach regarding the Muslims meant there was little maneuvering space. To the disappointment of regional Arab leaders, an additional 50.000 Jews - mainly Holocaust survivors - would be allowed to enter the country. Provisions for limiting land granted by Arabs were also changed.
The Zionist insurgency became less intense following the changes His Majesty's Government was effectively forced into making, but now came the much harder job of creating a viable, unpartitioned state. The plan was for "rule of the majority" to be avoided, and for both religious groups to be guaranteed some influence in the government. The first step in achieving that was to ensure the various armed groups operating inside Palestine's borders were all either loyal or out of the picture. Slowly, moderate sectors of the Haganah and local Arab organisations helped the British in forming a Defense Corps, even though in its early days it was still largely comprised by Commonwealth soldiers. However, it became apparent that the one state solution was by now unacceptable to most of the Jewish and Arab organisations.
The cost of maintaining approximately 100.000 member in Mandatory Palestine was a burden for the homeland, and their replacements in the form of loyal paramilitaries were not really enough. In coordination with the UN, Britain made a plan for the country to gain full independence on January 1st, 1949 as a single federal state composed of "cantons". These entities were meant to appease Zionist groups by giving Jews exclusive rights to settle and farm in some - the closest thing to sovereignty they would get. The government itself would be led by a President and a Vice President with alternating religions taking the spots in every four-year term. A Parliament was also created, and religious divisions weren't imposed there in the hopes of greater inter-religious unity. In reality, that was hard to achieve and there would exist a de facto division anyway.
Chaim Weizmann, a prominent Zionist who had previously worked with the British, was appointed as the first Interim President. In reality, British military and civilian authorities still held the real control, as they fought against numerous small insurgencies and prepared to withdraw from the country. However, their military presence would continue to be required even after independence.
Palestine had always been an issue for every British administration since it was inherited as a League of Nations mandate. In practice, it had been a colony, but a significant military presence in the region could still not prevent clashes and battles between the Jewish Haganah and Arab Palestinian organisations and militias. With the end of WW2, maintaining a large army there was no longer practical and drained funds, while Zionist voices in favor of an independent Israel were getting the spotlight after the events of the Holocaust. To resolve the issue of the inefficient mandate, the colonial government had entered talks with Jewish leaders even before the war, giving rise to the idea of a partition.
In 1946, the question of Palestine's future fell on Prime Minister Eden and his cabinet, and for the first time it truly looked as if that position in the Eastern Mediterranean could not be held anymore. In his time in Churchill's government, Eden's position on the Palestine debate had remained unclear as he preferred to focus on European affairs, but he was not particularly liked by the Zionists. Taking up the position of cabinet leader made him feel he had no choice but to take a side, but he tried to find a compromise nevertheless.
By this point, there were only two real solutions to the Palestinian Question. The first was a united binational state inhabited by both Arabs and Jews, with the additional option of introducing a canton-like system for provinces based on their populations. The second option was a partition of the mandate west of the Jordan into separate states for Jews and Arabs. Both sides had their drawbacks - the former would require cooperation of two groups resentful of each other, but Eden drew attention to the disadvantages of the latter. Even before becoming PM, he had noted full Jewish sovereignty over even a section of Palestine would alienate nearby Muslim states, states that were important to the Empire and its link to India. In addition, he believed an influx of Jewish refugees from Europe combined with only a small state for them would inevitably lead to expansionism on behalf of the proposed Israel.
Jewish migration into the region was becoming an increasingly important issue, with Holocaust survivors and those interned in Cyprus wanting to head to Palestine. The MacDonald White Paper had set a limit on this kind of migration, which led to unrest orchestrated by the Haganah and the Irgun that was aimed at forcing the British to allow unrestricted entry of Jews to the mandate. Full revolt was declared in 1944, and a low-level insurgency waged by these paramilitaries began. It only really took off in late 1945 and early 1946 as over 20.000 troops participated in attacks on military targets. Outposts were raided, even as the presence of Commonwealth troops was gradually reduced.
1946 and 1947 were marked by this "Palestinian Emergency", which also saw the various Jewish militia forces changing allegiances and methods. The Irgun and Lehi, the more radical of the groups, were always at the front of the attacks and were also interested in supporting immigration of Jews through non-legal means. Underground networks that handled transport from Europe and Cyprus south to Palestine were created and often managed by Irgun members and associates. Meanwhile, the more moderate Haganah considered seeking benefits from the UK by assisting in putting down the revolt, but no large scale action or announcement was ever made. Instead, separate groups inside the force fought either with or against the rebels which almost brought both the Haganah and the associated Yishuv to collapse as single units.
Bombings and even assassination attempts were becoming more common, as the government was still believed to be following pro-Arab policies to appease the local populations and the nearby kingdoms alike. Prime Minister Eden, realizing the dire situation, offered to repeal much of the 1939 MacDonald White Paper and allow more to immigrate. Back in the 30s, he had been a critic of the policy himself, but the cautious approach regarding the Muslims meant there was little maneuvering space. To the disappointment of regional Arab leaders, an additional 50.000 Jews - mainly Holocaust survivors - would be allowed to enter the country. Provisions for limiting land granted by Arabs were also changed.
The Zionist insurgency became less intense following the changes His Majesty's Government was effectively forced into making, but now came the much harder job of creating a viable, unpartitioned state. The plan was for "rule of the majority" to be avoided, and for both religious groups to be guaranteed some influence in the government. The first step in achieving that was to ensure the various armed groups operating inside Palestine's borders were all either loyal or out of the picture. Slowly, moderate sectors of the Haganah and local Arab organisations helped the British in forming a Defense Corps, even though in its early days it was still largely comprised by Commonwealth soldiers. However, it became apparent that the one state solution was by now unacceptable to most of the Jewish and Arab organisations.
The cost of maintaining approximately 100.000 member in Mandatory Palestine was a burden for the homeland, and their replacements in the form of loyal paramilitaries were not really enough. In coordination with the UN, Britain made a plan for the country to gain full independence on January 1st, 1949 as a single federal state composed of "cantons". These entities were meant to appease Zionist groups by giving Jews exclusive rights to settle and farm in some - the closest thing to sovereignty they would get. The government itself would be led by a President and a Vice President with alternating religions taking the spots in every four-year term. A Parliament was also created, and religious divisions weren't imposed there in the hopes of greater inter-religious unity. In reality, that was hard to achieve and there would exist a de facto division anyway.
Chaim Weizmann, a prominent Zionist who had previously worked with the British, was appointed as the first Interim President. In reality, British military and civilian authorities still held the real control, as they fought against numerous small insurgencies and prepared to withdraw from the country. However, their military presence would continue to be required even after independence.
Chapter 24: The Middle East in the Post-War Period: Levant and North Africa
The end of the Second World War brought a new age for the Middle East, much of which had been part of one European colony or the other for decades. Few nations had managed to avoid becoming colonies, mandates or protectorates and it was typically through strict neutrality or simply getting lucky. Despite that, as the end of the war came closer, most of them declared war on Nazi Germany: Turkey, Saudi Arabia and other Allied-influenced nations were in the United Nations by VE-Day, and they sought to reap the benefits of the post-war organization. None actively participated in these later stages, but the Middle East had been a major theater nonetheless, with campaigns in Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Iran.
The first nation to gain its independence in the 1940s was Syria. Together with Lebanon, it had remained under French control despite promises of self-rule, and by the end of WWII, protests against colonial rule were were gaining traction. Independence had been formally declared on New Year Day of 1944, but French troops were still present, and reinforcements arrived at the request of Charles de Gaulle in May of 1945. Tensions rose further as demonstrators were attacked by the Army, and rumours of martial law in the capital Damascus spread. Things reached a climax on July 8, when Damascus indeed fell under the heel of the Army of the Levant. The Parliament was invaded, and the first elected president Shukri al-Quwatli was captured. A public uproar followed, and three days later Speaker of Parliament Saadallah Al Jabiri called on the Syrian people to take up arms, thus beginning a brief period of violence.
An all-out revolt was now occurring, and despite the French Army's best efforts, they were routed in many locations all across the country. The only secure hold was in Damascus, still holding out. The UK carefully handled the crisis, as Eden didn't to alienate either De Gaulle's France or the Arab world. The result was a UN-approved intervention led by themselves. Its army crossed the Transjordanian border and entered Syria for the second time in the last few years, taking a careful approach so as not to appear to be moving in support of De Gaulle.
The French forces still technically fell under the command of Bernard Paget's command, even though his orders were disregarded. In one of his last actions, he ordered the Army of the Levant to disband and return home, respecting the sovereignty of Syria. After a three day standoff and the personal intervention of De Gaulle, the order was followed, and Syria was recognized by all major powers as a sovereign state on 19 July 1945, soon after the surrender of Germany. Following these events, it was not surprising that there was also a withdrawal from Lebanon and its recognition in December of the same year.
The two countries were democracies, albeit unstable ones. Lebanon, a country which could have very well fallen into a circle of sectarian violence, dodged the bullet with the implementation of the "National Pact": an informal agreement designed to represent the main groups in the country and keep it united. In exchange for both Maronite Christians and Muslims keeping certain positions and seats in legislature, the former had promised not to seek Western intervention and the latter not to seek annexation by Syria. Bechara El Khoury, the country's first President, played a large role in drawing up the Pact and earned fame as the first real leader despite widespread allegations of corruption.
As for Syria, it also began taking the shape of a fledgling democracy. The main political forces were two, the National Party of President Al-Quwatli and the People's Party of Hashim Al-Atassi. Both had the same origin in the Mandate-era National Bloc, but had fallen out. In the 1947 elections, despite a growing sentiment of opposition to Al-Quwatli, the National Party performed quite well and wide-reaching reforms began under his watch, although opposition was still active and waiting for its chance to attack.
Another country to receive independence in the 1940s was the protectorate of Transjordan, the continued rule of which was judged unfeasible after the Palestine issue was resolved. King Abdullah, who had led the country since its very creation, was still harsh on rights like freedom of press and democracy, even though a 16-member assembly was elected every 5 years to assist him in ruling. While British troops were still stationed in small numbers in Transjordan after independence, they were confined to military bases and Abdullah was free to pursue an independent foreign policy. Diplomacy was marked by the unexpected support of Palestinian partition (on the basis the Hashemite kingdom would annex the lands granted to Arabs) and close relations with Iraq owing to the dynastic connection with Faisal II.
Egypt was another country working its way towards sovereignty. For years, there had been a delicate balance of power between the British Residency, the King (Farouk I since 1936) and the ruling Wafd Party which enjoyed vast popularity mainly from Egyptian nationalists. However, its failure to stand up for itself and its acceptance of the 1936 one-sided treaty with Britain had led it towards a gradual decline. Towards the end of the war in 1945, new elections were held and confirmed Ahmad Mahir Pasha as the new Prime Minister belonging to the Saadist Institutional Party, a rising liberal force. One of his main priorities was to fight the Muslim Brotherhood, a powerful and radical Sunni organization which had its origins and strongest base of support in Egypt. This was a difficult task, however, and the crackdown actually resulted in a failed assassination attempt on Mahir. He was determined to continue the fight against it no matter what, but his stubbornness would soon cost him popular support as another new party appeared as a major player. The Liberal Constitutional Party was another faction that split from Wafd, and its constant criticism of Mahir's policies helped win the favor of the Egyptian people.
Egypt was involved in diplomatic affairs as well, namely the negotiations over the future of Libya. After protests from locals and even a United Nations Resolution, the UK would eventually have to make a choice on the future of the country. Its intentions were announced on February 16, 1948, when Eden formalized the agreement with Idris as the leader of the Senussi Order and made clear that Cyrenaica would become independent with Idris as its King once the conditions were favorable. Egypt was interested in influence over the lands to the west of it, and was thus significantly involved in the diplomacy to become allies with Idris and his future kingdom. Despite that, the question of Tripolitania, the other half that formed Libya, still remained unclear. Fears of Senussi dominance had previously discouraged Tripolitanians from striving for union, but Italian rule and the recent events had made the voice of the union supporters all the more audible. By 1949, London was continuing to stall and many wondered if it intended to keep Tripolitania for the foreseeable future.
The end of the Second World War brought a new age for the Middle East, much of which had been part of one European colony or the other for decades. Few nations had managed to avoid becoming colonies, mandates or protectorates and it was typically through strict neutrality or simply getting lucky. Despite that, as the end of the war came closer, most of them declared war on Nazi Germany: Turkey, Saudi Arabia and other Allied-influenced nations were in the United Nations by VE-Day, and they sought to reap the benefits of the post-war organization. None actively participated in these later stages, but the Middle East had been a major theater nonetheless, with campaigns in Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Iran.
The first nation to gain its independence in the 1940s was Syria. Together with Lebanon, it had remained under French control despite promises of self-rule, and by the end of WWII, protests against colonial rule were were gaining traction. Independence had been formally declared on New Year Day of 1944, but French troops were still present, and reinforcements arrived at the request of Charles de Gaulle in May of 1945. Tensions rose further as demonstrators were attacked by the Army, and rumours of martial law in the capital Damascus spread. Things reached a climax on July 8, when Damascus indeed fell under the heel of the Army of the Levant. The Parliament was invaded, and the first elected president Shukri al-Quwatli was captured. A public uproar followed, and three days later Speaker of Parliament Saadallah Al Jabiri called on the Syrian people to take up arms, thus beginning a brief period of violence.
An all-out revolt was now occurring, and despite the French Army's best efforts, they were routed in many locations all across the country. The only secure hold was in Damascus, still holding out. The UK carefully handled the crisis, as Eden didn't to alienate either De Gaulle's France or the Arab world. The result was a UN-approved intervention led by themselves. Its army crossed the Transjordanian border and entered Syria for the second time in the last few years, taking a careful approach so as not to appear to be moving in support of De Gaulle.
The French forces still technically fell under the command of Bernard Paget's command, even though his orders were disregarded. In one of his last actions, he ordered the Army of the Levant to disband and return home, respecting the sovereignty of Syria. After a three day standoff and the personal intervention of De Gaulle, the order was followed, and Syria was recognized by all major powers as a sovereign state on 19 July 1945, soon after the surrender of Germany. Following these events, it was not surprising that there was also a withdrawal from Lebanon and its recognition in December of the same year.
The two countries were democracies, albeit unstable ones. Lebanon, a country which could have very well fallen into a circle of sectarian violence, dodged the bullet with the implementation of the "National Pact": an informal agreement designed to represent the main groups in the country and keep it united. In exchange for both Maronite Christians and Muslims keeping certain positions and seats in legislature, the former had promised not to seek Western intervention and the latter not to seek annexation by Syria. Bechara El Khoury, the country's first President, played a large role in drawing up the Pact and earned fame as the first real leader despite widespread allegations of corruption.
As for Syria, it also began taking the shape of a fledgling democracy. The main political forces were two, the National Party of President Al-Quwatli and the People's Party of Hashim Al-Atassi. Both had the same origin in the Mandate-era National Bloc, but had fallen out. In the 1947 elections, despite a growing sentiment of opposition to Al-Quwatli, the National Party performed quite well and wide-reaching reforms began under his watch, although opposition was still active and waiting for its chance to attack.
Another country to receive independence in the 1940s was the protectorate of Transjordan, the continued rule of which was judged unfeasible after the Palestine issue was resolved. King Abdullah, who had led the country since its very creation, was still harsh on rights like freedom of press and democracy, even though a 16-member assembly was elected every 5 years to assist him in ruling. While British troops were still stationed in small numbers in Transjordan after independence, they were confined to military bases and Abdullah was free to pursue an independent foreign policy. Diplomacy was marked by the unexpected support of Palestinian partition (on the basis the Hashemite kingdom would annex the lands granted to Arabs) and close relations with Iraq owing to the dynastic connection with Faisal II.
Egypt was another country working its way towards sovereignty. For years, there had been a delicate balance of power between the British Residency, the King (Farouk I since 1936) and the ruling Wafd Party which enjoyed vast popularity mainly from Egyptian nationalists. However, its failure to stand up for itself and its acceptance of the 1936 one-sided treaty with Britain had led it towards a gradual decline. Towards the end of the war in 1945, new elections were held and confirmed Ahmad Mahir Pasha as the new Prime Minister belonging to the Saadist Institutional Party, a rising liberal force. One of his main priorities was to fight the Muslim Brotherhood, a powerful and radical Sunni organization which had its origins and strongest base of support in Egypt. This was a difficult task, however, and the crackdown actually resulted in a failed assassination attempt on Mahir. He was determined to continue the fight against it no matter what, but his stubbornness would soon cost him popular support as another new party appeared as a major player. The Liberal Constitutional Party was another faction that split from Wafd, and its constant criticism of Mahir's policies helped win the favor of the Egyptian people.
Egypt was involved in diplomatic affairs as well, namely the negotiations over the future of Libya. After protests from locals and even a United Nations Resolution, the UK would eventually have to make a choice on the future of the country. Its intentions were announced on February 16, 1948, when Eden formalized the agreement with Idris as the leader of the Senussi Order and made clear that Cyrenaica would become independent with Idris as its King once the conditions were favorable. Egypt was interested in influence over the lands to the west of it, and was thus significantly involved in the diplomacy to become allies with Idris and his future kingdom. Despite that, the question of Tripolitania, the other half that formed Libya, still remained unclear. Fears of Senussi dominance had previously discouraged Tripolitanians from striving for union, but Italian rule and the recent events had made the voice of the union supporters all the more audible. By 1949, London was continuing to stall and many wondered if it intended to keep Tripolitania for the foreseeable future.
Chapter 25: The Middle East in the Post-War Period: The Gulf and Arabia
Iran, the nation in which the assassination of Operation Long Jump took place, was officially neutral in the Second World War. However, fears of Germany sympathies but most importantly the desire to protect the oil and supply lines into Russia had prompted the UK and the Soviet Union to invade the country in late August of 1941, even as Operation Barbarossa was in full swing. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi replaced his father as Shah after his abdication, and for the next few years, Iran was a critical point for flow of supplies and a spy den. After the triple assassination, surprisingly little changed there, besides the crackdown on suspected spies, sympathizers as well as the general reinforcement of the north with Red Army and NKVD units. On December 6 1943, a small cell of German allies which had aided the arrival and departure of Skorzeny's squad by plane was discovered near Qum - all of its members were sentenced to gulag camps for life.
Both Britain and the USSR had pledged to withdraw their troops from their respective occupation sectors in Iran after the war ended. However, in a violation of the tripartite agreement signed between the three, the Red Army refused to withdraw entirely. On October 30 1945, the military authority in the northwest "encouraged" a "popular revolution" that led to the establishment of temporary communist governments for Iranian Azerbaijan and Kurdistan. One might have thought this was done with a simple expansionist motive, but in reality it was more complicated than that. Behind the scenes, Molotov intended to use the northwestern provinces as leverage for the negotiation of a new Soviet-Iranian oil treaty. Ahmad Qavam, Prime Minister of Iran, tried to find a solution, but stated there would first have to be an election of a new Majlis to recognize the treaty - something that would require the end of the occupation first.
A crisis unfolded as the two states were unwilling to compromise in their demands. Western intervention through the United Nations occurred, but neither Britain nor the US was ready to sacrifice the cooperation with the Soviet Union over Iran. In addition, the Red Army put up a show of force with militarization, propaganda etc., showing it was clearly preparing for a new occupation. On January 26, Qavam folded. The Soviet - Iranian Oil Treaty was signed giving the USSR a 51% ownership of all oil fields in the northern half of the country and establishing a "diplomatic consultation office" in Tehran that was meant to ensure Iranian compliance both with the treaty and the Union's general policy goals. A few days later, the communist states in Azerbaijan and Kurdistan were dissolved.
Democracy continued nevertheless, and through the events of the Iranian crisis emerged Mohammad Mossadegh as a leading figure of the opposition to Soviet encroachment. Even though Qavam's Democrat Party of Iran was dominant in electoral politics through not-so-legitimate methods, opposition led by Mossadegh and a collection of socialist parties continued to rally support as seen in 1947. As for the USSR, it was satisfied as long as Qavam could keep the Majlis in check and enforce the terms which is exactly what he did. The legislature was not particularly happy about it, but the Soviet aggression in 1946 had put them in their place. Another factor in the already complex structure of Iranian politics was the Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who ever since taking power in 1941 was trying to expand his hold over the country. By 1949, he was considering calling for a new Constituent Assembly to amend the constitution and grant him more power, and the only ones stopping him from doing that were American and British advisors. They thought it unwise to shift to authoritarianism, and that was confirmed after communiques to the US State Department and the London Foreign Office.
One of Iran's few neighbors free from foreign domination was the Kingdom of Iraq, the Hashemite domain that had almost slid into the pro-Axis camp with the Golden Square coup before being occupied by the British once again. It returned to its state of formal independence after withdrawal in 1946, but there were still problems to deal with. Such a problem was the Kurdish minority in the north that was encouraged by the creation of a Kurdish communist state in Iran, and the arrival of Mustafa Barzani there was inspiring a revolutionary sentiment. Barzani had already led a failed revolt towards the end of WWII, and was now operating underground - possibly under Soviet supervision. A more pressing matter, however, was the increasing discontent of the working class and many political groups in general with the conditions they lived in and the ties to the UK. One could say the circumstances were ripe for a socialist revolution, and in the summer of 1948 many indeed took to the streets to protest and riot. Where the country would head was anyone's guess.
The late 40s saw the rise of a new movement in the Middle East, the Arab Ba'ath ideology. The Ba'ath Party was originally founded in Syria in 1940 by Zaki al-Arsuzi and was built on Arab nationalism, while the Ihya Movement of Michel Aflaq also gave itself the same name three years later. Despite their similarities, the two movements disagreed on some matters such as the Golden Square regime in Iraq. What united them in the end was the 1945 Syrian Crisis, as they both played a role in the protests and revolts. With the independence of Syria, Aflaq became leader of a united Ba'ath Party, while Al-Arsuzi was gradually sidelined. The ideology, focusing on the unity of the Arab nation and socialist elements, also had success in Iraq under Abd al Khaliq al Khudayri who founded the local branch in 1947. Not long after, Ba'ath began spreading throughout the Arab world.
Things were surprisingly quiet in the rest of the Gulf region. Yemen, after having consolidated rule inside its borders, was now facing the rise of modern nationalism. Saudi Arabia began to exploit its massive oil reserves to the east as the world powers watched, and the British protectorates dotted along the coast of the Gulf and the Arabian Sea were examining the prospect of independence for the first time.
Iran, the nation in which the assassination of Operation Long Jump took place, was officially neutral in the Second World War. However, fears of Germany sympathies but most importantly the desire to protect the oil and supply lines into Russia had prompted the UK and the Soviet Union to invade the country in late August of 1941, even as Operation Barbarossa was in full swing. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi replaced his father as Shah after his abdication, and for the next few years, Iran was a critical point for flow of supplies and a spy den. After the triple assassination, surprisingly little changed there, besides the crackdown on suspected spies, sympathizers as well as the general reinforcement of the north with Red Army and NKVD units. On December 6 1943, a small cell of German allies which had aided the arrival and departure of Skorzeny's squad by plane was discovered near Qum - all of its members were sentenced to gulag camps for life.
Both Britain and the USSR had pledged to withdraw their troops from their respective occupation sectors in Iran after the war ended. However, in a violation of the tripartite agreement signed between the three, the Red Army refused to withdraw entirely. On October 30 1945, the military authority in the northwest "encouraged" a "popular revolution" that led to the establishment of temporary communist governments for Iranian Azerbaijan and Kurdistan. One might have thought this was done with a simple expansionist motive, but in reality it was more complicated than that. Behind the scenes, Molotov intended to use the northwestern provinces as leverage for the negotiation of a new Soviet-Iranian oil treaty. Ahmad Qavam, Prime Minister of Iran, tried to find a solution, but stated there would first have to be an election of a new Majlis to recognize the treaty - something that would require the end of the occupation first.
A crisis unfolded as the two states were unwilling to compromise in their demands. Western intervention through the United Nations occurred, but neither Britain nor the US was ready to sacrifice the cooperation with the Soviet Union over Iran. In addition, the Red Army put up a show of force with militarization, propaganda etc., showing it was clearly preparing for a new occupation. On January 26, Qavam folded. The Soviet - Iranian Oil Treaty was signed giving the USSR a 51% ownership of all oil fields in the northern half of the country and establishing a "diplomatic consultation office" in Tehran that was meant to ensure Iranian compliance both with the treaty and the Union's general policy goals. A few days later, the communist states in Azerbaijan and Kurdistan were dissolved.
Democracy continued nevertheless, and through the events of the Iranian crisis emerged Mohammad Mossadegh as a leading figure of the opposition to Soviet encroachment. Even though Qavam's Democrat Party of Iran was dominant in electoral politics through not-so-legitimate methods, opposition led by Mossadegh and a collection of socialist parties continued to rally support as seen in 1947. As for the USSR, it was satisfied as long as Qavam could keep the Majlis in check and enforce the terms which is exactly what he did. The legislature was not particularly happy about it, but the Soviet aggression in 1946 had put them in their place. Another factor in the already complex structure of Iranian politics was the Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who ever since taking power in 1941 was trying to expand his hold over the country. By 1949, he was considering calling for a new Constituent Assembly to amend the constitution and grant him more power, and the only ones stopping him from doing that were American and British advisors. They thought it unwise to shift to authoritarianism, and that was confirmed after communiques to the US State Department and the London Foreign Office.
One of Iran's few neighbors free from foreign domination was the Kingdom of Iraq, the Hashemite domain that had almost slid into the pro-Axis camp with the Golden Square coup before being occupied by the British once again. It returned to its state of formal independence after withdrawal in 1946, but there were still problems to deal with. Such a problem was the Kurdish minority in the north that was encouraged by the creation of a Kurdish communist state in Iran, and the arrival of Mustafa Barzani there was inspiring a revolutionary sentiment. Barzani had already led a failed revolt towards the end of WWII, and was now operating underground - possibly under Soviet supervision. A more pressing matter, however, was the increasing discontent of the working class and many political groups in general with the conditions they lived in and the ties to the UK. One could say the circumstances were ripe for a socialist revolution, and in the summer of 1948 many indeed took to the streets to protest and riot. Where the country would head was anyone's guess.
The late 40s saw the rise of a new movement in the Middle East, the Arab Ba'ath ideology. The Ba'ath Party was originally founded in Syria in 1940 by Zaki al-Arsuzi and was built on Arab nationalism, while the Ihya Movement of Michel Aflaq also gave itself the same name three years later. Despite their similarities, the two movements disagreed on some matters such as the Golden Square regime in Iraq. What united them in the end was the 1945 Syrian Crisis, as they both played a role in the protests and revolts. With the independence of Syria, Aflaq became leader of a united Ba'ath Party, while Al-Arsuzi was gradually sidelined. The ideology, focusing on the unity of the Arab nation and socialist elements, also had success in Iraq under Abd al Khaliq al Khudayri who founded the local branch in 1947. Not long after, Ba'ath began spreading throughout the Arab world.
Things were surprisingly quiet in the rest of the Gulf region. Yemen, after having consolidated rule inside its borders, was now facing the rise of modern nationalism. Saudi Arabia began to exploit its massive oil reserves to the east as the world powers watched, and the British protectorates dotted along the coast of the Gulf and the Arabian Sea were examining the prospect of independence for the first time.
Chapter 26: The Beginnings of Decolonization
In 1948, the Dutch East Indies were being ravaged by the third year of armed struggle against their former overlords. The main fight was taking place in the islands of Java and Sumatra, where the Republican forces were being encouraged to break out of their pockets in the interior and attack major cities and population centers. An example of this was in Palembang, which on 11 January 1948 was attacked from multiple sides by a Republican army that had slowly been establishing itself around it. The attack was a profound success, and Palembang became the center of power for a provisional government which tried to exert itself on local commanders trying to make a name for themselves and operating independently.
Beyond the main front, there were more points of interest to the east. The island of Borneo had been considered safely under anti-Republican control for a while now, so much so that the Commonwealth administration was implemented in it. By 1948, that secure hold was slipping away - Australian forces withdrew in spring, and the withdrawal was followed by an increase in guerrilla activities on the island. It was especially concerning to the Netherlands that many of the local sultans were being captured and even executed by Republican forces for their role in cooperating with the colony.
The long term effects of the Indonesian War of Independence began to be felt outside the boundaries of the archipelago, not only in the homeland of countries like Britain and the Netherlands, but also in other Southeast Asian countries. The first area to feel the shockwave was the British colony of Malaya, which had also been occupied by the Japanese for three years. There, the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army had operated throughout the occupation, often with British support despite its communist nature. When the Royal Army arrived again in Malaya, they quickly proceeded to re-establish control under military administration and disarm active MPAJA units. This endeavour was not entirely successful, as many weapon stockpiles belonging to former members remained hidden should a new insurgency begin. Meanwhile, a drawn out process began for the creation of a "Malayan Union", but disagreements from the ethnic Malays caused problems.
What changed the balance was the influx of Indonesian refugees fleeing the war to the southeast, with the news of the battles further radicalizing the Communist Party that had already been protesting working conditions in Malaya. The Chinese population that had supported the anti-imperialist rhetoric of the MCP also took part in these protests that were typically dealt with by force and sparked further unrest. Finally, on May 1948, independence activists - socialists and right-wingers alike - headed inland, retook the arms they had hidden in stockpiles and declared the formation of the Malayan National Army. The colony was facing a revolt, and a powerful one at that.
The MNA insurgency was a low intensity revolt, as the rebels were aware taking all of the country in one fell swoop would be difficult. There was more activity in the northern Unfederated Malay States, autonomous entities like Kedah and Kelantan which had previously been under Thai occupation. One region that would receive more attention than the MNA revolt, though, was Indochina. There, the swift Anglo - Chinese occupation in the summer of 1945 had prevented widespread unrest, but underlying tensions persisted.
The VNQDĐ had been one of the main Vietnamese nationalist movements, modeled after the Chinese Kuomintang. In recent years, especially after the Japanese occupation, the Indochinese Communist Party had eclipsed the VNQDĐ as the dominant force striving for independence and continued doing so after the IJA was replaced by the British and the Chinese Nationalists. Initially, a Military Administration similar to other colonies was established, but London together with delegates from France began negotiating Indochina's future in 1946 with leading local members from all major movements.
The idea was for a "French Union" to be created, a system that would ensure proper representation for all French colonies. Protectorate status was the initial offer for the different parts comprising Indochina, but was generally rejected by the radicalised ICP. In the end, a historic compromise was reached on May 6 in which De Gaulle's France backed down and the three Indochinese states would receive sovereignty while still being formal members of the Union Française. This would allow them to make their own decisions on domestic and foreign policy, maintain their own military under some supervision, and send representatives to a special Assembly elected from colonies on top of that. The Assembly of the Union would be comprised of delegates from all over the world, and would have the jurisdiction to make certain binding decisions for all the nations it encompassed. While Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia were initially the exception due to their sovereignty, their model became an attractive solution for other colonies seeking independence.
The only issue was, it's hard to satisfy everyone, especially in geopolitics. No sooner had the Union treaty been arranged than a large hardliner fraction of the ICP headed out from the cities and commenced a guerrilla campaign in the jungle. Calling itself the continuation of the Viet Minh, it allied with smaller Laotian and Cambodian radical movements to fight against French troops and the local national armies. The insurgency was a low-level one, with Viet Minh units relying on smaller rural communities to be supplied and be provided with temporary strongholds. To gain legitimacy, the communists declared a rival government, the People's Republic of Vietnam with a provisional seat in Lai Chau, while the pro-French regimes were further reinforced and even attempted to hold democratic elections. In these elections, the remnants of the communist parties that had remained loyal performed surprisingly well as they shifted towards moderate beliefs. Broad coalitions became the standard for as long as the insurgency raged, in what was now a common sign of national unity in Europe and East Asia.
In 1948, the Dutch East Indies were being ravaged by the third year of armed struggle against their former overlords. The main fight was taking place in the islands of Java and Sumatra, where the Republican forces were being encouraged to break out of their pockets in the interior and attack major cities and population centers. An example of this was in Palembang, which on 11 January 1948 was attacked from multiple sides by a Republican army that had slowly been establishing itself around it. The attack was a profound success, and Palembang became the center of power for a provisional government which tried to exert itself on local commanders trying to make a name for themselves and operating independently.
Beyond the main front, there were more points of interest to the east. The island of Borneo had been considered safely under anti-Republican control for a while now, so much so that the Commonwealth administration was implemented in it. By 1948, that secure hold was slipping away - Australian forces withdrew in spring, and the withdrawal was followed by an increase in guerrilla activities on the island. It was especially concerning to the Netherlands that many of the local sultans were being captured and even executed by Republican forces for their role in cooperating with the colony.
The long term effects of the Indonesian War of Independence began to be felt outside the boundaries of the archipelago, not only in the homeland of countries like Britain and the Netherlands, but also in other Southeast Asian countries. The first area to feel the shockwave was the British colony of Malaya, which had also been occupied by the Japanese for three years. There, the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army had operated throughout the occupation, often with British support despite its communist nature. When the Royal Army arrived again in Malaya, they quickly proceeded to re-establish control under military administration and disarm active MPAJA units. This endeavour was not entirely successful, as many weapon stockpiles belonging to former members remained hidden should a new insurgency begin. Meanwhile, a drawn out process began for the creation of a "Malayan Union", but disagreements from the ethnic Malays caused problems.
What changed the balance was the influx of Indonesian refugees fleeing the war to the southeast, with the news of the battles further radicalizing the Communist Party that had already been protesting working conditions in Malaya. The Chinese population that had supported the anti-imperialist rhetoric of the MCP also took part in these protests that were typically dealt with by force and sparked further unrest. Finally, on May 1948, independence activists - socialists and right-wingers alike - headed inland, retook the arms they had hidden in stockpiles and declared the formation of the Malayan National Army. The colony was facing a revolt, and a powerful one at that.
The MNA insurgency was a low intensity revolt, as the rebels were aware taking all of the country in one fell swoop would be difficult. There was more activity in the northern Unfederated Malay States, autonomous entities like Kedah and Kelantan which had previously been under Thai occupation. One region that would receive more attention than the MNA revolt, though, was Indochina. There, the swift Anglo - Chinese occupation in the summer of 1945 had prevented widespread unrest, but underlying tensions persisted.
The VNQDĐ had been one of the main Vietnamese nationalist movements, modeled after the Chinese Kuomintang. In recent years, especially after the Japanese occupation, the Indochinese Communist Party had eclipsed the VNQDĐ as the dominant force striving for independence and continued doing so after the IJA was replaced by the British and the Chinese Nationalists. Initially, a Military Administration similar to other colonies was established, but London together with delegates from France began negotiating Indochina's future in 1946 with leading local members from all major movements.
The idea was for a "French Union" to be created, a system that would ensure proper representation for all French colonies. Protectorate status was the initial offer for the different parts comprising Indochina, but was generally rejected by the radicalised ICP. In the end, a historic compromise was reached on May 6 in which De Gaulle's France backed down and the three Indochinese states would receive sovereignty while still being formal members of the Union Française. This would allow them to make their own decisions on domestic and foreign policy, maintain their own military under some supervision, and send representatives to a special Assembly elected from colonies on top of that. The Assembly of the Union would be comprised of delegates from all over the world, and would have the jurisdiction to make certain binding decisions for all the nations it encompassed. While Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia were initially the exception due to their sovereignty, their model became an attractive solution for other colonies seeking independence.
The only issue was, it's hard to satisfy everyone, especially in geopolitics. No sooner had the Union treaty been arranged than a large hardliner fraction of the ICP headed out from the cities and commenced a guerrilla campaign in the jungle. Calling itself the continuation of the Viet Minh, it allied with smaller Laotian and Cambodian radical movements to fight against French troops and the local national armies. The insurgency was a low-level one, with Viet Minh units relying on smaller rural communities to be supplied and be provided with temporary strongholds. To gain legitimacy, the communists declared a rival government, the People's Republic of Vietnam with a provisional seat in Lai Chau, while the pro-French regimes were further reinforced and even attempted to hold democratic elections. In these elections, the remnants of the communist parties that had remained loyal performed surprisingly well as they shifted towards moderate beliefs. Broad coalitions became the standard for as long as the insurgency raged, in what was now a common sign of national unity in Europe and East Asia.
Chapter 27: Henry Wallace's First Term
The election of Henry Wallace in 1944 had confirmed his support from the people, and he could now properly begin a four-year term with Vice President Claude Pepper on his side. There were numerous items on the agenda of the cabinet, but implementing them against the wishes of many conservatives would be an uphill battle.
First came the appointment of a cabinet for the administration. It had initially remained unchanged after the sudden death of Franklin D. Roosevelt, but the 1944 elections provided an opportunity for reshuffling. Wallace had no problem with keeping most of the positions intact, especially as that would give him even more legitimacy as FDR's "true successor" in the eyes of party members. As he was not acceptable to the more conservative wing of the party, many who had such leanings resigned or were replaced by Wallace himself. Notably, Edward Stettinius Jr. replaced aging Secretary of State Cordell Hull, while a number of conservatives such as Henry L. Stimson and James F. Byrnes were quietly removed from the administration or given less important posts. Attorney General Francis Biddle kept his position, since the President was aware of his pro-Civil Rights stance which they shared.
The 1944 elections had given the Democrats a slim majority in the two Houses of Congress, but it could not be trusted to successfully pass wanted legislation due to disunity inside the party. One of the first major programs intended to be a bipartisan effort was the RPUN aid. The United States would be the sole net contributor to the fund for reconstruction around the world, and so it was important to not face any problems back at home to implement the aid plan. Although isolationist voices were gaining popularity inside the Republican Party, the funding was accepted by Congress and was soon sent to over 30 different countries.
The election had largely been won on a platform of continuing the New Deal reforms, although by far the most important domestic issue after VJ-Day was the return to a peace economy. There were numerous concerns over whether the end of war production, which had somewhat helped recover from the Great Depression, would lead to massive unemployment and a new recession. In addition, labor unions that had agreed not to strike for the duration of the war were now looking to earn from a possible economic resurgence and disputes between them and businesses grew. One of Wallace's first moves was to extend an olive branch to labor unions, organizing lengthy talks with some of the more prominent leaders like the CIO's John L. Lewis. The President's friendliness to the working class played a big part in helping these talks progress, and benefits such as higher wages and welfare for workers were ensured with the rather controversial Labor Support Act of 1946, passed as a way to aid economic recovery.
Segregation and civil rights for minorities were still an important issue, but not one that the President could easily address without causing political issues. Through the Fair Employment Practice Committee established by FDR in 1941, the end of discrimination in employment was enforced, and Wallace intended to continue that. Blacks and other minorities had been able to obtain jobs (often more skill-based ones) in wartime, and many retained them after 1945. Under Wallace, the FEPC's budget was increased and there was generally an attempt to combat its shortcomings which had often been criticized. In the immediate post-war period, the Committee was further reinforced within the effort to prevent a new recession, although an attempt to expand it to a general agency against the discrimination that was so common in the south was shot down by Congress in March 1947.
Another move taken by the administration was the desegregation of the armed forces, which there had previously been calls for. Even though there was not immense progress in the field of civil rights between 1944 and 1948, Wallace's views on the topic were an open secret, and would not help with his popularity among Southern Democrats. That is not to mention the stories of his alleged association with socialists that were meant to infuriate the conservative sectors of society. To rebut these claims of being a "communist puppet", the President typically underlined that he only wished for cooperation with the Soviet Union and concessions to labor.
Meanwhile, the Republican Party continued searching for ways to end the four-term dominance of the New Dealers. Before the question of new presidential candidates was brought up, the GOP's congressmen successfully passed a new amendment formally prohibiting any President from serving more than two terms. The tradition of two terms had been in place since the days of Washington, but was never codified until 1947. The mild success at midterms and the support of many Democrats allowed the amendment to pass, despite Wallace's objections for "spitting on FDR's legacy". As the next elections approached, one figure was spearheading the Republican re-emergence, and it was Robert Taft, who was preparing to be the first Republican the White House had seen in many years.
The election of Henry Wallace in 1944 had confirmed his support from the people, and he could now properly begin a four-year term with Vice President Claude Pepper on his side. There were numerous items on the agenda of the cabinet, but implementing them against the wishes of many conservatives would be an uphill battle.
First came the appointment of a cabinet for the administration. It had initially remained unchanged after the sudden death of Franklin D. Roosevelt, but the 1944 elections provided an opportunity for reshuffling. Wallace had no problem with keeping most of the positions intact, especially as that would give him even more legitimacy as FDR's "true successor" in the eyes of party members. As he was not acceptable to the more conservative wing of the party, many who had such leanings resigned or were replaced by Wallace himself. Notably, Edward Stettinius Jr. replaced aging Secretary of State Cordell Hull, while a number of conservatives such as Henry L. Stimson and James F. Byrnes were quietly removed from the administration or given less important posts. Attorney General Francis Biddle kept his position, since the President was aware of his pro-Civil Rights stance which they shared.
The 1944 elections had given the Democrats a slim majority in the two Houses of Congress, but it could not be trusted to successfully pass wanted legislation due to disunity inside the party. One of the first major programs intended to be a bipartisan effort was the RPUN aid. The United States would be the sole net contributor to the fund for reconstruction around the world, and so it was important to not face any problems back at home to implement the aid plan. Although isolationist voices were gaining popularity inside the Republican Party, the funding was accepted by Congress and was soon sent to over 30 different countries.
The election had largely been won on a platform of continuing the New Deal reforms, although by far the most important domestic issue after VJ-Day was the return to a peace economy. There were numerous concerns over whether the end of war production, which had somewhat helped recover from the Great Depression, would lead to massive unemployment and a new recession. In addition, labor unions that had agreed not to strike for the duration of the war were now looking to earn from a possible economic resurgence and disputes between them and businesses grew. One of Wallace's first moves was to extend an olive branch to labor unions, organizing lengthy talks with some of the more prominent leaders like the CIO's John L. Lewis. The President's friendliness to the working class played a big part in helping these talks progress, and benefits such as higher wages and welfare for workers were ensured with the rather controversial Labor Support Act of 1946, passed as a way to aid economic recovery.
Segregation and civil rights for minorities were still an important issue, but not one that the President could easily address without causing political issues. Through the Fair Employment Practice Committee established by FDR in 1941, the end of discrimination in employment was enforced, and Wallace intended to continue that. Blacks and other minorities had been able to obtain jobs (often more skill-based ones) in wartime, and many retained them after 1945. Under Wallace, the FEPC's budget was increased and there was generally an attempt to combat its shortcomings which had often been criticized. In the immediate post-war period, the Committee was further reinforced within the effort to prevent a new recession, although an attempt to expand it to a general agency against the discrimination that was so common in the south was shot down by Congress in March 1947.
Another move taken by the administration was the desegregation of the armed forces, which there had previously been calls for. Even though there was not immense progress in the field of civil rights between 1944 and 1948, Wallace's views on the topic were an open secret, and would not help with his popularity among Southern Democrats. That is not to mention the stories of his alleged association with socialists that were meant to infuriate the conservative sectors of society. To rebut these claims of being a "communist puppet", the President typically underlined that he only wished for cooperation with the Soviet Union and concessions to labor.
Meanwhile, the Republican Party continued searching for ways to end the four-term dominance of the New Dealers. Before the question of new presidential candidates was brought up, the GOP's congressmen successfully passed a new amendment formally prohibiting any President from serving more than two terms. The tradition of two terms had been in place since the days of Washington, but was never codified until 1947. The mild success at midterms and the support of many Democrats allowed the amendment to pass, despite Wallace's objections for "spitting on FDR's legacy". As the next elections approached, one figure was spearheading the Republican re-emergence, and it was Robert Taft, who was preparing to be the first Republican the White House had seen in many years.
Chapter 28: United States Presidential Election of 1948
The Democratic primaries were clearly the first challenge for the incumbent President. While he was able to sweep numerous states in the Midwest and Northeast in an effort to get the upper hand in the Convention, his opponents inside the party were hard at work to ensure that wouldn't happen. The circle that had tried - and failed - to take the nomination away from Wallace four years earlier including men such as Hannegan and Pauley was back, and they were quick to find the best replacements for him. Harry S. Truman, the senator from Missouri, was once again invited to lead the intra-party opposition of moderate New Dealers and gladly accepted.
With a wide array of candidates, the Democratic National Convention was bound to be an interesting one. At the front were Wallace and Truman, each with their respective base of support. Behind them were James Farley, an Irish Catholic and old friend of Roosevelt, Harry F. Byrd, the Virginia senator who had made a name for himself as a staunch segregationist, with Alben Barkley and James Byrnes a fair distance behind as outsiders. The DNC held between 12 and 14 July was a mess, requiring several ballots to produce a final candidate and involving many deals behind the scenes. In the end, the incumbent President was able to pull off a narrow, almost miraculous victory and secure the nomination thanks to popular support which swayed several delegates and endorsements from some of the losing candidates. However, not all was well, as many of the Southern Democrats and segregations were anxious about keeping an openly pro-civil rights President in the oval office for another four years. In a meeting of Southern governors and senators, it was decided a third party run could help protect states’ rights from the federal government and Harry F. Byrd offered to run as its presidential candidate.
In comparison, the Republican National Convention was a much simpler affair. Robert A. Taft was expected to be the standard option for the GOP, as the greatest critic of the liberal policies in the last four-year period and the face of the party’s conservatism and opposition to the New Deal. However, Taft brought with him the voice of isolationism - Wallace was an outspoken internationalist, and believed in cooperation with the major powers abroad such as Britain, the Soviet Union and China to achieve “the Century of the Common Man”. In contrast, Taft had been a critic of involvement in European and Asian affairs before Pearl Harbor, and even after the attack continued advocating against post-war international treaties and alliances.
The greatest challenger to Taft’s nomination was Thomas E. Dewey, the Governor of New York. While initially an isolationist, he had recently shifted to a stance of internationalism and even supported some of Wallace’s diplomatic efforts such as the foundation of the UN and the “International New Deal”. During the primaries and the conventions, the message he spread to party members was that of conservatism at home and involvement abroad, but even though it struck a chord with some, it was not enough. With only two ballots, it was decided Taft would run in November and Arthur Vandenberg was chosen as his running mate. Bricker’s VP choice was thought to be a good one for geographical balance, even though there were doubts for whether he was a fan of Taft’s isolationist policy plans.
As Election Day approached, all sides campaigned hard. Wallace, realizing this time would be significantly harder, focused on what he called “the next stage” in the effort for world peace and citizen freedoms domestically. The promises on foreign policy beyond broad strokes went generally unnoticed, bringing the spotlight on domestic policy matters such as civil rights, economic recovery and the continuation of New Deal-style programs.
The results came on the night of November 2, and the country learned Henry A. Wallace would not continue onto a second term. The Democrats were able to win only some states in the contested New England region and sweep much of the West Coast as well as parts of the Midwest. Despite that, they were defeated by the Republicans in California as well as several “border states”. Perhaps their biggest defeat was in the South, where Byrd’s Dixiecrat ticket won Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi and South Carolina (even though his home state of Virginia was still won by the Democrats). The victory in the Electoral College was a narrow one for Taft, who was set to be inaugurated on January 20, 1949. The world observed as soon, a major global power would begin its gradual withdrawal from international affairs.
The Democratic primaries were clearly the first challenge for the incumbent President. While he was able to sweep numerous states in the Midwest and Northeast in an effort to get the upper hand in the Convention, his opponents inside the party were hard at work to ensure that wouldn't happen. The circle that had tried - and failed - to take the nomination away from Wallace four years earlier including men such as Hannegan and Pauley was back, and they were quick to find the best replacements for him. Harry S. Truman, the senator from Missouri, was once again invited to lead the intra-party opposition of moderate New Dealers and gladly accepted.
With a wide array of candidates, the Democratic National Convention was bound to be an interesting one. At the front were Wallace and Truman, each with their respective base of support. Behind them were James Farley, an Irish Catholic and old friend of Roosevelt, Harry F. Byrd, the Virginia senator who had made a name for himself as a staunch segregationist, with Alben Barkley and James Byrnes a fair distance behind as outsiders. The DNC held between 12 and 14 July was a mess, requiring several ballots to produce a final candidate and involving many deals behind the scenes. In the end, the incumbent President was able to pull off a narrow, almost miraculous victory and secure the nomination thanks to popular support which swayed several delegates and endorsements from some of the losing candidates. However, not all was well, as many of the Southern Democrats and segregations were anxious about keeping an openly pro-civil rights President in the oval office for another four years. In a meeting of Southern governors and senators, it was decided a third party run could help protect states’ rights from the federal government and Harry F. Byrd offered to run as its presidential candidate.
In comparison, the Republican National Convention was a much simpler affair. Robert A. Taft was expected to be the standard option for the GOP, as the greatest critic of the liberal policies in the last four-year period and the face of the party’s conservatism and opposition to the New Deal. However, Taft brought with him the voice of isolationism - Wallace was an outspoken internationalist, and believed in cooperation with the major powers abroad such as Britain, the Soviet Union and China to achieve “the Century of the Common Man”. In contrast, Taft had been a critic of involvement in European and Asian affairs before Pearl Harbor, and even after the attack continued advocating against post-war international treaties and alliances.
The greatest challenger to Taft’s nomination was Thomas E. Dewey, the Governor of New York. While initially an isolationist, he had recently shifted to a stance of internationalism and even supported some of Wallace’s diplomatic efforts such as the foundation of the UN and the “International New Deal”. During the primaries and the conventions, the message he spread to party members was that of conservatism at home and involvement abroad, but even though it struck a chord with some, it was not enough. With only two ballots, it was decided Taft would run in November and Arthur Vandenberg was chosen as his running mate. Bricker’s VP choice was thought to be a good one for geographical balance, even though there were doubts for whether he was a fan of Taft’s isolationist policy plans.
As Election Day approached, all sides campaigned hard. Wallace, realizing this time would be significantly harder, focused on what he called “the next stage” in the effort for world peace and citizen freedoms domestically. The promises on foreign policy beyond broad strokes went generally unnoticed, bringing the spotlight on domestic policy matters such as civil rights, economic recovery and the continuation of New Deal-style programs.
The results came on the night of November 2, and the country learned Henry A. Wallace would not continue onto a second term. The Democrats were able to win only some states in the contested New England region and sweep much of the West Coast as well as parts of the Midwest. Despite that, they were defeated by the Republicans in California as well as several “border states”. Perhaps their biggest defeat was in the South, where Byrd’s Dixiecrat ticket won Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi and South Carolina (even though his home state of Virginia was still won by the Democrats). The victory in the Electoral College was a narrow one for Taft, who was set to be inaugurated on January 20, 1949. The world observed as soon, a major global power would begin its gradual withdrawal from international affairs.
Chapter 29: A Forgotten Troika
The biennium of 1948 - 1949 signalled a rapid and profound change in the leadership and policies of all three world powers, each marked by a different event. In the Soviet Union, the unstable balance maintained between the three members of the troika was bound to collapse at some point, and so it did in that period.
The sense of wartime unity further reinforced by the death of a great leader allowed the triumvirate to usually reach unanimous decisions for the first two years. There was triumph across Eastern Europe that culminated in the fall of Berlin, and in Asia, the oddly short war against Imperial Japan ended with some territorial gains and a hold over Manchuria which allowed negotiations with the Kuomintang. In the immediate aftermath of WWII, the Union was able to exert some influence on more states like Yugoslavia and Iran, definitively achieving a position as a continental hegemon. In the Kremlin, the situation was not so simple.
Arguments over policy matters, mainly between Malenkov and Zhdanov, were hard to defuse and the task typically fell on Molotov, the negotiator. Malenkov's relation with the secret police was also brought up often and was a point of contention throughout the First Troika era, but the first real sign of internal rumblings came with the death of Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin on 4 August 1946. As Chairman of the Presidium and the formal head of state since 1938, the Old Bolshevik wielded almost no real political power and simply signed decrees. What made the appointment so important for the first time was the fact that, under the agreement that gave the troika different positions, the official government and the party leadership had started to drift apart. Soon, the position could become more important than ever.
Molotov's suggestion that Andrey Andreyev be placed as Chairman of the Presidium (and thus nominal head of state) was what started the debate. In response, Maksim Saburov was counter-nominated and, in an extremely rare occasion, the Politburo reached a deadlock that lasted for 9 days. It was only resolved after a backroom deal that gave Saburov's backers, those being largely the NKVD - Malenkovites, extensive power in the Gosplan that controlled economic planning. In exchange, Andreyev was quietly approved as Chairman and the cogs of the Soviet bureaucratic machine began to turn again.
By this point, the three dominant factions each represented by a triumvirate member were becoming clear. First, there were Molotov's Stalinist conservatives that held no particular ideological leaning but were still powerful in the bureaucracy. The "cultural revolutionaries" of Zhdanov were second in influence, only closely beating the Malenkovite technocrats. Once again, this balance was upset on 19 June 1948 when General Secretary Zhdanov died. This was not exactly unexpected as the cultural revolutionaries had plans for this occasions - Nikolai Voznesensky, a rising star and a skilled economist, used his connections to arrange approval from the Central Committee as a replacement before any rivals could make a move. The swift transfer of power took the conservatives by surprise, but the death of a figure as influential as Zhdanov certainly had certainly shaken up his base of support.
Without his famous speeches calling for aggression and a cultural war against Western influence, many sympathetic officials reverted to neutrality on the factionalism issue or turned to other big players. Voznesensky was also less aggressive in foreign policy, and so lost the backing of those who were looking for an expansionist and strong leader. This was the second blow which paved Molotov's rise to power, and further sidelined his enemies. The third would come only eight months later, and it was the February Purges in which the secret police was rigorously rooted out.
In hindsight, we can see that a strike against the NKVD had been in the works by the Sovnarkom for a while, and was mainly targeted at Lavrentiy Beria and the "Georgian mafia" that surrounded him. The NKGB was supplied by Molotov as an alternative branch loyal to the party, while the Red Army and its commanders were re-shuffled around 1948. And so, on February 10th, 1949, the plan for consolidation of power was set into motion.
Molotov was well aware that the key to taking down the technocrat faction was to cut off its great benefactor. Destroying Beria's clique was not a move based on morals, but rather what was perceived as the first step to taking total power. On the 10th, a number of NKVD officers who had been invited to Moscow for a briefing were swiftly arrested by loyal Red Army and NKGB soldiers. Those caught included Sergo Goglidze, Vsevolod Merkulov and Pavel Sudoplatov, all accomplices to Beria's crimes. The ring leader himself, however, had been quite paranoid lately and managed to escape through Mongolia to China, and in a matter of days he had completely disappeared.
Beria's flight was unfortunate, as he would not be able to confess his crimes, but it was still enough to make Malenkov realized the trouble he was in. Reserve units were called up to take positions around Moscow, and Malenkov had no choice but to resign from his positions on February 24. A number of technocrats in the Politburo like Saburov and Mikhail Pervukhin were also "escorted out", with the units of Georgy Zhukov playing a role in the events that took place in the capital and helping stabilize the situation. Once that threat had been eliminated, and conservative loyalists had taken up the vacant positions, it was time to approach Voznesensky's cultural revolutionaries to sort things out with the full support of the Soviet state.
Voznesensky lacked his predecessor's stubbornness and "ideological purity". He was more of a pragmatist, and made a backroom deal that allowed his "clique" (including Kosygin and Kuznetsov) to safely withdraw from national politics without fearing gulag sentences or executions. With the last rivals out of the way, Molotov was free to reorganize the government however he liked, as for the first time in over 6 years only one man held power. Nevertheless, he was not particularly fond of total authoritarian rule and instead preferred to maintain the spirit of collective decision-making that had developed in the mid-1940s. He argued that, without different interest groups constantly bickering in the Politburo and Sovnarkom, this method could prove highly effective.
Firstly, a new triumvirate was created to replace the previous one. Several Old Bolsheviks Molotov was friends with were by now too old, and thus he preferred to include some of the younger party members that had risen to prominence through the purges in the government. This was what allowed Dmitri Shepilov, a political commissar turned ideologue, to become General Secretary at the age of 43. To complete the troika, Nikolai Bulganin was appointed Deputy Premier and proceeded to actively help in organizing cabinet positions and other witch hunts of much smaller scale.
In the field of diplomacy, Andrei Gromyko became Narkom of Foreign Affairs even though many decisions still went through Molotov first. Another person to quickly climb the ranks was Alexander Shelepin, a hardliner who earned the favor of the Premier and became a member of the Secretariat at a surprisingly young age. Much like in the years of the Great Purge, the phenomenon of less experienced officials growing in importance was observed, but the Premier did not show any concern about the loss of party veterans as long as they didn't toe his line. For now, he continued re-shuffling the party and got to work to fix the problems of the Union. Due to reasons that will be discussed later, however, this period would come to be known as the era of the Forgotten Troika.
The biennium of 1948 - 1949 signalled a rapid and profound change in the leadership and policies of all three world powers, each marked by a different event. In the Soviet Union, the unstable balance maintained between the three members of the troika was bound to collapse at some point, and so it did in that period.
The sense of wartime unity further reinforced by the death of a great leader allowed the triumvirate to usually reach unanimous decisions for the first two years. There was triumph across Eastern Europe that culminated in the fall of Berlin, and in Asia, the oddly short war against Imperial Japan ended with some territorial gains and a hold over Manchuria which allowed negotiations with the Kuomintang. In the immediate aftermath of WWII, the Union was able to exert some influence on more states like Yugoslavia and Iran, definitively achieving a position as a continental hegemon. In the Kremlin, the situation was not so simple.
Arguments over policy matters, mainly between Malenkov and Zhdanov, were hard to defuse and the task typically fell on Molotov, the negotiator. Malenkov's relation with the secret police was also brought up often and was a point of contention throughout the First Troika era, but the first real sign of internal rumblings came with the death of Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin on 4 August 1946. As Chairman of the Presidium and the formal head of state since 1938, the Old Bolshevik wielded almost no real political power and simply signed decrees. What made the appointment so important for the first time was the fact that, under the agreement that gave the troika different positions, the official government and the party leadership had started to drift apart. Soon, the position could become more important than ever.
Molotov's suggestion that Andrey Andreyev be placed as Chairman of the Presidium (and thus nominal head of state) was what started the debate. In response, Maksim Saburov was counter-nominated and, in an extremely rare occasion, the Politburo reached a deadlock that lasted for 9 days. It was only resolved after a backroom deal that gave Saburov's backers, those being largely the NKVD - Malenkovites, extensive power in the Gosplan that controlled economic planning. In exchange, Andreyev was quietly approved as Chairman and the cogs of the Soviet bureaucratic machine began to turn again.
By this point, the three dominant factions each represented by a triumvirate member were becoming clear. First, there were Molotov's Stalinist conservatives that held no particular ideological leaning but were still powerful in the bureaucracy. The "cultural revolutionaries" of Zhdanov were second in influence, only closely beating the Malenkovite technocrats. Once again, this balance was upset on 19 June 1948 when General Secretary Zhdanov died. This was not exactly unexpected as the cultural revolutionaries had plans for this occasions - Nikolai Voznesensky, a rising star and a skilled economist, used his connections to arrange approval from the Central Committee as a replacement before any rivals could make a move. The swift transfer of power took the conservatives by surprise, but the death of a figure as influential as Zhdanov certainly had certainly shaken up his base of support.
Without his famous speeches calling for aggression and a cultural war against Western influence, many sympathetic officials reverted to neutrality on the factionalism issue or turned to other big players. Voznesensky was also less aggressive in foreign policy, and so lost the backing of those who were looking for an expansionist and strong leader. This was the second blow which paved Molotov's rise to power, and further sidelined his enemies. The third would come only eight months later, and it was the February Purges in which the secret police was rigorously rooted out.
In hindsight, we can see that a strike against the NKVD had been in the works by the Sovnarkom for a while, and was mainly targeted at Lavrentiy Beria and the "Georgian mafia" that surrounded him. The NKGB was supplied by Molotov as an alternative branch loyal to the party, while the Red Army and its commanders were re-shuffled around 1948. And so, on February 10th, 1949, the plan for consolidation of power was set into motion.
Molotov was well aware that the key to taking down the technocrat faction was to cut off its great benefactor. Destroying Beria's clique was not a move based on morals, but rather what was perceived as the first step to taking total power. On the 10th, a number of NKVD officers who had been invited to Moscow for a briefing were swiftly arrested by loyal Red Army and NKGB soldiers. Those caught included Sergo Goglidze, Vsevolod Merkulov and Pavel Sudoplatov, all accomplices to Beria's crimes. The ring leader himself, however, had been quite paranoid lately and managed to escape through Mongolia to China, and in a matter of days he had completely disappeared.
Beria's flight was unfortunate, as he would not be able to confess his crimes, but it was still enough to make Malenkov realized the trouble he was in. Reserve units were called up to take positions around Moscow, and Malenkov had no choice but to resign from his positions on February 24. A number of technocrats in the Politburo like Saburov and Mikhail Pervukhin were also "escorted out", with the units of Georgy Zhukov playing a role in the events that took place in the capital and helping stabilize the situation. Once that threat had been eliminated, and conservative loyalists had taken up the vacant positions, it was time to approach Voznesensky's cultural revolutionaries to sort things out with the full support of the Soviet state.
Voznesensky lacked his predecessor's stubbornness and "ideological purity". He was more of a pragmatist, and made a backroom deal that allowed his "clique" (including Kosygin and Kuznetsov) to safely withdraw from national politics without fearing gulag sentences or executions. With the last rivals out of the way, Molotov was free to reorganize the government however he liked, as for the first time in over 6 years only one man held power. Nevertheless, he was not particularly fond of total authoritarian rule and instead preferred to maintain the spirit of collective decision-making that had developed in the mid-1940s. He argued that, without different interest groups constantly bickering in the Politburo and Sovnarkom, this method could prove highly effective.
Firstly, a new triumvirate was created to replace the previous one. Several Old Bolsheviks Molotov was friends with were by now too old, and thus he preferred to include some of the younger party members that had risen to prominence through the purges in the government. This was what allowed Dmitri Shepilov, a political commissar turned ideologue, to become General Secretary at the age of 43. To complete the troika, Nikolai Bulganin was appointed Deputy Premier and proceeded to actively help in organizing cabinet positions and other witch hunts of much smaller scale.
In the field of diplomacy, Andrei Gromyko became Narkom of Foreign Affairs even though many decisions still went through Molotov first. Another person to quickly climb the ranks was Alexander Shelepin, a hardliner who earned the favor of the Premier and became a member of the Secretariat at a surprisingly young age. Much like in the years of the Great Purge, the phenomenon of less experienced officials growing in importance was observed, but the Premier did not show any concern about the loss of party veterans as long as they didn't toe his line. For now, he continued re-shuffling the party and got to work to fix the problems of the Union. Due to reasons that will be discussed later, however, this period would come to be known as the era of the Forgotten Troika.
Chapter 30: Quid Pro Quo
One of Molotov's first priorities as undisputed Soviet leader was to fix the Soviet position abroad, by improving its image and consolidating control over satellite states. This process was a long and gradual one, and began in the USSR's backyard in Southeastern Europe. By spring of 1949, all four puppet states there had come under the authoritarian rule of their respective communist parties, but not all leaders were happy with the direction their benefactor was taking. For example, Slovakia's Karol Smidke and Romania's Stefan Foris had been in close contact with Andrei Zhdanov and his associates before their fall, and were supportive of his ideas on culture and aggressiveness abroad. The latter was allowed to stay in exchange for limiting his powers and abandoning some of his principles, but the former was not.
Smidke was replaced on April 6, 1949, by prominent party member Alexander Dubček. This change in leadership was widely criticized both in Moscow and in Slovakia, as Dubček was judged to be too young, too inexperienced and too moderate to lead the country. Another difference with his predecessor was the sympathy to "unionism" in regards to the defunct state of Czechoslovakia, and that is exactly what mattered to Molotov. In a Kremlin meeting on April 12, he stated the necessity of "re-configuring the alignments of Eastern European states to our advantage" and had a specific idea in mind that would help achieve his vision of a stronger communist bloc.
The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was considered a thorn on the side of the "Southeastern Bloc", with Tito holding down a volatile mix of ethnicities ready to blow up, and yet still eager to expand its influence to the Balkans. Ideological differences also existed, but what the Premier cared about the most was to establish Yugoslavia as a stable and Soviet-aligned state - even at the cost of some territory. An invasion would be very hard, and most methods that could be employed would result in a sticky situation, one that would drain Soviet resources. The plan was for the USSR to present Britain with a great opportunity to fulfill its Balkan ambitions in Serbia, and in addition, provide an excellent opportunity to solve the Czechoslovak dispute that had now been going on for almost 4 years.
Across Europe, the United Kingdom was rising as the sole arbiter in continental politics. America's gradual withdrawal from commitments abroad was controversial, but it still allowed Britain, together with its partner across the Channel, to act as they wished. The desire to combat Yugoslavian expansion was present, and it only increased in May as a crisis unfolded around Istria where Tito's army was trying to scare the Commonwealth occupation forces into giving up Trieste. At the time of the stand-off, Moscow approached Eden for the backroom deal they had been planning, and not long after, it was settled. May 8th was the day when the reunification of Czechoslovakia was announced with the blessing of all powers, and the world was surprised to see a mend in British - Soviet relations.
With Edvard Beneš, the face of unionist sentiment, having died only nine months prior, the largely ceremonial position of President was given to Jan Masaryk, the son of the country's founder who had previously retired from politics. The system of government remained parliamentary and elections were expected to be held in two months' time so that a new Constitution may be written. However, while the people of Czechoslovakia rejoiced at unification, things to a different Slavic country in the south were taking a turn for the worse. The UK had been given a carte blanche to go against Yugoslavia through its monarchist allies, as long as it did not go too far and risk intervention.
The fact that, in a period of tense relations, these two powers were able to come to such an agreement can perhaps be explained to the changes in attitude of all three superpowers. The USA's turn to isolationism allowed the British to pursue their own interests, which were not always driven by ideological motives. Eden himself was getting into a progressively worse situation, and wanted something to show that his foreign policy in Europe was not doomed to fail. And finally, Molotov now had undisputed power over the USSR's government which allowed him to exploit Eden's feelings about a joint front against an Axis resurgence and make concessions to tone down the existing rivalry. He seemed to succeed, as for the next few months, bilateral relations were surprisingly friendly. Britain could count on the USSR for European affairs for as long as it was convenient.
Back in the Balkans, the opportunity presented was soon exploited by Britain and it only took until mid-May for rumours to emerge of an "officers' plot" brewing inside the Army. Former royalists still maintained positions and had a certain level of influence, prompting Tito to immediately draft plans for what was essentially a purge of the branch and the replacement of the royalists with politically reliant commanders. Alas, he was not quick enough, as on 21 May 1949, all hell broke loose in Yugoslavia.
One of Molotov's first priorities as undisputed Soviet leader was to fix the Soviet position abroad, by improving its image and consolidating control over satellite states. This process was a long and gradual one, and began in the USSR's backyard in Southeastern Europe. By spring of 1949, all four puppet states there had come under the authoritarian rule of their respective communist parties, but not all leaders were happy with the direction their benefactor was taking. For example, Slovakia's Karol Smidke and Romania's Stefan Foris had been in close contact with Andrei Zhdanov and his associates before their fall, and were supportive of his ideas on culture and aggressiveness abroad. The latter was allowed to stay in exchange for limiting his powers and abandoning some of his principles, but the former was not.
Smidke was replaced on April 6, 1949, by prominent party member Alexander Dubček. This change in leadership was widely criticized both in Moscow and in Slovakia, as Dubček was judged to be too young, too inexperienced and too moderate to lead the country. Another difference with his predecessor was the sympathy to "unionism" in regards to the defunct state of Czechoslovakia, and that is exactly what mattered to Molotov. In a Kremlin meeting on April 12, he stated the necessity of "re-configuring the alignments of Eastern European states to our advantage" and had a specific idea in mind that would help achieve his vision of a stronger communist bloc.
The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was considered a thorn on the side of the "Southeastern Bloc", with Tito holding down a volatile mix of ethnicities ready to blow up, and yet still eager to expand its influence to the Balkans. Ideological differences also existed, but what the Premier cared about the most was to establish Yugoslavia as a stable and Soviet-aligned state - even at the cost of some territory. An invasion would be very hard, and most methods that could be employed would result in a sticky situation, one that would drain Soviet resources. The plan was for the USSR to present Britain with a great opportunity to fulfill its Balkan ambitions in Serbia, and in addition, provide an excellent opportunity to solve the Czechoslovak dispute that had now been going on for almost 4 years.
Across Europe, the United Kingdom was rising as the sole arbiter in continental politics. America's gradual withdrawal from commitments abroad was controversial, but it still allowed Britain, together with its partner across the Channel, to act as they wished. The desire to combat Yugoslavian expansion was present, and it only increased in May as a crisis unfolded around Istria where Tito's army was trying to scare the Commonwealth occupation forces into giving up Trieste. At the time of the stand-off, Moscow approached Eden for the backroom deal they had been planning, and not long after, it was settled. May 8th was the day when the reunification of Czechoslovakia was announced with the blessing of all powers, and the world was surprised to see a mend in British - Soviet relations.
With Edvard Beneš, the face of unionist sentiment, having died only nine months prior, the largely ceremonial position of President was given to Jan Masaryk, the son of the country's founder who had previously retired from politics. The system of government remained parliamentary and elections were expected to be held in two months' time so that a new Constitution may be written. However, while the people of Czechoslovakia rejoiced at unification, things to a different Slavic country in the south were taking a turn for the worse. The UK had been given a carte blanche to go against Yugoslavia through its monarchist allies, as long as it did not go too far and risk intervention.
The fact that, in a period of tense relations, these two powers were able to come to such an agreement can perhaps be explained to the changes in attitude of all three superpowers. The USA's turn to isolationism allowed the British to pursue their own interests, which were not always driven by ideological motives. Eden himself was getting into a progressively worse situation, and wanted something to show that his foreign policy in Europe was not doomed to fail. And finally, Molotov now had undisputed power over the USSR's government which allowed him to exploit Eden's feelings about a joint front against an Axis resurgence and make concessions to tone down the existing rivalry. He seemed to succeed, as for the next few months, bilateral relations were surprisingly friendly. Britain could count on the USSR for European affairs for as long as it was convenient.
Back in the Balkans, the opportunity presented was soon exploited by Britain and it only took until mid-May for rumours to emerge of an "officers' plot" brewing inside the Army. Former royalists still maintained positions and had a certain level of influence, prompting Tito to immediately draft plans for what was essentially a purge of the branch and the replacement of the royalists with politically reliant commanders. Alas, he was not quick enough, as on 21 May 1949, all hell broke loose in Yugoslavia.
Chapter 31: Crisis in Yugoslavia
Despite their positions inside the Yugoslav Army, most of the royalists and former Chetniks were unable to rally entire divisions to their side during the initial putsch thanks to the wide-reaching popularity of the socialists that was present everywhere. Thus, the officers participating in the plot to oust Tito mainly relied on various paramilitary units, some of which had only been formed very recently. The surprising pace at which they were armed caused suspicion, and confirmed beliefs that they were British-backed as their weapons were commonly used in battles of the Yugoslav Crisis. All in all, within days of unrest breaking out, over 100.000 troops had been mustered to take part in a drive to Belgrade.
The initial stage of armed conflict unfolding inside the country was characterized by the disorganized anti-communist militias steadily increasing in number and converging on the national capital. At the time, the Trieste crisis was reaching its peak and so the majority of the actual army was situated to the northeast, making a show of force to Italy and the West. What this meant is the insurrection only had the typical garrisons to deal with until reinforcements came from Croatia and Bosnia. In the meantime, the resistance to Tito's government coalesced around former Chetnik leaders. Many had collaborated with the Axis occupation authorities to fight the Partisans in WW2, but some had avoided trial and maintained low-ranking posts in the military. As Draža Mihailović was in exile in Greece out of fear of execution, the nominal leadership of the "neo-Chetniks" fell to Dragutin Keserović, a lieutenant colonel who had cooperated with both the partisans and the Axis during the four-year occupation.
The first real battle occurred in Sandžak on May 26th. A "loyal" division stationed in Dalmatia had been called to move east, and collided with Keserović's men near Novi Pazar. Should the defenses in Sandžak fall, the leadership of the anti-communists realized the rear of the troops heading to Belgrade would be exposed, and so a bloodbath ensued as almost a fifth of the royalist army held the line. Beyond the fierce defense that temporarily held back the YPA, the battle was also notable for atrocities on a small scale that were committed by the neo-Chetniks mainly against Muslims and other non-Serbian groups judged to be "a potential fifth column for Tito".
The world reacted negatively to what was effectively a civil war in the Balkans, but British support to the anti-communists kept flowing despite the outcry in the hopes of quickly ending this debacle. Meanwhile, a detachment of 10.000 men held by Pavle Đurišić swept through lightly defended Montenegro, and was able to capture Podgorica on June 1st "in the name of the King". There was little success for neo-Chetniks inside Bosnia and Croatia, as they were typically crushed by strong YPA forces. However, one week after the capture of Podgorica, the capital of the entire country itself was in danger of falling. The socialist army had been caught off guard by the rapid, almost careless advance of the militias north, and so hadn't been able to send enough reinforcements to Belgrade. All roads leading into the city were soon occupied by the rebels, leading to its final capture on June 4 against an army division.
The Tito government was now in a precarious position. The Prime Minister was near Trieste at the time of Belgrade's fall, but Keserović was able to declare a rival government and rally even more support. The sporadic garrisons in Montenegro and Vardar Macedonia were forced to flee to the neighbouring socialist states or even into the mountains of Greece where former EAM fighters were still active. This left the bulk of the army to form a defense line along the eastern Bosnian border, the hope being that an actual face to face battle would result in a victory for the professional forces.
As the first battles along the "Jovanović line" began to take place, what was referred to by now as the Zagreb government decided to use diplomatic channels to its advantage. The first step was a condemnation of the revolt and the alleged war crimes committed through the United Nations, a resolution passed by the General Assembly. The UK was the only power against the condemnation, and so the Security Council never issued a veto. Next came an appeal to the USSR, despite any differences they had, to help its socialist brothers in the struggle against reactionaries through supplying weapons or even directly intervening. To Tito's surprise, the Kremlin's response was negative, and called for peace to be made between the two Yugoslavian governments. That was how a new idea was created: to definitively divide the multiethnic country.
Keserović's government which was entrenched in Belgrade by the time talks started had made its goals clear. The first priority was the return of King Peter II against the results of what they argued was a referendum rigged by the communists. However, much like the Chetniks that formed the backbone of the new movement, not everyone was fully committed to the idea of a united Yugoslavia. Many aspired for a "Greater Serbia" separate from Croatia, and had even engaged in massacres of non-Serb populations in WWII. Thus, when the British Foreign Office made a proposal for the troubled country to be divided in two, the royalists begrudgingly entered negotiations.
The battles along the Serbian - Bosnian border had been largely inconclusive, as the neo-Chetniks were using the resources now available to them to raise new forces. Foreign volunteer forces also helped fight against the communists, notably White Russian emigrés (many of whom had been residing in Yugoslavia before the war). Any attempts at breakthroughs were typically stopped within days, and so an effective stalemate was created. After the last abortive attempts to achieve total victory, representatives from both sides were called to Milan with the goal of settling the terms for an armistice. Tito completely refused to recognize the Belgrade government, but proved open to a temporary truce splitting the country in two and hostilities ceased on June 19th (making the armed conflict last just short of a month). As per the final deal, the provisional border would be set on the western Serbian and Montenegrin borders, a convenient solution that helped avoid too many ethnic questions and represented the situation on the ground. In addition, an international UN-administered force would be used to help ensure tensions remain low.
The announcement was made three days after the Milan talks started, and was received differently by the various demographics of Yugoslavia. Both regimes immediately got to work, Zagreb to regroup and reform what was left of the country, and Belgrade to perform “de-communization” and restore the Karađorđević dynasty at last.
Despite their positions inside the Yugoslav Army, most of the royalists and former Chetniks were unable to rally entire divisions to their side during the initial putsch thanks to the wide-reaching popularity of the socialists that was present everywhere. Thus, the officers participating in the plot to oust Tito mainly relied on various paramilitary units, some of which had only been formed very recently. The surprising pace at which they were armed caused suspicion, and confirmed beliefs that they were British-backed as their weapons were commonly used in battles of the Yugoslav Crisis. All in all, within days of unrest breaking out, over 100.000 troops had been mustered to take part in a drive to Belgrade.
The initial stage of armed conflict unfolding inside the country was characterized by the disorganized anti-communist militias steadily increasing in number and converging on the national capital. At the time, the Trieste crisis was reaching its peak and so the majority of the actual army was situated to the northeast, making a show of force to Italy and the West. What this meant is the insurrection only had the typical garrisons to deal with until reinforcements came from Croatia and Bosnia. In the meantime, the resistance to Tito's government coalesced around former Chetnik leaders. Many had collaborated with the Axis occupation authorities to fight the Partisans in WW2, but some had avoided trial and maintained low-ranking posts in the military. As Draža Mihailović was in exile in Greece out of fear of execution, the nominal leadership of the "neo-Chetniks" fell to Dragutin Keserović, a lieutenant colonel who had cooperated with both the partisans and the Axis during the four-year occupation.
The first real battle occurred in Sandžak on May 26th. A "loyal" division stationed in Dalmatia had been called to move east, and collided with Keserović's men near Novi Pazar. Should the defenses in Sandžak fall, the leadership of the anti-communists realized the rear of the troops heading to Belgrade would be exposed, and so a bloodbath ensued as almost a fifth of the royalist army held the line. Beyond the fierce defense that temporarily held back the YPA, the battle was also notable for atrocities on a small scale that were committed by the neo-Chetniks mainly against Muslims and other non-Serbian groups judged to be "a potential fifth column for Tito".
The world reacted negatively to what was effectively a civil war in the Balkans, but British support to the anti-communists kept flowing despite the outcry in the hopes of quickly ending this debacle. Meanwhile, a detachment of 10.000 men held by Pavle Đurišić swept through lightly defended Montenegro, and was able to capture Podgorica on June 1st "in the name of the King". There was little success for neo-Chetniks inside Bosnia and Croatia, as they were typically crushed by strong YPA forces. However, one week after the capture of Podgorica, the capital of the entire country itself was in danger of falling. The socialist army had been caught off guard by the rapid, almost careless advance of the militias north, and so hadn't been able to send enough reinforcements to Belgrade. All roads leading into the city were soon occupied by the rebels, leading to its final capture on June 4 against an army division.
The Tito government was now in a precarious position. The Prime Minister was near Trieste at the time of Belgrade's fall, but Keserović was able to declare a rival government and rally even more support. The sporadic garrisons in Montenegro and Vardar Macedonia were forced to flee to the neighbouring socialist states or even into the mountains of Greece where former EAM fighters were still active. This left the bulk of the army to form a defense line along the eastern Bosnian border, the hope being that an actual face to face battle would result in a victory for the professional forces.
As the first battles along the "Jovanović line" began to take place, what was referred to by now as the Zagreb government decided to use diplomatic channels to its advantage. The first step was a condemnation of the revolt and the alleged war crimes committed through the United Nations, a resolution passed by the General Assembly. The UK was the only power against the condemnation, and so the Security Council never issued a veto. Next came an appeal to the USSR, despite any differences they had, to help its socialist brothers in the struggle against reactionaries through supplying weapons or even directly intervening. To Tito's surprise, the Kremlin's response was negative, and called for peace to be made between the two Yugoslavian governments. That was how a new idea was created: to definitively divide the multiethnic country.
Keserović's government which was entrenched in Belgrade by the time talks started had made its goals clear. The first priority was the return of King Peter II against the results of what they argued was a referendum rigged by the communists. However, much like the Chetniks that formed the backbone of the new movement, not everyone was fully committed to the idea of a united Yugoslavia. Many aspired for a "Greater Serbia" separate from Croatia, and had even engaged in massacres of non-Serb populations in WWII. Thus, when the British Foreign Office made a proposal for the troubled country to be divided in two, the royalists begrudgingly entered negotiations.
The battles along the Serbian - Bosnian border had been largely inconclusive, as the neo-Chetniks were using the resources now available to them to raise new forces. Foreign volunteer forces also helped fight against the communists, notably White Russian emigrés (many of whom had been residing in Yugoslavia before the war). Any attempts at breakthroughs were typically stopped within days, and so an effective stalemate was created. After the last abortive attempts to achieve total victory, representatives from both sides were called to Milan with the goal of settling the terms for an armistice. Tito completely refused to recognize the Belgrade government, but proved open to a temporary truce splitting the country in two and hostilities ceased on June 19th (making the armed conflict last just short of a month). As per the final deal, the provisional border would be set on the western Serbian and Montenegrin borders, a convenient solution that helped avoid too many ethnic questions and represented the situation on the ground. In addition, an international UN-administered force would be used to help ensure tensions remain low.
The announcement was made three days after the Milan talks started, and was received differently by the various demographics of Yugoslavia. Both regimes immediately got to work, Zagreb to regroup and reform what was left of the country, and Belgrade to perform “de-communization” and restore the Karađorđević dynasty at last.
Chapter 32: Mr. Eden's Wild Ride
The Conservative victory in the 1945 UK elections had come as a surprise to most, even much of the party itself. It had been carrying the burden of the Great Depression, WWII and the last few terms in general, so the message of change spread by Labour was expected to be a heavy blow. However, the sudden assassination of Churchill, the resulting wave of sympathy and Eden's popularity as party leader resulted in the "1945 Surprise". From that point, the Prime Minister put a heavy focus on foreign affairs, as the issues to be settled were many. The future of Germany, relations with the USSR, Palestine and India were all hard problems to solve, but to the common man it didn't matter as much as what was going on back at home.
Post-war politics and debates were dominated by the questions of social reform and economic control. The Beveridge Report of 1942 was originally meant to be a simple political report commissioned by the wartime coalition to investigate the country's social insurance, but soon turned into a manifesto calling for radical change and reform in regards to welfare and government policy as a whole. The Labour Party had wholeheartedly embraced the Report that fit its agenda, but Prime Minister Churchill and most of the Conservative Party were reluctant to implement the reforms William Beveridge had advocated for. As part of his 1945 electoral campaign, Eden had promised to implement a "slightly revised" version of the proposals, and that was the main focus of his domestic agenda while serving his term.
From the end of the war and onwards, the Tory government took measures to first establish the National Health Service that had long been advocated for. Under the supervision of Minister Henry Willink who had drafted his own plan for the service in wartime, the NHS was built from the ground up as a free, universal and comprehensive healthcare system for all British citizens. Limited welfare policies were introduced in 1947 to provide various benefits, but were later expanded under pressure from the opposition and included a "safety net" for the general population. Other policies, like anti-unemployment measures and public housing were implemented with a general bipartisan consensus. However, where the government was really in trouble was abroad.
Over the years, the government of Anthony Eden had gotten itself involved in an increasing number of quagmires far from home, especially in the colonies. One of the most infamous ones was in the Dutch East Indies, the colony of the Netherlands that was one of the first to be fighting a war for its independence. To support an ally of theirs, and to prevent British colonies nearby from getting any ideas about violently seceding, the UK had resorted to military supporting the DEI with tens of thousands of troops. The war was taking a toll on the homeland, and the back-and-forth nature meant there could be no clear outcome or victory in a campaign, and nothing to show the war was ending soon. This was one of the biggest post-war operations undertaken, and Labour made sure to criticize it at every step of the way as an unnecessary imperialist conflict.
The policies of decolonization in Palestine and India were also attacked as "half-baked attempts at withdrawal". In the case of the former, a large garrison remained in place, not only in Jerusalem as originally planned but across the country to maintain order and fight Zionist and Arab insurgencies alike. Thankfully, President Chaim Weizmann had some understanding of internal British politics, and realized it would not be long until they would have to leave, and then a Jewish state could be properly established. This helped reduce the tensions with the Jewish paramilitary force, but this reduction in agitation was far from the case in India.
The National Congress had been advocating for total independence, in some cases violently. Dominion status had done little to appease the population - if anything, it radicalised it even more. For example, the Congress Socialist Party which was operating as a caucus inside the INC found increasing support, mainly in the non-violent current of Narendra Deva and his democratic socialist principles (although those wishing for violent aggression also existed). Jawaharlal Nehru himself was mildly sympathetic to the CSP's cause, and with the continued British presence turned to its members and even the USSR for support. Full independence was agreed to take effect on January 1st, 1950, and so in the months preceding it, the princely states would have to make a decision on whether to go on their own or join India.
Only the largest states in size and population had the luxury of being self-sustainable. Jammu and Kashmir, Hyderabad, Mysore and Travancore all had their rulers declare sovereignty. The only other cases of secession were near the frontier, where the princes had more options. So, Sikkim near the Himalayas and Manipur near Burma joined the community of independent nations, while two more cases were also notable. Kalat and the National Party advocating for preservation of its monarchy spearheaded an effort for the land not to accede to the Union of India, and so formed a "Baluchi Federation" with the other neighbouring princes. In addition, Junagadh led the creation of the Kathiawar Federation, a collection of the various administrations of the western peninsula. With that, the messy process of transition was done. However, the clause for all the princely states to be protected by the UK was still kept, and so symbolic Royal Guards of various sizes were stationed in each one. No sooner had Nehru's caretaker government took power, than it began advocating for an end to these separatist movements.
The Indian mess, in combination with the events in Yugoslavia where even former collaborators were armed against Tito, had caused an uproar and discontent with the Tory government was growing. When Parliament was dissolved and new elections were held, the burden of everything from the Great Depression to decolonization was heavy for the Conservatives to carry, and so Labour enjoyed one of its greatest landslide victories in decades. 401 seats allowed it to easily create a new government without a need for a coalition, and opposition leader Clement Attlee became the new prime minister in the first majority government of the Labour Party.
With no delay, Attlee began the task of bringing the nation to "a new era", both in regards to domestic policies and diplomacy. Some of his cabinet's most important decisions were in the colonies, as the greatest hotspots in Africa and Asia were dealt with in a more "hands-off" approach. The garrisons in Palestine were significantly reduced with a view to granting full sovereignty, and most importantly the Royal Guards were withdrawn from the Indian states, effectively ending the British guarantee and giving India a free hand to do as they wanted in the subcontinent. The question was if they would be so willing to go on a crusade against all the princes.
The Conservative victory in the 1945 UK elections had come as a surprise to most, even much of the party itself. It had been carrying the burden of the Great Depression, WWII and the last few terms in general, so the message of change spread by Labour was expected to be a heavy blow. However, the sudden assassination of Churchill, the resulting wave of sympathy and Eden's popularity as party leader resulted in the "1945 Surprise". From that point, the Prime Minister put a heavy focus on foreign affairs, as the issues to be settled were many. The future of Germany, relations with the USSR, Palestine and India were all hard problems to solve, but to the common man it didn't matter as much as what was going on back at home.
Post-war politics and debates were dominated by the questions of social reform and economic control. The Beveridge Report of 1942 was originally meant to be a simple political report commissioned by the wartime coalition to investigate the country's social insurance, but soon turned into a manifesto calling for radical change and reform in regards to welfare and government policy as a whole. The Labour Party had wholeheartedly embraced the Report that fit its agenda, but Prime Minister Churchill and most of the Conservative Party were reluctant to implement the reforms William Beveridge had advocated for. As part of his 1945 electoral campaign, Eden had promised to implement a "slightly revised" version of the proposals, and that was the main focus of his domestic agenda while serving his term.
From the end of the war and onwards, the Tory government took measures to first establish the National Health Service that had long been advocated for. Under the supervision of Minister Henry Willink who had drafted his own plan for the service in wartime, the NHS was built from the ground up as a free, universal and comprehensive healthcare system for all British citizens. Limited welfare policies were introduced in 1947 to provide various benefits, but were later expanded under pressure from the opposition and included a "safety net" for the general population. Other policies, like anti-unemployment measures and public housing were implemented with a general bipartisan consensus. However, where the government was really in trouble was abroad.
Over the years, the government of Anthony Eden had gotten itself involved in an increasing number of quagmires far from home, especially in the colonies. One of the most infamous ones was in the Dutch East Indies, the colony of the Netherlands that was one of the first to be fighting a war for its independence. To support an ally of theirs, and to prevent British colonies nearby from getting any ideas about violently seceding, the UK had resorted to military supporting the DEI with tens of thousands of troops. The war was taking a toll on the homeland, and the back-and-forth nature meant there could be no clear outcome or victory in a campaign, and nothing to show the war was ending soon. This was one of the biggest post-war operations undertaken, and Labour made sure to criticize it at every step of the way as an unnecessary imperialist conflict.
The policies of decolonization in Palestine and India were also attacked as "half-baked attempts at withdrawal". In the case of the former, a large garrison remained in place, not only in Jerusalem as originally planned but across the country to maintain order and fight Zionist and Arab insurgencies alike. Thankfully, President Chaim Weizmann had some understanding of internal British politics, and realized it would not be long until they would have to leave, and then a Jewish state could be properly established. This helped reduce the tensions with the Jewish paramilitary force, but this reduction in agitation was far from the case in India.
The National Congress had been advocating for total independence, in some cases violently. Dominion status had done little to appease the population - if anything, it radicalised it even more. For example, the Congress Socialist Party which was operating as a caucus inside the INC found increasing support, mainly in the non-violent current of Narendra Deva and his democratic socialist principles (although those wishing for violent aggression also existed). Jawaharlal Nehru himself was mildly sympathetic to the CSP's cause, and with the continued British presence turned to its members and even the USSR for support. Full independence was agreed to take effect on January 1st, 1950, and so in the months preceding it, the princely states would have to make a decision on whether to go on their own or join India.
Only the largest states in size and population had the luxury of being self-sustainable. Jammu and Kashmir, Hyderabad, Mysore and Travancore all had their rulers declare sovereignty. The only other cases of secession were near the frontier, where the princes had more options. So, Sikkim near the Himalayas and Manipur near Burma joined the community of independent nations, while two more cases were also notable. Kalat and the National Party advocating for preservation of its monarchy spearheaded an effort for the land not to accede to the Union of India, and so formed a "Baluchi Federation" with the other neighbouring princes. In addition, Junagadh led the creation of the Kathiawar Federation, a collection of the various administrations of the western peninsula. With that, the messy process of transition was done. However, the clause for all the princely states to be protected by the UK was still kept, and so symbolic Royal Guards of various sizes were stationed in each one. No sooner had Nehru's caretaker government took power, than it began advocating for an end to these separatist movements.
The Indian mess, in combination with the events in Yugoslavia where even former collaborators were armed against Tito, had caused an uproar and discontent with the Tory government was growing. When Parliament was dissolved and new elections were held, the burden of everything from the Great Depression to decolonization was heavy for the Conservatives to carry, and so Labour enjoyed one of its greatest landslide victories in decades. 401 seats allowed it to easily create a new government without a need for a coalition, and opposition leader Clement Attlee became the new prime minister in the first majority government of the Labour Party.
With no delay, Attlee began the task of bringing the nation to "a new era", both in regards to domestic policies and diplomacy. Some of his cabinet's most important decisions were in the colonies, as the greatest hotspots in Africa and Asia were dealt with in a more "hands-off" approach. The garrisons in Palestine were significantly reduced with a view to granting full sovereignty, and most importantly the Royal Guards were withdrawn from the Indian states, effectively ending the British guarantee and giving India a free hand to do as they wanted in the subcontinent. The question was if they would be so willing to go on a crusade against all the princes.
Chapter 33: Aftermath of the Yugoslav War
The Yugoslav War, as brief as it may have been, certainly had an impact across the Balkan region and beyond. Nowhere was the change clearer than in the country which was the battleground, of course, as both regimes had distinct differences from the short-lived "Federal Democratic Yugoslavia" that barely lasted more than 4 years of peacetime as a sovereign entity. In the north, the Zagreb government was seeing Molotov's endgame take place, as aid from the Soviet bloc was necessary to survive. Beyond the aggressiveness of the neo-Chetniks in the southeast, Italy and the West also had a bone to pick with Tito's government, making the USSR its only possible ally which gladly welcomed socialist Yugoslavia into its sphere of influence. Weapons and advisors were arriving in great numbers by early 1950, but Tito was not completely pleased with the state of affairs.
There were also changes for the people still living under the Tito regime, as socialist policies were sped up and were almost reminiscent of the Soviet Union's early years. Heavy industry and self-sustainability were deemed the most important, leading to rapid economic programs and greater central planning. Politically, the democracy still espoused became a facade much like in Hungary or Romania; the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was declared on September 18, but it still claimed all of its former territories including those occupied by the monarchists. Other reforms included the reorganisation of subdivisions: while most of the Serb population was now behind enemy lines, there was still a majority in some parts of Bosnia and it was certain to cause trouble, much like most other ethnic groups in Bosnia, and so lines were redrawn to appease them and prevent unrest. The degree to which propaganda highlighted the monarcho-fascism of Keserović and the Chetniks' past can also not be understated, and often led to fierce disagreements whenever the rival governments had to meet and discuss anything.
On the other side of the "iron curtain" that divided the South Slavs, the monarchists dubbed "an army with a state" were taking steps to make their country a stable kingdom. Peter II was swiftly crowned to become a figurehead, and basic democratic institutions were implemented. This did not change the ban on most socialist groups and the influence the Royal Army held in politics, so the country could be called a flawed democracy at best. British material support began to dry up after the Labour victory in the 1950 elections, but that did not stop new benefactors such as France from helping the new country. While it started to be known as just "Serbia" informally, the Belgrade government still claimed to be pan-Slavic in nature and even created autonomous Banovinas for Montenegro and Vardar Macedonia in 1951. The real control the two regions had over local affairs was uncertain, however.
Albania and Greece were also heavily affected by the breakout of the Yugoslav War. Thousands of refugees, especially those who didn’t wish to be oppressed by Serbs for their ethnicity, crossed the border south in the first days of chaos and settled elsewhere in the Balkans or even tried to leave further away. An example of this was the flight of Kosovars into Albania, but a large part of those who fled were also socialists or socialist sympathizers leaving as political fugitives. The effect of this was made clear in northern Greece, where former EAM fighters welcomed Yugoslav socialists, and in some cases, were even encouraged to perform raids for the first time since the German withdrawal. The government did not exactly appreciate this, and had no option but to resort to the deployment of units like the Gendarmerie as there could be no political negotiation (most cases involved lone wolves instead of organized offensives). Eventually, the tensions with leftists in the country would subside.
In Albania, not all of the political refugees were supportive of the Gjinishi regime and held more sympathy for Hoxha who was currently exiled in Italy. The political situation in the country deteriorated, especially after the possibility of conflict with the neo-Chetniks emerged. Skirmishes and disputes reached a climax as the civil war in Yugoslavia wound down, but nothing significant came out of it and things soon returned to normal - beyond the steady purges of “Hoxhaists” and the internment of suspected fifth columnists. The conflict in the Balkans also helped cement the nature of the Southeastern European communist states as Soviet puppets, since they received increased support and were generally kept on a tighter leash since 1949 due to “fears of a repeat of Yugoslavia”. This was also the pretext for greater political oppression in some cases, and the events in the communist bloc were drawn further away from the spotlight of the public. Of course, Molotov was criticized for his controversial and rather risky move in the Kremlin, but whether that opposition would amount to anything remained to be seen.
The Yugoslav War, as brief as it may have been, certainly had an impact across the Balkan region and beyond. Nowhere was the change clearer than in the country which was the battleground, of course, as both regimes had distinct differences from the short-lived "Federal Democratic Yugoslavia" that barely lasted more than 4 years of peacetime as a sovereign entity. In the north, the Zagreb government was seeing Molotov's endgame take place, as aid from the Soviet bloc was necessary to survive. Beyond the aggressiveness of the neo-Chetniks in the southeast, Italy and the West also had a bone to pick with Tito's government, making the USSR its only possible ally which gladly welcomed socialist Yugoslavia into its sphere of influence. Weapons and advisors were arriving in great numbers by early 1950, but Tito was not completely pleased with the state of affairs.
There were also changes for the people still living under the Tito regime, as socialist policies were sped up and were almost reminiscent of the Soviet Union's early years. Heavy industry and self-sustainability were deemed the most important, leading to rapid economic programs and greater central planning. Politically, the democracy still espoused became a facade much like in Hungary or Romania; the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was declared on September 18, but it still claimed all of its former territories including those occupied by the monarchists. Other reforms included the reorganisation of subdivisions: while most of the Serb population was now behind enemy lines, there was still a majority in some parts of Bosnia and it was certain to cause trouble, much like most other ethnic groups in Bosnia, and so lines were redrawn to appease them and prevent unrest. The degree to which propaganda highlighted the monarcho-fascism of Keserović and the Chetniks' past can also not be understated, and often led to fierce disagreements whenever the rival governments had to meet and discuss anything.
On the other side of the "iron curtain" that divided the South Slavs, the monarchists dubbed "an army with a state" were taking steps to make their country a stable kingdom. Peter II was swiftly crowned to become a figurehead, and basic democratic institutions were implemented. This did not change the ban on most socialist groups and the influence the Royal Army held in politics, so the country could be called a flawed democracy at best. British material support began to dry up after the Labour victory in the 1950 elections, but that did not stop new benefactors such as France from helping the new country. While it started to be known as just "Serbia" informally, the Belgrade government still claimed to be pan-Slavic in nature and even created autonomous Banovinas for Montenegro and Vardar Macedonia in 1951. The real control the two regions had over local affairs was uncertain, however.
Albania and Greece were also heavily affected by the breakout of the Yugoslav War. Thousands of refugees, especially those who didn’t wish to be oppressed by Serbs for their ethnicity, crossed the border south in the first days of chaos and settled elsewhere in the Balkans or even tried to leave further away. An example of this was the flight of Kosovars into Albania, but a large part of those who fled were also socialists or socialist sympathizers leaving as political fugitives. The effect of this was made clear in northern Greece, where former EAM fighters welcomed Yugoslav socialists, and in some cases, were even encouraged to perform raids for the first time since the German withdrawal. The government did not exactly appreciate this, and had no option but to resort to the deployment of units like the Gendarmerie as there could be no political negotiation (most cases involved lone wolves instead of organized offensives). Eventually, the tensions with leftists in the country would subside.
In Albania, not all of the political refugees were supportive of the Gjinishi regime and held more sympathy for Hoxha who was currently exiled in Italy. The political situation in the country deteriorated, especially after the possibility of conflict with the neo-Chetniks emerged. Skirmishes and disputes reached a climax as the civil war in Yugoslavia wound down, but nothing significant came out of it and things soon returned to normal - beyond the steady purges of “Hoxhaists” and the internment of suspected fifth columnists. The conflict in the Balkans also helped cement the nature of the Southeastern European communist states as Soviet puppets, since they received increased support and were generally kept on a tighter leash since 1949 due to “fears of a repeat of Yugoslavia”. This was also the pretext for greater political oppression in some cases, and the events in the communist bloc were drawn further away from the spotlight of the public. Of course, Molotov was criticized for his controversial and rather risky move in the Kremlin, but whether that opposition would amount to anything remained to be seen.
Chapter 34: Politics in Post-War France
The Provisional Government of the French Republic was founded two months prior to the landings in Normandy and Provence by Charles De Gaulle and his French Committee of National Liberation. Its goal was to be a government that would unite all ideological sections of the resistance and that would help preserve the sovereignty of France as a fellow Allied nation instead of another occupation zone once the British and Americans had landed. Anthony Eden was particularly sympathetic to De Gaulle's cause, and allowed the GPFR to participate in Operation Anvil with divisions of its own. Once they were able to liberate the city of Lyon on September 12, 1944, it became the base of the Provisional Government that wasted no time and quickly started recruiting new troops from the mainland. The transport of units from Italy and North Africa was also facilitated, and for the first months of Operation Overlord the southern front included a large fraction of French troops that went about re-establishing order and political control.
The next 367 days were marked by the liberation of city after city. Paris was taken on October 1 with great help from the Resistance which organized an armed uprising, and on December 19 Philippe Leclerc fulfilled the oath he had taken in the Libyan oasis of Kufra to fight until the tricolor flew over the Strasbourg Cathedral. As French armies marched into the core German lands, the "tripartite coalition" was cemented in the Provisional Government. With most of the political class discredited and stained thanks to collaboration, old movements had collapsed and allowed new ones, like the Gaullists and the Communists, to rise. Under the three parties agreement, the far-left CPF, the broader left-wing SFIO and the new Christian Republican Movement all united into a "government of national unanimity" which included a wide variety of politicians in the cabinet. As for the new MRC, it was formed by the bulk of the non-socialist Resistance and former Free French supporters who sought to place De Gaulle as a leader who would combat leftist influence. The general, however, refrained from openly embracing any specific political movement for now as it could endanger the unity of the country.
The winter of 1944 - 45 was harsh for France, as it was facing rapid inflation and significant food shortages. In this period, a great number of enterprises from banks to energy companies and industrial manufacturers were nationalised thanks to the initiative of the Communists, while American aid in the form of the Lend-Lease program (and later the RPUN) was key for recovery and reconstruction. Another very important issue was facing the past of collaborationism under the Vichy regime, especially for the partisans and communists who urged the people to take a harsh approach to anyone who had aided or supported the Germans. These punishments temporarily spiralled out of control in the first months of liberation, with public lynchings and the like, but were later brought under control thanks to the efforts of the GPFR and De Gaulle.
Politically, there were tensions between the components of the Provisional Government. Right-wingers believed the PCF was a tool being used by the Russians to exert influence in the West, while the process of drafting a new constitution for the Republic was also rather messy. De Gaulle supported a presidential republic as opposed to letting the parties dominate, but found opposition in the 3 dominant parties that swept most seats in the November 1945 elections for a Constituent Assembly. A series of tense negotiations between the various groups followed, in which De Gaulle accepted limitations to the presidential powers he advocated in exchange for lessened Communist and Socialist agitation in regards to cabinet positions and policy. Not everyone was happy with the agreement reached, but the population accepted the proposal for a semi-presidential constitution in the 1946 referendum. Until the next elections to be held in five years, the tripartisme coalition held on, but fears of a Gaullist dictatorship or a communist takeover were highly popular.
The government in place took measures to at least reform its colonial empire abroad with the formation of the French Union, which was announced in the new Fourth Republic Constitution. The new system would ensure the various colonies had democratic representation through the Assembly of the Union and the High Council, but the power of these institutions was not as great as it was meant to be in paper. Beyond Indochina where separate national states were created, Paris did not seem to have any intention of abandoning its holdings across the world like in Africa and the Americas.
Another project undertaken in foreign policy was the beginnings of European integration, which were spearheaded by France and Britain for the most part. The first step in this was the expansion of the Franco-Rhenish Economic Agreement, originally meant to tie the two countries’ economies together, to include North and South Germany in 1950 after the end of their occupation. A common market, mainly for natural resources and other industrial goods, was to be created and there were plans for it to be expanded to include other nations. With Italian relations cooled after the annexation of Aosta and Iberia still under two authoritarian dictatorships, the main opportunities for the agreement’s expansion were in the Low Countries and in Britain. For the moment, the process of creating a united Europe would remain on pause.
The Provisional Government of the French Republic was founded two months prior to the landings in Normandy and Provence by Charles De Gaulle and his French Committee of National Liberation. Its goal was to be a government that would unite all ideological sections of the resistance and that would help preserve the sovereignty of France as a fellow Allied nation instead of another occupation zone once the British and Americans had landed. Anthony Eden was particularly sympathetic to De Gaulle's cause, and allowed the GPFR to participate in Operation Anvil with divisions of its own. Once they were able to liberate the city of Lyon on September 12, 1944, it became the base of the Provisional Government that wasted no time and quickly started recruiting new troops from the mainland. The transport of units from Italy and North Africa was also facilitated, and for the first months of Operation Overlord the southern front included a large fraction of French troops that went about re-establishing order and political control.
The next 367 days were marked by the liberation of city after city. Paris was taken on October 1 with great help from the Resistance which organized an armed uprising, and on December 19 Philippe Leclerc fulfilled the oath he had taken in the Libyan oasis of Kufra to fight until the tricolor flew over the Strasbourg Cathedral. As French armies marched into the core German lands, the "tripartite coalition" was cemented in the Provisional Government. With most of the political class discredited and stained thanks to collaboration, old movements had collapsed and allowed new ones, like the Gaullists and the Communists, to rise. Under the three parties agreement, the far-left CPF, the broader left-wing SFIO and the new Christian Republican Movement all united into a "government of national unanimity" which included a wide variety of politicians in the cabinet. As for the new MRC, it was formed by the bulk of the non-socialist Resistance and former Free French supporters who sought to place De Gaulle as a leader who would combat leftist influence. The general, however, refrained from openly embracing any specific political movement for now as it could endanger the unity of the country.
The winter of 1944 - 45 was harsh for France, as it was facing rapid inflation and significant food shortages. In this period, a great number of enterprises from banks to energy companies and industrial manufacturers were nationalised thanks to the initiative of the Communists, while American aid in the form of the Lend-Lease program (and later the RPUN) was key for recovery and reconstruction. Another very important issue was facing the past of collaborationism under the Vichy regime, especially for the partisans and communists who urged the people to take a harsh approach to anyone who had aided or supported the Germans. These punishments temporarily spiralled out of control in the first months of liberation, with public lynchings and the like, but were later brought under control thanks to the efforts of the GPFR and De Gaulle.
Politically, there were tensions between the components of the Provisional Government. Right-wingers believed the PCF was a tool being used by the Russians to exert influence in the West, while the process of drafting a new constitution for the Republic was also rather messy. De Gaulle supported a presidential republic as opposed to letting the parties dominate, but found opposition in the 3 dominant parties that swept most seats in the November 1945 elections for a Constituent Assembly. A series of tense negotiations between the various groups followed, in which De Gaulle accepted limitations to the presidential powers he advocated in exchange for lessened Communist and Socialist agitation in regards to cabinet positions and policy. Not everyone was happy with the agreement reached, but the population accepted the proposal for a semi-presidential constitution in the 1946 referendum. Until the next elections to be held in five years, the tripartisme coalition held on, but fears of a Gaullist dictatorship or a communist takeover were highly popular.
The government in place took measures to at least reform its colonial empire abroad with the formation of the French Union, which was announced in the new Fourth Republic Constitution. The new system would ensure the various colonies had democratic representation through the Assembly of the Union and the High Council, but the power of these institutions was not as great as it was meant to be in paper. Beyond Indochina where separate national states were created, Paris did not seem to have any intention of abandoning its holdings across the world like in Africa and the Americas.
Another project undertaken in foreign policy was the beginnings of European integration, which were spearheaded by France and Britain for the most part. The first step in this was the expansion of the Franco-Rhenish Economic Agreement, originally meant to tie the two countries’ economies together, to include North and South Germany in 1950 after the end of their occupation. A common market, mainly for natural resources and other industrial goods, was to be created and there were plans for it to be expanded to include other nations. With Italian relations cooled after the annexation of Aosta and Iberia still under two authoritarian dictatorships, the main opportunities for the agreement’s expansion were in the Low Countries and in Britain. For the moment, the process of creating a united Europe would remain on pause.
Chapter 35: The Heart of Europe
Germany, as the perpetrator of the Second World War, was punished with the permanent division of its lands into three states as discussed earlier. The process of de-nazification took place throughout the three years of joint Allied occupation, and by the time it had reached its end, it was only logical that a completely new political structure appeared.
In the Republic of the Rhineland, occupation ended approximately at the same time as in the rest of the former Reich in late 1949, but over 15.000 French troops maintained their positions and were permanently stationed in outposts, unlike in the other sectors of Germany. The backlash from this move was strong domestically, but De Gaulle reasoned the military was only there to "ensure a smooth transition to democracy and the enforcement of the peace treaty". In the 1950 elections, the first in the fledgling nation's history, two clear blocs emerged. The first was the Christian Democratic Party under former Mayor of Cologne Konrad Adenauer who had formed the non-denominational successor of Weimar's old kingmaker party, Zentrum, and advocated for social conservative policies. Against the CDP stood the Rhenish SDP branch, which was formally established as a separate entity in 1947.
Despite the fact the latter collected the votes of the Ruhr's working class in the elections, it still suffered a narrow defeat to the CDP. Under the semi-presidential system established, Adenauer was elected President for the next six-year period, and began reconstruction projects with help from the United States and France. Interestingly enough, Rhineland had also seen the greatest efforts at de-nazification spearheaded by Paris and was largely cleansed of former NSDAP administrators and politicians by the 1950s.
North Germany was significantly more independent than Rhineland, even though the Allied Advisory Council remained in place until 1955. In its early years, it had to deal with the massive number of immigrants flooding the country as the expulsion of ethnic Germans from Prussia, the Sudetenland and elsewhere was taking place. As for its elections, the social democrat SDNP led by Kurt Schumacher and Erich Ollenhauer was able to get 53% and begin the implementation of a left-wing policies, despite the recent center-right surge. Schumacher, who was mainly responsible for the revival of the SPD in the north, became the Chancellor. His main priority was the creation of a new constitution for the country, which was to be drafted by the elected Constituent Assembly and included clauses for most basic rights, as well as outlining the centralized structure of local government and setting Chancellor terms to five years.
Finally, the southern part of Germany, often considered a stronghold of conservatism, became a federal republic to allow for decentralized government in its different states: Bavaria, Baden and Württemberg, each of which had a separate identity and was not as associated with the “Prussian core”. There were talks of further dividing the south along these lines, but they were rejected in favor of a united yet federal state. Franz Josef Strauss, the founder of the South German Christian Union, was elected as Chancellor despite not being especially prominent in the pre-war era and led a vaguely conservative democratic coalition. Together with Schumacher, he came to lead the early efforts for European integration and negotiated the Franco-German economic treaties.
Even though the nation was suffering the consequences of the Nazi dictatorship, extremism still existed in fringe movements and parties - both the far-left and the far-right kinds. On the one edge of the spectrum, the KPD returned to its old activities and agitation as it was founded in Berlin in 1946 (under the clear protection and support of the Red Army troops participating in the occupation). The choice made by Molotov for the leadership of the party was Wilhelm Pieck, who had lived in exile in the USSR since 1933 and was thought of being a trustworthy candidate.
The NSDAP and all its institutions were completely banned with the agreement of the major Allied powers, who agreed to crack down on far-right groups as part of the de-nazification effort. However, that did not stop people, especially former party members and officers who had not been executed or incarcerated, from creating new movements that carefully walked the line between right-wing conservatism and neo-Nazism. The most prominent example was the Deutsche Konservative Partei, which was initially founded in Saxony as a typical right-wing party, but was soon “hijacked” by former Nazi officers and others who had escaped punishment. It was able to gain three seats in the South German Bundestag, but was largely irrelevant to the political stage for now.
Germany, as the perpetrator of the Second World War, was punished with the permanent division of its lands into three states as discussed earlier. The process of de-nazification took place throughout the three years of joint Allied occupation, and by the time it had reached its end, it was only logical that a completely new political structure appeared.
In the Republic of the Rhineland, occupation ended approximately at the same time as in the rest of the former Reich in late 1949, but over 15.000 French troops maintained their positions and were permanently stationed in outposts, unlike in the other sectors of Germany. The backlash from this move was strong domestically, but De Gaulle reasoned the military was only there to "ensure a smooth transition to democracy and the enforcement of the peace treaty". In the 1950 elections, the first in the fledgling nation's history, two clear blocs emerged. The first was the Christian Democratic Party under former Mayor of Cologne Konrad Adenauer who had formed the non-denominational successor of Weimar's old kingmaker party, Zentrum, and advocated for social conservative policies. Against the CDP stood the Rhenish SDP branch, which was formally established as a separate entity in 1947.
Despite the fact the latter collected the votes of the Ruhr's working class in the elections, it still suffered a narrow defeat to the CDP. Under the semi-presidential system established, Adenauer was elected President for the next six-year period, and began reconstruction projects with help from the United States and France. Interestingly enough, Rhineland had also seen the greatest efforts at de-nazification spearheaded by Paris and was largely cleansed of former NSDAP administrators and politicians by the 1950s.
North Germany was significantly more independent than Rhineland, even though the Allied Advisory Council remained in place until 1955. In its early years, it had to deal with the massive number of immigrants flooding the country as the expulsion of ethnic Germans from Prussia, the Sudetenland and elsewhere was taking place. As for its elections, the social democrat SDNP led by Kurt Schumacher and Erich Ollenhauer was able to get 53% and begin the implementation of a left-wing policies, despite the recent center-right surge. Schumacher, who was mainly responsible for the revival of the SPD in the north, became the Chancellor. His main priority was the creation of a new constitution for the country, which was to be drafted by the elected Constituent Assembly and included clauses for most basic rights, as well as outlining the centralized structure of local government and setting Chancellor terms to five years.
Finally, the southern part of Germany, often considered a stronghold of conservatism, became a federal republic to allow for decentralized government in its different states: Bavaria, Baden and Württemberg, each of which had a separate identity and was not as associated with the “Prussian core”. There were talks of further dividing the south along these lines, but they were rejected in favor of a united yet federal state. Franz Josef Strauss, the founder of the South German Christian Union, was elected as Chancellor despite not being especially prominent in the pre-war era and led a vaguely conservative democratic coalition. Together with Schumacher, he came to lead the early efforts for European integration and negotiated the Franco-German economic treaties.
Even though the nation was suffering the consequences of the Nazi dictatorship, extremism still existed in fringe movements and parties - both the far-left and the far-right kinds. On the one edge of the spectrum, the KPD returned to its old activities and agitation as it was founded in Berlin in 1946 (under the clear protection and support of the Red Army troops participating in the occupation). The choice made by Molotov for the leadership of the party was Wilhelm Pieck, who had lived in exile in the USSR since 1933 and was thought of being a trustworthy candidate.
The NSDAP and all its institutions were completely banned with the agreement of the major Allied powers, who agreed to crack down on far-right groups as part of the de-nazification effort. However, that did not stop people, especially former party members and officers who had not been executed or incarcerated, from creating new movements that carefully walked the line between right-wing conservatism and neo-Nazism. The most prominent example was the Deutsche Konservative Partei, which was initially founded in Saxony as a typical right-wing party, but was soon “hijacked” by former Nazi officers and others who had escaped punishment. It was able to gain three seats in the South German Bundestag, but was largely irrelevant to the political stage for now.
Chapter 36: Rise of China
In May 1947, elections in the Republic of China were the first in twenty-nine years to be held and the first in thirty-five years to be held in a united nation. With the agreement of both the Nationalists and the Communists who were responsible for supervising the election results and their fairness, the process of disarmament and unification was almost finished allowing for democratic processes to be finally restored.
Chiang Kai-Shek had initially advocated for the creation of a "Basic Law" in the 1946 peace talks, meant to act as a constitution for the regime to comply with. However, both the CPC and foreign diplomats encouraged him to instead form a Constituent Assembly like had been the norm for many new nations in these years, and said body would be responsible for drafting its own Basic Law. The Nationalist leader reluctantly agreed, and two weeks after the Chongqing Conference ended the plans for democratic reform were announced. A National Assembly of 1,840 delegates was to be elected from the country's 30 provinces, and it would be responsible for creating a constitution as well as electing an Acting President to lead the nation until the next elections.
The main contestants of the election were, of course, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party which were both able to field candidates for every constituency. It's not surprising, though, that a number of opposition parties which had remained underground surfaced to compete as third parties and alternatives to the giants. The most popular of these was the continuation of the China Democratic League, which was rather an electoral alliance of a handful of nationalist movements: the left-leaning National Socialist Party, the strongly anti-communist Young China Party and the Peasants' and Workers' Democratic Party. The CDL mainly argued for parliamentary democracy and an end to warlord rule and oligarchism, but it was hard to take away votes from the larger and more radical Communists who preached similar ideas. In addition, splinters of the Left KMT and the federalist Public Interest Party participated but were unable to reliably get percentages higher than single digits.
The elections provided both major parties over 40% of the vote, giving the Kuomintang a slim plurality. The exact numbers did not matter anyway, as in a show of good faith the Nationalists and Communists arranged another coalition of national unity together with most minor parties that made their way into the Assembly. With an almost total majority, creating the Constitution wasn't particularly hard. China became a unicameral presidential democracy where the parliament would have the duty of electing the President every six years, amending the constitution and voting on new laws. The President would also be responsible for appointing a cabinet to fill the executive branch. As for the first head of state, Chiang Kai-Shek won the vote in the Assembly with ease.
Foreigner observers claimed the elections were "relatively free" - besides the absurdly high turnout rates and KMT votes in warlord-controlled provinces such as Shanxi and Qinghai. And while the warlords held back the democratic system, the Communist leadership began acting almost like a check on the executive branch's powers, ensuring it never went too far nor consolidated power under Chiang.
With the passage of time, the problems presented by the warlords in charge of China’s outer provinces were appearing. In Xinjiang, Sheng Shicai held power but was unable to effectively respond to Uighur revolts or appease them with concessions. Back in 1944, a new East Turkestan Republic had been declared in the northern part of the Xinjiang provinces and was more likely than not supported by the USSR. Sheng understood that the Kremlin’s Troika had likely turned against him and fought the uprising with whatever resources he had at his disposal. The longevity of the Uighur rebellion proved to Nanjing the incompetence of Sheng, who in 1948 was replaced as governor with staunch Kuomintang loyalist Bai Chongxi. This had angered the non-Han population who was hoping a Turkic figure like Masud Sabri would be appointed, but thankfully Soviet support to the rebels was largely cut off after the Soviet-Chinese rapprochement and the debacle came to an end. As if that was not enough, tensions were beginning to rise with Tibet, the legal status of which was disputed. Incidents with ethnic Tibetans were increasingly common in nearby provinces such as Xikang and Qinghai, where the Hui population was famously in a rivalry with them.
A summit was mediated by the United Kingdom to resolve the status of Tibet inside the RoC, but talks essentially collapsed. Nanjing’s authority in these matters was also questionable, since those in charge of adjacent provinces were the ones to have a real say instead of legislators thousands of miles away. It was becoming clear to President Chiang and his advisors that warlord rule was taking a toll on the country, and their desire for self-preservation was hurting China. Something had to be done, but no one was sure what - except for the Generalissimo.
On 8 April 1950, Chiang made an announcement in which he revealed an alleged plot to depose him through a coup d'etat. According to documents of questionable authenticity, a number of high-ranking generals and warlords formed the core of this group and were supported by an even larger list of less significant officers and officials. This was first used as pretext for the arrest of numerous people inside the administration, most notably Li Zongren. The former leader of the Guangxi Clique had long been an opponent of Chiang and his policies, with the government believing him to be a danger. However, the most important part of the list was that about generals and governors actually in control of land, those who could not be simply arrested. Included were members of the Ma family who ruled the Northwest as well as Yan Xishan, governor of Shanxi for more time than anyone could remember. To finally end the trend of warlordism and eliminate possible opposition, the President announced a “pre-emptive military campaign” and thus began the War of National Pacification, a campaign to finally reunify the country in earnest.
In May 1947, elections in the Republic of China were the first in twenty-nine years to be held and the first in thirty-five years to be held in a united nation. With the agreement of both the Nationalists and the Communists who were responsible for supervising the election results and their fairness, the process of disarmament and unification was almost finished allowing for democratic processes to be finally restored.
Chiang Kai-Shek had initially advocated for the creation of a "Basic Law" in the 1946 peace talks, meant to act as a constitution for the regime to comply with. However, both the CPC and foreign diplomats encouraged him to instead form a Constituent Assembly like had been the norm for many new nations in these years, and said body would be responsible for drafting its own Basic Law. The Nationalist leader reluctantly agreed, and two weeks after the Chongqing Conference ended the plans for democratic reform were announced. A National Assembly of 1,840 delegates was to be elected from the country's 30 provinces, and it would be responsible for creating a constitution as well as electing an Acting President to lead the nation until the next elections.
The main contestants of the election were, of course, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party which were both able to field candidates for every constituency. It's not surprising, though, that a number of opposition parties which had remained underground surfaced to compete as third parties and alternatives to the giants. The most popular of these was the continuation of the China Democratic League, which was rather an electoral alliance of a handful of nationalist movements: the left-leaning National Socialist Party, the strongly anti-communist Young China Party and the Peasants' and Workers' Democratic Party. The CDL mainly argued for parliamentary democracy and an end to warlord rule and oligarchism, but it was hard to take away votes from the larger and more radical Communists who preached similar ideas. In addition, splinters of the Left KMT and the federalist Public Interest Party participated but were unable to reliably get percentages higher than single digits.
The elections provided both major parties over 40% of the vote, giving the Kuomintang a slim plurality. The exact numbers did not matter anyway, as in a show of good faith the Nationalists and Communists arranged another coalition of national unity together with most minor parties that made their way into the Assembly. With an almost total majority, creating the Constitution wasn't particularly hard. China became a unicameral presidential democracy where the parliament would have the duty of electing the President every six years, amending the constitution and voting on new laws. The President would also be responsible for appointing a cabinet to fill the executive branch. As for the first head of state, Chiang Kai-Shek won the vote in the Assembly with ease.
Foreigner observers claimed the elections were "relatively free" - besides the absurdly high turnout rates and KMT votes in warlord-controlled provinces such as Shanxi and Qinghai. And while the warlords held back the democratic system, the Communist leadership began acting almost like a check on the executive branch's powers, ensuring it never went too far nor consolidated power under Chiang.
With the passage of time, the problems presented by the warlords in charge of China’s outer provinces were appearing. In Xinjiang, Sheng Shicai held power but was unable to effectively respond to Uighur revolts or appease them with concessions. Back in 1944, a new East Turkestan Republic had been declared in the northern part of the Xinjiang provinces and was more likely than not supported by the USSR. Sheng understood that the Kremlin’s Troika had likely turned against him and fought the uprising with whatever resources he had at his disposal. The longevity of the Uighur rebellion proved to Nanjing the incompetence of Sheng, who in 1948 was replaced as governor with staunch Kuomintang loyalist Bai Chongxi. This had angered the non-Han population who was hoping a Turkic figure like Masud Sabri would be appointed, but thankfully Soviet support to the rebels was largely cut off after the Soviet-Chinese rapprochement and the debacle came to an end. As if that was not enough, tensions were beginning to rise with Tibet, the legal status of which was disputed. Incidents with ethnic Tibetans were increasingly common in nearby provinces such as Xikang and Qinghai, where the Hui population was famously in a rivalry with them.
A summit was mediated by the United Kingdom to resolve the status of Tibet inside the RoC, but talks essentially collapsed. Nanjing’s authority in these matters was also questionable, since those in charge of adjacent provinces were the ones to have a real say instead of legislators thousands of miles away. It was becoming clear to President Chiang and his advisors that warlord rule was taking a toll on the country, and their desire for self-preservation was hurting China. Something had to be done, but no one was sure what - except for the Generalissimo.
On 8 April 1950, Chiang made an announcement in which he revealed an alleged plot to depose him through a coup d'etat. According to documents of questionable authenticity, a number of high-ranking generals and warlords formed the core of this group and were supported by an even larger list of less significant officers and officials. This was first used as pretext for the arrest of numerous people inside the administration, most notably Li Zongren. The former leader of the Guangxi Clique had long been an opponent of Chiang and his policies, with the government believing him to be a danger. However, the most important part of the list was that about generals and governors actually in control of land, those who could not be simply arrested. Included were members of the Ma family who ruled the Northwest as well as Yan Xishan, governor of Shanxi for more time than anyone could remember. To finally end the trend of warlordism and eliminate possible opposition, the President announced a “pre-emptive military campaign” and thus began the War of National Pacification, a campaign to finally reunify the country in earnest.
Chapter 37: War of National Pacification
To some, the war Chiang began in 1950 was reminiscent of the Central Plains War twenty years earlier. That was when a coalition of independent warlords had turned against the legitimate government in Nanjing, only for them to be crushed and for the Kuomintang to consolidate its control over central China. Some of those who had fought against Chiang were still alive in 1950, like Yan Xishan and Li Zongren. The greatest difference was that it wasn't them who were allying to bring down the central government, but the exact opposite: a pre-emptive strike.
The first phase of the campaign took place in the north, where Yan Xishan's fiefdom - the Jin Clique - had expanded from Shanxi to Suiyuan, Qahar and even parts of Hebei in the wake of the Race for Manchuria and the Japanese collapse five years earlier. The greatest strategic goal was Shanxi's capital itself and the headquarters of Yan, the city of Taiyuan. Lying in the north of the Fen tributary's basin, it is shielded by mountains to the east and west, making an advance up the Fen river to capture it the most realistic solution. A military buildup had already commenced near the borders of the provinces controlled by warlords, and so on April 12 the city of Yuncheng had already fallen, paving the way for the NRA to move north and capture the capital.
The advance to Taiyuan was slow, but effective, as the sheer numbers of the government's troops could not be matched by any men the Jin Clique could muster. Realizing his lands could soon fall, Yan Xishan decided to reach out to possible friends, namely the warlords of the Northwest. The Ma family had controlled Qinghai, Ningxia and Gansu for decades, with different members taking control on different occasions. Now, its current warlords were in the crosshairs of the Nationalist leadership and so they had nothing to lose by aiding Yan in his endeavours. As governor of Ningxia, a region bordering the Jin clique, Ma Hongkui took the initiative and started supporting it before the Nationalists could go on a military campaign in the northwest. Weapons and funds flowed east and straight into the hands of Yan, and while they were useful in holding off the NRA, Chiang used this to show evidence of the alleged "anti-Nanjing pact". Throughout April, the NRA continued advancing into Shanxi.
Foreign observers were alarmed by the rearmament of the National Revolutionary Army as it was technically a violation of the Chongqing Peace Agreement. However, President Chiang reasoned the situation fit the circumstances of "fighting an external threat" as described in the agreement; in this case, the warlord cliques of the north and northwest. At the same time, the CPC was expected to criticize the expedition to crush the last warlords but remained oddly silent. After all, it wasn't that unlikely they actually supported total unification.
The Battle of Taiyuan began on the 26th of April, pitting a force of 140,000 loyalist troops against Yan's 80,000 men. The city's defenders had prepared strong defenses which allowed for the battle to go on with higher casualties than normal, and not much progress was made in the first few days. After fierce fighting and what was practically a siege, the city fell on May 10. Shanxi's leading warlord was nowhere to be seen, though, and had likely escaped north. Nonetheless, the Nanjing government was betting on the fact that the governors of other Jin-affiliated provinces would defect as soon as the core fell and that was exactly what they did. Hebei had already fallen, and so Suiyuan and Chahar soon followed suit in declaring their allegiance to the Republic of china. The northern front of the National Pacification War had come to an end.
As summer came closer, Chiang turned his attention to the domains of the Ma. Until then, there had only been small skirmishes and battles along the edge of Gansu that gave the NRA small footholds in the province. However, as soon as Jin had fallen for good, the government went on the attack: the army was directed almost in its entirety towards the west, and a drive for Lanzhou began. Ma Hongkui was largely responsible for the defense of the city, which was first shelled with artillery fire on May 28 after an uneventful march of Nationalist troops towards it. Meanwhile, Chiang practiced a new tactic, promising positions and riches to subordinates of the Ma in exchange for their defection. While that occasionally worked, in many cases the Hui officers were reluctant to stab their former allies in the back. The Battle of Lanzhou was in many ways similar to the one in Taiyuan, as the provincial capital was at stake and the battle was far from easy. With its fall, the Hui armies were practically disintegrating and it was not hard for order to be restored in the Northwestern provinces under new, loyal governors. The last frontier province on the border with the USSR, Xinjiang, saw Bai Chongxi being forced to reaffirm his loyalty even though by this point he held little power.
In the span of less than two months, the last warlords had fallen, but the President was not entirely satisfied. Continuing to use the rally ‘round the flag effect, he made one last invasion to end the dispute that had started this conflict in the first place: Tibet. The region had remained virtually independent since 1912, despite the fact the Republic of China continued to claim it was its own territory, and Chiang intended to solve the issue with military force. The army serving the Kashag Government of Tibet was not prepared for such a turn of events, and so was quickly pushed out of Nagqu in the north and the Kham region in the east. Throughout the first weeks of summer, the RoC troops continued closing in on Lhasa, the Tibetan capital.
The British government was highly concerned about the invasion, and so were several neighboring countries like India and the USSR. Through the United Nations Organization, a resolution was implemented for negotiations to begin so that the bloodshed in Tibet may end. Under significant international pressure, the Nanjing government was encouraged to accept a proposal that would make the Kashag Government nominally a part of China, but with increased autonomy in internal affairs. With the agreement being reached on June 12, another one of this period’s brief wars ended, and China was whole again.
To some, the war Chiang began in 1950 was reminiscent of the Central Plains War twenty years earlier. That was when a coalition of independent warlords had turned against the legitimate government in Nanjing, only for them to be crushed and for the Kuomintang to consolidate its control over central China. Some of those who had fought against Chiang were still alive in 1950, like Yan Xishan and Li Zongren. The greatest difference was that it wasn't them who were allying to bring down the central government, but the exact opposite: a pre-emptive strike.
The first phase of the campaign took place in the north, where Yan Xishan's fiefdom - the Jin Clique - had expanded from Shanxi to Suiyuan, Qahar and even parts of Hebei in the wake of the Race for Manchuria and the Japanese collapse five years earlier. The greatest strategic goal was Shanxi's capital itself and the headquarters of Yan, the city of Taiyuan. Lying in the north of the Fen tributary's basin, it is shielded by mountains to the east and west, making an advance up the Fen river to capture it the most realistic solution. A military buildup had already commenced near the borders of the provinces controlled by warlords, and so on April 12 the city of Yuncheng had already fallen, paving the way for the NRA to move north and capture the capital.
The advance to Taiyuan was slow, but effective, as the sheer numbers of the government's troops could not be matched by any men the Jin Clique could muster. Realizing his lands could soon fall, Yan Xishan decided to reach out to possible friends, namely the warlords of the Northwest. The Ma family had controlled Qinghai, Ningxia and Gansu for decades, with different members taking control on different occasions. Now, its current warlords were in the crosshairs of the Nationalist leadership and so they had nothing to lose by aiding Yan in his endeavours. As governor of Ningxia, a region bordering the Jin clique, Ma Hongkui took the initiative and started supporting it before the Nationalists could go on a military campaign in the northwest. Weapons and funds flowed east and straight into the hands of Yan, and while they were useful in holding off the NRA, Chiang used this to show evidence of the alleged "anti-Nanjing pact". Throughout April, the NRA continued advancing into Shanxi.
Foreign observers were alarmed by the rearmament of the National Revolutionary Army as it was technically a violation of the Chongqing Peace Agreement. However, President Chiang reasoned the situation fit the circumstances of "fighting an external threat" as described in the agreement; in this case, the warlord cliques of the north and northwest. At the same time, the CPC was expected to criticize the expedition to crush the last warlords but remained oddly silent. After all, it wasn't that unlikely they actually supported total unification.
The Battle of Taiyuan began on the 26th of April, pitting a force of 140,000 loyalist troops against Yan's 80,000 men. The city's defenders had prepared strong defenses which allowed for the battle to go on with higher casualties than normal, and not much progress was made in the first few days. After fierce fighting and what was practically a siege, the city fell on May 10. Shanxi's leading warlord was nowhere to be seen, though, and had likely escaped north. Nonetheless, the Nanjing government was betting on the fact that the governors of other Jin-affiliated provinces would defect as soon as the core fell and that was exactly what they did. Hebei had already fallen, and so Suiyuan and Chahar soon followed suit in declaring their allegiance to the Republic of china. The northern front of the National Pacification War had come to an end.
As summer came closer, Chiang turned his attention to the domains of the Ma. Until then, there had only been small skirmishes and battles along the edge of Gansu that gave the NRA small footholds in the province. However, as soon as Jin had fallen for good, the government went on the attack: the army was directed almost in its entirety towards the west, and a drive for Lanzhou began. Ma Hongkui was largely responsible for the defense of the city, which was first shelled with artillery fire on May 28 after an uneventful march of Nationalist troops towards it. Meanwhile, Chiang practiced a new tactic, promising positions and riches to subordinates of the Ma in exchange for their defection. While that occasionally worked, in many cases the Hui officers were reluctant to stab their former allies in the back. The Battle of Lanzhou was in many ways similar to the one in Taiyuan, as the provincial capital was at stake and the battle was far from easy. With its fall, the Hui armies were practically disintegrating and it was not hard for order to be restored in the Northwestern provinces under new, loyal governors. The last frontier province on the border with the USSR, Xinjiang, saw Bai Chongxi being forced to reaffirm his loyalty even though by this point he held little power.
In the span of less than two months, the last warlords had fallen, but the President was not entirely satisfied. Continuing to use the rally ‘round the flag effect, he made one last invasion to end the dispute that had started this conflict in the first place: Tibet. The region had remained virtually independent since 1912, despite the fact the Republic of China continued to claim it was its own territory, and Chiang intended to solve the issue with military force. The army serving the Kashag Government of Tibet was not prepared for such a turn of events, and so was quickly pushed out of Nagqu in the north and the Kham region in the east. Throughout the first weeks of summer, the RoC troops continued closing in on Lhasa, the Tibetan capital.
The British government was highly concerned about the invasion, and so were several neighboring countries like India and the USSR. Through the United Nations Organization, a resolution was implemented for negotiations to begin so that the bloodshed in Tibet may end. Under significant international pressure, the Nanjing government was encouraged to accept a proposal that would make the Kashag Government nominally a part of China, but with increased autonomy in internal affairs. With the agreement being reached on June 12, another one of this period’s brief wars ended, and China was whole again.