Death in Tehran (Redux)
- Thread starter Thanosaekk
- Start date
Sorry I forgot to answer your question, but yes, the only parties banned in the German countries are those explicitly related to Nazism, and since the occupation was more of a joint effort instead of having separate sectors neither side has the upper hand in any country's internal affairs.
Chapter 37: War of National Pacification
Chapter 37: War of National Pacification
To some, the war Chiang began in 1950 was reminiscent of the Central Plains War twenty years earlier. That was when a coalition of independent warlords had turned against the legitimate government in Nanjing, only for them to be crushed and for the Kuomintang to consolidate its control over central China. Some of those who had fought against Chiang were still alive in 1950, like Yan Xishan and Li Zongren. The greatest difference was that it wasn't them who were allying to bring down the central government, but the exact opposite: a pre-emptive strike.
The first phase of the campaign took place in the north, where Yan Xishan's fiefdom - the Jin Clique - had expanded from Shanxi to Suiyuan, Qahar and even parts of Hebei in the wake of the Race for Manchuria and the Japanese collapse five years earlier. The greatest strategic goal was Shanxi's capital itself and the headquarters of Yan, the city of Taiyuan. Lying in the north of the Fen tributary's basin, it is shielded by mountains to the east and west, making an advance up the Fen river to capture it the most realistic solution. A military buildup had already commenced near the borders of the provinces controlled by warlords, and so on April 12 the city of Yuncheng had already fallen, paving the way for the NRA to move north and capture the capital.
The advance to Taiyuan was slow, but effective, as the sheer numbers of the government's troops could not be matched by any men the Jin Clique could muster. Realizing his lands could soon fall, Yan Xishan decided to reach out to possible friends, namely the warlords of the Northwest. The Ma family had controlled Qinghai, Ningxia and Gansu for decades, with different members taking control on different occasions. Now, its current warlords were in the crosshairs of the Nationalist leadership and so they had nothing to lose by aiding Yan in his endeavours. As governor of Ningxia, a region bordering the Jin clique, Ma Hongkui took the initiative and started supporting it before the Nationalists could go on a military campaign in the northwest. Weapons and funds flowed east and straight into the hands of Yan, and while they were useful in holding off the NRA, Chiang used this to show evidence of the alleged "anti-Nanjing pact". Throughout April, the NRA continued advancing into Shanxi.
Foreign observers were alarmed by the rearmament of the National Revolutionary Army as it was technically a violation of the Chongqing Peace Agreement. However, President Chiang reasoned the situation fit the circumstances of "fighting an external threat" as described in the agreement; in this case, the warlord cliques of the north and northwest. At the same time, the CPC was expected to criticize the expedition to crush the last warlords but remained oddly silent. After all, it wasn't that unlikely they actually supported total unification.
The Battle of Taiyuan began on the 26th of April, pitting a force of 140,000 loyalist troops against Yan's 80,000 men. The city's defenders had prepared strong defenses which allowed for the battle to go on with higher casualties than normal, and not much progress was made in the first few days. After fierce fighting and what was practically a siege, the city fell on May 10. Shanxi's leading warlord was nowhere to be seen, though, and had likely escaped north. Nonetheless, the Nanjing government was betting on the fact that the governors of other Jin-affiliated provinces would defect as soon as the core fell and that was exactly what they did. Hebei had already fallen, and so Suiyuan and Chahar soon followed suit in declaring their allegiance to the Republic of china. The northern front of the National Pacification War had come to an end.
As summer came closer, Chiang turned his attention to the domains of the Ma. Until then, there had only been small skirmishes and battles along the edge of Gansu that gave the NRA small footholds in the province. However, as soon as Jin had fallen for good, the government went on the attack: the army was directed almost in its entirety towards the west, and a drive for Lanzhou began. Ma Hongkui was largely responsible for the defense of the city, which was first shelled with artillery fire on May 28 after an uneventful march of Nationalist troops towards it. Meanwhile, Chiang practiced a new tactic, promising positions and riches to subordinates of the Ma in exchange for their defection. While that occasionally worked, in many cases the Hui officers were reluctant to stab their former allies in the back. The Battle of Lanzhou was in many ways similar to the one in Taiyuan, as the provincial capital was at stake and the battle was far from easy. With its fall, the Hui armies were practically disintegrating and it was not hard for order to be restored in the Northwestern provinces under new, loyal governors. The last frontier province on the border with the USSR, Xinjiang, saw Bai Chongxi being forced to reaffirm his loyalty even though by this point he held little power.
In the span of less than two months, the last warlords had fallen, but the President was not entirely satisfied. Continuing to use the rally ‘round the flag effect, he made one last invasion to end the dispute that had started this conflict in the first place: Tibet. The region had remained virtually independent since 1912, despite the fact the Republic of China continued to claim it was its own territory, and Chiang intended to solve the issue with military force. The army serving the Kashag Government of Tibet was not prepared for such a turn of events, and so was quickly pushed out of Nagqu in the north and the Kham region in the east. Throughout the first weeks of summer, the RoC troops continued closing in on Lhasa, the Tibetan capital.
The British government was highly concerned about the invasion, and so were several neighboring countries like India and the USSR. Through the United Nations Organization, a resolution was implemented for negotiations to begin so that the bloodshed in Tibet may end. Under significant international pressure, the Nanjing government was encouraged to accept a proposal that would make the Kashag Government nominally a part of China, but with increased autonomy in internal affairs. With the agreement being reached on June 12, another one of this period’s brief wars ended, and China was whole again.
To some, the war Chiang began in 1950 was reminiscent of the Central Plains War twenty years earlier. That was when a coalition of independent warlords had turned against the legitimate government in Nanjing, only for them to be crushed and for the Kuomintang to consolidate its control over central China. Some of those who had fought against Chiang were still alive in 1950, like Yan Xishan and Li Zongren. The greatest difference was that it wasn't them who were allying to bring down the central government, but the exact opposite: a pre-emptive strike.
The first phase of the campaign took place in the north, where Yan Xishan's fiefdom - the Jin Clique - had expanded from Shanxi to Suiyuan, Qahar and even parts of Hebei in the wake of the Race for Manchuria and the Japanese collapse five years earlier. The greatest strategic goal was Shanxi's capital itself and the headquarters of Yan, the city of Taiyuan. Lying in the north of the Fen tributary's basin, it is shielded by mountains to the east and west, making an advance up the Fen river to capture it the most realistic solution. A military buildup had already commenced near the borders of the provinces controlled by warlords, and so on April 12 the city of Yuncheng had already fallen, paving the way for the NRA to move north and capture the capital.
The advance to Taiyuan was slow, but effective, as the sheer numbers of the government's troops could not be matched by any men the Jin Clique could muster. Realizing his lands could soon fall, Yan Xishan decided to reach out to possible friends, namely the warlords of the Northwest. The Ma family had controlled Qinghai, Ningxia and Gansu for decades, with different members taking control on different occasions. Now, its current warlords were in the crosshairs of the Nationalist leadership and so they had nothing to lose by aiding Yan in his endeavours. As governor of Ningxia, a region bordering the Jin clique, Ma Hongkui took the initiative and started supporting it before the Nationalists could go on a military campaign in the northwest. Weapons and funds flowed east and straight into the hands of Yan, and while they were useful in holding off the NRA, Chiang used this to show evidence of the alleged "anti-Nanjing pact". Throughout April, the NRA continued advancing into Shanxi.
Foreign observers were alarmed by the rearmament of the National Revolutionary Army as it was technically a violation of the Chongqing Peace Agreement. However, President Chiang reasoned the situation fit the circumstances of "fighting an external threat" as described in the agreement; in this case, the warlord cliques of the north and northwest. At the same time, the CPC was expected to criticize the expedition to crush the last warlords but remained oddly silent. After all, it wasn't that unlikely they actually supported total unification.
The Battle of Taiyuan began on the 26th of April, pitting a force of 140,000 loyalist troops against Yan's 80,000 men. The city's defenders had prepared strong defenses which allowed for the battle to go on with higher casualties than normal, and not much progress was made in the first few days. After fierce fighting and what was practically a siege, the city fell on May 10. Shanxi's leading warlord was nowhere to be seen, though, and had likely escaped north. Nonetheless, the Nanjing government was betting on the fact that the governors of other Jin-affiliated provinces would defect as soon as the core fell and that was exactly what they did. Hebei had already fallen, and so Suiyuan and Chahar soon followed suit in declaring their allegiance to the Republic of china. The northern front of the National Pacification War had come to an end.
As summer came closer, Chiang turned his attention to the domains of the Ma. Until then, there had only been small skirmishes and battles along the edge of Gansu that gave the NRA small footholds in the province. However, as soon as Jin had fallen for good, the government went on the attack: the army was directed almost in its entirety towards the west, and a drive for Lanzhou began. Ma Hongkui was largely responsible for the defense of the city, which was first shelled with artillery fire on May 28 after an uneventful march of Nationalist troops towards it. Meanwhile, Chiang practiced a new tactic, promising positions and riches to subordinates of the Ma in exchange for their defection. While that occasionally worked, in many cases the Hui officers were reluctant to stab their former allies in the back. The Battle of Lanzhou was in many ways similar to the one in Taiyuan, as the provincial capital was at stake and the battle was far from easy. With its fall, the Hui armies were practically disintegrating and it was not hard for order to be restored in the Northwestern provinces under new, loyal governors. The last frontier province on the border with the USSR, Xinjiang, saw Bai Chongxi being forced to reaffirm his loyalty even though by this point he held little power.
In the span of less than two months, the last warlords had fallen, but the President was not entirely satisfied. Continuing to use the rally ‘round the flag effect, he made one last invasion to end the dispute that had started this conflict in the first place: Tibet. The region had remained virtually independent since 1912, despite the fact the Republic of China continued to claim it was its own territory, and Chiang intended to solve the issue with military force. The army serving the Kashag Government of Tibet was not prepared for such a turn of events, and so was quickly pushed out of Nagqu in the north and the Kham region in the east. Throughout the first weeks of summer, the RoC troops continued closing in on Lhasa, the Tibetan capital.
The British government was highly concerned about the invasion, and so were several neighboring countries like India and the USSR. Through the United Nations Organization, a resolution was implemented for negotiations to begin so that the bloodshed in Tibet may end. Under significant international pressure, the Nanjing government was encouraged to accept a proposal that would make the Kashag Government nominally a part of China, but with increased autonomy in internal affairs. With the agreement being reached on June 12, another one of this period’s brief wars ended, and China was whole again.
Map of the World (July 1950)
As we continue, here is a map of the world in 1950 so you can have a reference of what it looks like. Among other things, you can see the aftermath of the National Pacification War as well as the conflicts in Southeast Asia.
Chapter 38: Danger from Within
Chapter 38: Danger from Within
As the world entered the new decade of the 1950s, the Indian subcontinent's unity as a single entity was being challenged yet again, this time by the various princes who had declared their independence. In what had been carved out of the directly administered provinces, a country the National Congress called a "rump state" had been formed. Almost no one was happy about the turn of events, but sooner than later, India returned to its internal struggle between the Congress and the Jinnah's AIML.
After the complete independence of the country in 1950, Muslim intellectuals continued advocating for the partition of the country into two religion-based states. Throughout the 1947 - 1950 period of gradual independence and integration, the AIML had actually come out in support of the princely states in addition to asking for a partition. This was largely the result of Bhopal's efforts to forge a "pact" between the advocates of Pakistan and the princes, a plan which somewhat succeeded. With a number of states such as Kathiawar and Hyderabad under the rule of a Muslim elite, Jinnah was encouraged to support them with a view to later including them in a greater country separate from the Hindu lands.
The new elections held in 1951 produced a victory for the increasingly left-leaning Indian National Congress which won 252 out of 360 seats in the Central Parliament and whose leader, Jawaharlal Nehru, became Prime Minister for another term. However, the AIML was able to comfortably win every Muslim-majority constituency and build a significant bloc of those favoring partition inside the legislature. Demands for it continued, and on 6 May 1951 Jinnah would call for a general strike of the Muslim population for an independent state. The situation quickly grew out of control as the protests turned to communal riots like in the years before: mobs of Muslims would attack Hindu citizens and houses like in Calcutta, only for the opposite to happen a few days later.
The National Congress was facing an increasingly volatile domestic situation, and in times of crisis the cracks inside a movement as broad as this were beginning to appear. The Congress Socialist Caucus continued expanding in popularity at the expense of rival factions, and was earning Nehru’s favor - approximately 140 of the representatives in the national legislature were members or sympathizers to the group, meaning they were not a majority but could still push a certain agenda. This was obvious through Nehru’s policies, as he focused on developing industry through state support and incentives and effectively turned the country into a mixed economy standing between capitalism and socialism. However, right-wing elements were distancing themselves from the Congress in the wake of the crisis, as they judged the central leadership to be handling it incompetently. This included popular figures such as Vallabhbhai Patel and Purushottam Das Tandon, who were far less inclined to follow socialist ideas and forge a friendship with the Soviet Union. When a proposal for the decentralization of power in provinces based on religious lines was almost instantly shot down by the AIML in August 1951, most understood that some kind of confrontation was about to take place in the country.
As India descended into domestic unrest which distracted it, the princely states began the process of nation-building inside their own borders without worrying about their largest neighbor. A key part of their first years of sovereignty was political reform, as by the time of independence few of them actually had democratic institutions. Some of the southern states were prime examples of “success stories”, like Mysore which operated its own Legislative Assembly and Travancore whose King had launched the region into a new era with progress and industrialization. Following these examples, most princes created new legislative bodies with increased powers, but in some cases their hand was forced. For example, a communist uprising took place in Travancore in 1948 and earned it a reputation as a revolutionary hotspot.
In Hyderabad, the situation was even more unstable. When its Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan declared his intention for independence, there were reactions from numerous sectors of the society. First, the Hindu population was in favor of acceding to the Union, while the Muslims were arming themselves through militia known as the Razakars. The Razakars were radical Islamists who wanted to resist integration into India, and in fact supported annexation into a Pakistani state. They were generally on the side of the government, helping put down peasant rebellions and occasionally committing atrocities against the Hindu population. Hyderabad was only one example of the violence that started erupting across the subcontinent. Another region facing internal problems was Kathiawar; the peninsula had been taken over through military force anyway, and after Junagadh asserted itself as the leader of this "federation", many princedoms and agencies began being absorbed or centralized to ensure they didn't drift away.
Despite the challenges they faced and the geographic barriers, the 8 princely states still tried to be closer together diplomatically. Soon after independence, the Chamber of Princes was revived as a new assembly that nominally made the group allies. In fact, even during the period of British rule, discussions were being held on the possibility of an actual federation separate from India or Pakistan to be a third force, but the fact most of the countries were landlocked and/or didn't border anyone but India was a problem. For now, all each could do was offer solidarity to one another.
As the world entered the new decade of the 1950s, the Indian subcontinent's unity as a single entity was being challenged yet again, this time by the various princes who had declared their independence. In what had been carved out of the directly administered provinces, a country the National Congress called a "rump state" had been formed. Almost no one was happy about the turn of events, but sooner than later, India returned to its internal struggle between the Congress and the Jinnah's AIML.
After the complete independence of the country in 1950, Muslim intellectuals continued advocating for the partition of the country into two religion-based states. Throughout the 1947 - 1950 period of gradual independence and integration, the AIML had actually come out in support of the princely states in addition to asking for a partition. This was largely the result of Bhopal's efforts to forge a "pact" between the advocates of Pakistan and the princes, a plan which somewhat succeeded. With a number of states such as Kathiawar and Hyderabad under the rule of a Muslim elite, Jinnah was encouraged to support them with a view to later including them in a greater country separate from the Hindu lands.
The new elections held in 1951 produced a victory for the increasingly left-leaning Indian National Congress which won 252 out of 360 seats in the Central Parliament and whose leader, Jawaharlal Nehru, became Prime Minister for another term. However, the AIML was able to comfortably win every Muslim-majority constituency and build a significant bloc of those favoring partition inside the legislature. Demands for it continued, and on 6 May 1951 Jinnah would call for a general strike of the Muslim population for an independent state. The situation quickly grew out of control as the protests turned to communal riots like in the years before: mobs of Muslims would attack Hindu citizens and houses like in Calcutta, only for the opposite to happen a few days later.
The National Congress was facing an increasingly volatile domestic situation, and in times of crisis the cracks inside a movement as broad as this were beginning to appear. The Congress Socialist Caucus continued expanding in popularity at the expense of rival factions, and was earning Nehru’s favor - approximately 140 of the representatives in the national legislature were members or sympathizers to the group, meaning they were not a majority but could still push a certain agenda. This was obvious through Nehru’s policies, as he focused on developing industry through state support and incentives and effectively turned the country into a mixed economy standing between capitalism and socialism. However, right-wing elements were distancing themselves from the Congress in the wake of the crisis, as they judged the central leadership to be handling it incompetently. This included popular figures such as Vallabhbhai Patel and Purushottam Das Tandon, who were far less inclined to follow socialist ideas and forge a friendship with the Soviet Union. When a proposal for the decentralization of power in provinces based on religious lines was almost instantly shot down by the AIML in August 1951, most understood that some kind of confrontation was about to take place in the country.
As India descended into domestic unrest which distracted it, the princely states began the process of nation-building inside their own borders without worrying about their largest neighbor. A key part of their first years of sovereignty was political reform, as by the time of independence few of them actually had democratic institutions. Some of the southern states were prime examples of “success stories”, like Mysore which operated its own Legislative Assembly and Travancore whose King had launched the region into a new era with progress and industrialization. Following these examples, most princes created new legislative bodies with increased powers, but in some cases their hand was forced. For example, a communist uprising took place in Travancore in 1948 and earned it a reputation as a revolutionary hotspot.
In Hyderabad, the situation was even more unstable. When its Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan declared his intention for independence, there were reactions from numerous sectors of the society. First, the Hindu population was in favor of acceding to the Union, while the Muslims were arming themselves through militia known as the Razakars. The Razakars were radical Islamists who wanted to resist integration into India, and in fact supported annexation into a Pakistani state. They were generally on the side of the government, helping put down peasant rebellions and occasionally committing atrocities against the Hindu population. Hyderabad was only one example of the violence that started erupting across the subcontinent. Another region facing internal problems was Kathiawar; the peninsula had been taken over through military force anyway, and after Junagadh asserted itself as the leader of this "federation", many princedoms and agencies began being absorbed or centralized to ensure they didn't drift away.
Despite the challenges they faced and the geographic barriers, the 8 princely states still tried to be closer together diplomatically. Soon after independence, the Chamber of Princes was revived as a new assembly that nominally made the group allies. In fact, even during the period of British rule, discussions were being held on the possibility of an actual federation separate from India or Pakistan to be a third force, but the fact most of the countries were landlocked and/or didn't border anyone but India was a problem. For now, all each could do was offer solidarity to one another.
Chapter 39: India in Flames
Chapter 39: India in Flames
By 1951, the socialist movement in the state of Travancore and adjacent Cochin had grown significantly, and the regional CPI branch had united most left-leaning activists and lower class agitators under a single banner. Starting from the Vaikom Satyagraha in the 1920s, Travancore had a history of civil disobedience and protests organized by the same central leadership against a number of different issues. When the King's Diwan, C.P. Ramaswami Iyer had announced the kingdom would not join the Indian Union, one of the greatest protests was held by the Communists and resulted in the deaths of more than 60 people due to the ensuing violence. Ramaswami Iyer who was effectively acting as a Prime Minister believed an uprising attempt had been foiled, but to the CPI this was only a rehearsal for what was to come in the future.
On the 22nd of August, 1951, a proposal to entirely abolish the Jagir feudal system and other similar institutions was rejected in the halls of the Legislative Assembly. The jagirs were feudal lords appointed by the state, and whose land was typically passed on from father to son in a hereditary manner. The people of Travancore and Cochin had expected that, much like the progressive Indian government had done, the feudal system would end at last and land reform was on its way. When that was revealed to not be the case, the Communist Party called to protest every day until the decision was changed. For the next week, workers and peasants were out in the streets, fighting against law enforcement and rioting. With every day that passed, the battles in the towns and villages were getting increasingly violent, while the Diwan only barely survived an assassination attempt on him.
It was now only a matter of time before the CPI made their move to take power. 16 days after the protests had begun, army units deployed around the capital of Trivandrum were informed that the socialists were possibly mustering troops for a march on the Assembly building and the King's residence. Security detail was reinforced and an alert was raised, but it was not enough to stop the onslaught of over 9.000 men and women rallied from the countryside and the city's outskirts. Army troops were ordered to fire on any groups carrying weapons - when they were not defecting, at least. For a few hours, Travancore and Cochin entered a state of revolution and chaos that culminated in a battle outside of the key government facilities. There, the bulk of the ragtag communist army was able to defeat an unprepared guard and seize the last strongholds of meaningful royalist resistance. The Diwan and the King were both captured, with the former allegedly being killed by cross-fire and the latter imprisoned for his crimes as defined by the CPI.
All of a sudden, Travancore - Cochin was the site of an authentic socialist revolution organized by the people. It was one of the few together with the USSR and the Southeastern European bloc to openly acknowledge its ideological nature, as the People's Republic of Kerala was declared on September 8th. A Central Committee was formed to temporarily rule, but largely ignored standard democratic principles. Instead, it practiced what was dubbed "popular democratic centralism" where decisions were to be made by a CC from appointed delegates of various industries and locations. Its first chairman and leader was P. Krishna Pillai, a man at the forefront of the ruling movement for a long time.
The Kerala Revolution of 1951 had a profound effect on many of the South Asian communist movements, as we will soon see. The idea that a native party could take control without help from the great benefactor, the Soviet Union, encouraged others to try as well. Of course, there were still reports on AK-47 stockpiles arriving in Kerala from Iranian ports, but they mattered little to the other CPI branches.
When Travancore fell, there was an internal division in the revolutionaries between those who wanted to restructure as a regional force and those who wanted to keep going and ignite a revolution across the subcontinent. Even if the former reigned supreme, advisors and agitators still arrived in the unstable princedom of Hyderabad (often without the knowledge of the Keralan government). Supported by a small fighting force of army defectors, the Communist Party of Hyderabad took up arms in November 1951, and began a low-level insurgency against the Nizam.
In response to the rebellion raging in the southern edge of the country, Mir Osman Ali Khan made the decision to sign the Instrument of Accession and formally join the Union of India. Only with their aid could the second communist stronghold be beaten, he reasoned, and it was clear the country had been in decline during the last years. However, the radical Razakar paramilitaries had something to say about this decision, and effectively seized control of the country in the name of the Muslim population the day after the accession was announced. The Nizam's oldest son, Azam Jah, was placed as a puppet ruler and blocked the integration into India. At the same time, Qasim Razvi was the real leader as commander of the Razakars who began expelling the Hindu population. Despite the fears of atrocities, Nehru's government was afraid of intervening as it was already entangled in its own mess.
As Hyderabad rapidly approached collapse and the Razakars had a free hand, Hindus began arming themselves in response and declared a rebellion in the northern and eastern parts of the region as the "All-Indian Government of Deccan". This was now a three-way civil war mixing political and religious differences, but it would rage at a slower pace than most conflicts of the time. Communists and "Unionists" alike would fight guerrilla wars in favorable terrain, waiting for their foreign allies to meddle.
The ripples caused by the Keralan Revolution and the Hyderabad Civil War continued spreading, and next came the tense regions of Punjab and Bengal. In an unfortunate turn of events, Muslim communities there started embracing the tactics of the Razakars - paramilitary violence, religious rhetoric and a strong army presence to resolve matters. These improvised units were bound to turn against the Indian government as the most radical proponents of the partition plans. In the first half of 1952, what became known as the Year of Blood and Tears began, one of the most challenging periods for the nation and its most divided regions as the self-described "Pakistan Military Organization" sprung into action.
By 1951, the socialist movement in the state of Travancore and adjacent Cochin had grown significantly, and the regional CPI branch had united most left-leaning activists and lower class agitators under a single banner. Starting from the Vaikom Satyagraha in the 1920s, Travancore had a history of civil disobedience and protests organized by the same central leadership against a number of different issues. When the King's Diwan, C.P. Ramaswami Iyer had announced the kingdom would not join the Indian Union, one of the greatest protests was held by the Communists and resulted in the deaths of more than 60 people due to the ensuing violence. Ramaswami Iyer who was effectively acting as a Prime Minister believed an uprising attempt had been foiled, but to the CPI this was only a rehearsal for what was to come in the future.
On the 22nd of August, 1951, a proposal to entirely abolish the Jagir feudal system and other similar institutions was rejected in the halls of the Legislative Assembly. The jagirs were feudal lords appointed by the state, and whose land was typically passed on from father to son in a hereditary manner. The people of Travancore and Cochin had expected that, much like the progressive Indian government had done, the feudal system would end at last and land reform was on its way. When that was revealed to not be the case, the Communist Party called to protest every day until the decision was changed. For the next week, workers and peasants were out in the streets, fighting against law enforcement and rioting. With every day that passed, the battles in the towns and villages were getting increasingly violent, while the Diwan only barely survived an assassination attempt on him.
It was now only a matter of time before the CPI made their move to take power. 16 days after the protests had begun, army units deployed around the capital of Trivandrum were informed that the socialists were possibly mustering troops for a march on the Assembly building and the King's residence. Security detail was reinforced and an alert was raised, but it was not enough to stop the onslaught of over 9.000 men and women rallied from the countryside and the city's outskirts. Army troops were ordered to fire on any groups carrying weapons - when they were not defecting, at least. For a few hours, Travancore and Cochin entered a state of revolution and chaos that culminated in a battle outside of the key government facilities. There, the bulk of the ragtag communist army was able to defeat an unprepared guard and seize the last strongholds of meaningful royalist resistance. The Diwan and the King were both captured, with the former allegedly being killed by cross-fire and the latter imprisoned for his crimes as defined by the CPI.
All of a sudden, Travancore - Cochin was the site of an authentic socialist revolution organized by the people. It was one of the few together with the USSR and the Southeastern European bloc to openly acknowledge its ideological nature, as the People's Republic of Kerala was declared on September 8th. A Central Committee was formed to temporarily rule, but largely ignored standard democratic principles. Instead, it practiced what was dubbed "popular democratic centralism" where decisions were to be made by a CC from appointed delegates of various industries and locations. Its first chairman and leader was P. Krishna Pillai, a man at the forefront of the ruling movement for a long time.
The Kerala Revolution of 1951 had a profound effect on many of the South Asian communist movements, as we will soon see. The idea that a native party could take control without help from the great benefactor, the Soviet Union, encouraged others to try as well. Of course, there were still reports on AK-47 stockpiles arriving in Kerala from Iranian ports, but they mattered little to the other CPI branches.
When Travancore fell, there was an internal division in the revolutionaries between those who wanted to restructure as a regional force and those who wanted to keep going and ignite a revolution across the subcontinent. Even if the former reigned supreme, advisors and agitators still arrived in the unstable princedom of Hyderabad (often without the knowledge of the Keralan government). Supported by a small fighting force of army defectors, the Communist Party of Hyderabad took up arms in November 1951, and began a low-level insurgency against the Nizam.
In response to the rebellion raging in the southern edge of the country, Mir Osman Ali Khan made the decision to sign the Instrument of Accession and formally join the Union of India. Only with their aid could the second communist stronghold be beaten, he reasoned, and it was clear the country had been in decline during the last years. However, the radical Razakar paramilitaries had something to say about this decision, and effectively seized control of the country in the name of the Muslim population the day after the accession was announced. The Nizam's oldest son, Azam Jah, was placed as a puppet ruler and blocked the integration into India. At the same time, Qasim Razvi was the real leader as commander of the Razakars who began expelling the Hindu population. Despite the fears of atrocities, Nehru's government was afraid of intervening as it was already entangled in its own mess.
As Hyderabad rapidly approached collapse and the Razakars had a free hand, Hindus began arming themselves in response and declared a rebellion in the northern and eastern parts of the region as the "All-Indian Government of Deccan". This was now a three-way civil war mixing political and religious differences, but it would rage at a slower pace than most conflicts of the time. Communists and "Unionists" alike would fight guerrilla wars in favorable terrain, waiting for their foreign allies to meddle.
The ripples caused by the Keralan Revolution and the Hyderabad Civil War continued spreading, and next came the tense regions of Punjab and Bengal. In an unfortunate turn of events, Muslim communities there started embracing the tactics of the Razakars - paramilitary violence, religious rhetoric and a strong army presence to resolve matters. These improvised units were bound to turn against the Indian government as the most radical proponents of the partition plans. In the first half of 1952, what became known as the Year of Blood and Tears began, one of the most challenging periods for the nation and its most divided regions as the self-described "Pakistan Military Organization" sprung into action.
@Thanosaekk, so far your TL is quite excellent! I particularly enjoyed reading about America, Eastern Europe and India, though I have suspicions that Robert Taft, polarizing as he was, will be an one-term president.
I find it quite interesting that Lviv is part of Poland ITTL - how large is the Ukrainian community there? I imagine that's it going to be a prominent center of the Ukrainian diaspora in the coming years.
Damn.
Just want to clarify something: has anyone tried to do electoral maps for your TL?
I find it quite interesting that Lviv is part of Poland ITTL - how large is the Ukrainian community there? I imagine that's it going to be a prominent center of the Ukrainian diaspora in the coming years.
Damn.
Just want to clarify something: has anyone tried to do electoral maps for your TL?
Thanks for your kind comments 
Right now the Ukrainian community in Lviv wouldn't be particularly notable for anything - there would have been limited population transfers between Poland and the USSR to sort things out demographically, although Ukrainian emigrés and nationalist movements could still be active there.
I've thought about trying my hand at one (or a wikibox for that matter) but I'm not exactly an expert in American politics so it hasn't happened yet.
Chapter 40: Aftershocks of the Keralan Revolution
Chapter 40: Aftershocks of the Keralan Revolution
As the royal banners were being replaced by hammers and sickles in Trivandrum, the Indonesian War of Independence was entering its seventh year. It was back in 1945 that the Netherlands had made up their mind not to abandon the core of their colonial empire, but they certainly paid the price for it. Interestingly enough, in the later years of the conflict the Dutch were fighting the war less to maintain their empire and more to protect their interests by saving the archipelago from communist or islamist rule.
Had the war raged at the same levels as in 1946 and 1947, it was unlikely that it would still be going on. However, both sides had recently settled down into something of a stalemate, or at least a less intense insurgency being waged by the PNI and its associates. Dutch forces, occasionally aided by the Commonwealth, maintained footholds and enclaves near the coast and major cities, with demarcated "red lines" which the army was to defend from any sort of attacks. Inside the areas still controlled by the colony, garrisons were heavily involved in patrolling and distributing basic supplies to the population. Even in 1951, over 160.000 Dutch troops were stationed in the East Indies.
The participants in the National Revolution would be forced to come to the negotiating table by two factors: the Communists and the United Nations. The former took up arms against the perceived "bourgeoisie traitors like Sukarno" in November 1951 with the right amount of encouragement from Kerala and other foreign allies. Towns in Java and Sumatra occasionally came under attack from their affiliated militias, but this was also used as a pretext for a crackdown on leftists inside the broad independence movement. Now, there was a common enemy to deal with and a wildcard for any attempts at peace. Meanwhile, the UN Organization was realizing the dangers of letting the chaos in the region go on and proposed a plan for an armistice.
The Armistice Plan of 1951 was an extensive effort to partly satisfy everyone in one way or the other. It called for the Dutch-backed Indonesian Commonwealth to be reformed as a supranational entity under the monarch of the Netherlands - now Juliana after Wilhelmina's abdication three years earlier. Within this entity would be included the Republic of Indonesia, the revolutionary state with total control of Java and Sumatra, as well as new states in Borneo and the Great East (equivalent to everything else). Despite the radicalisation of Sukarno's clique, the deal was reluctantly accepted but only after new military offensives in Borneo to convince them.
Many opposed this "balkanization of Indonesia" as it was portrayed, and the Communist Party took advantage by rallying peasants and workers to its cause. The movement grew rapidly in southern Sumatra where it attracted thousands of followers and where its first major offensives took place. In an odd occurrence, Dutch advisors took up the job of helping National Army forces and training new units in an effort to maintain the established status quo. The only upside to the situation was that the Islamists of Kartosuwiryo still remained quiet and had not risen up, yet.
There was no need to spread socialist beliefs to the Indochinese states, as the Communist Party was already popular to a great degree. They were the first to see proper leftist rebellions, even though the umbrella organisation of the ICP fractured after the Hanoi Agreement with the French Union. While Ho Chi Minh's movement accepted the agreement and began participating in local politics, another fraction completely broke off to launch the Indochinese Emergency which was still going on by 1951. The "Indochina Socialist Union" founded by Chu Van Tan and representing the rebellion's leadership was in reality a loose coalition of cliques and interest groups, but upon the latest events in Southeast Asia, the Trotskyists began gaining popularity inside it. The rest of the ISU looked on them with suspicion, but its leaders were able to convince them into collaborating for the sake of liberation, and at the forefront was Ta Thu Thâu, leader of the left oppositionists.
At this point, South Asia was the greatest front the expansion of communism, from Kerala to Malaya. One last movement rode the wind of change blowing in the Bay of Bengal, and it was the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, Ceylon's first organized political movement that followed communist ideas. In 1940, the pro-Moscow wing had been expelled and so the LSSP was brought under Trotskyist control, but despite its fringe ideology it remained the greatest opposition to colonial rule and the war effort. Even after dominion status was granted to the island in 1950, the LSSP continued protesting against numerous matters and policies of the leading pro-British government. After a reconciliation between the parts of the LSSP in conflict with each other, it prepared to achieve greatness in its own corner of the Indian Ocean.
As the royal banners were being replaced by hammers and sickles in Trivandrum, the Indonesian War of Independence was entering its seventh year. It was back in 1945 that the Netherlands had made up their mind not to abandon the core of their colonial empire, but they certainly paid the price for it. Interestingly enough, in the later years of the conflict the Dutch were fighting the war less to maintain their empire and more to protect their interests by saving the archipelago from communist or islamist rule.
Had the war raged at the same levels as in 1946 and 1947, it was unlikely that it would still be going on. However, both sides had recently settled down into something of a stalemate, or at least a less intense insurgency being waged by the PNI and its associates. Dutch forces, occasionally aided by the Commonwealth, maintained footholds and enclaves near the coast and major cities, with demarcated "red lines" which the army was to defend from any sort of attacks. Inside the areas still controlled by the colony, garrisons were heavily involved in patrolling and distributing basic supplies to the population. Even in 1951, over 160.000 Dutch troops were stationed in the East Indies.
The participants in the National Revolution would be forced to come to the negotiating table by two factors: the Communists and the United Nations. The former took up arms against the perceived "bourgeoisie traitors like Sukarno" in November 1951 with the right amount of encouragement from Kerala and other foreign allies. Towns in Java and Sumatra occasionally came under attack from their affiliated militias, but this was also used as a pretext for a crackdown on leftists inside the broad independence movement. Now, there was a common enemy to deal with and a wildcard for any attempts at peace. Meanwhile, the UN Organization was realizing the dangers of letting the chaos in the region go on and proposed a plan for an armistice.
The Armistice Plan of 1951 was an extensive effort to partly satisfy everyone in one way or the other. It called for the Dutch-backed Indonesian Commonwealth to be reformed as a supranational entity under the monarch of the Netherlands - now Juliana after Wilhelmina's abdication three years earlier. Within this entity would be included the Republic of Indonesia, the revolutionary state with total control of Java and Sumatra, as well as new states in Borneo and the Great East (equivalent to everything else). Despite the radicalisation of Sukarno's clique, the deal was reluctantly accepted but only after new military offensives in Borneo to convince them.
Many opposed this "balkanization of Indonesia" as it was portrayed, and the Communist Party took advantage by rallying peasants and workers to its cause. The movement grew rapidly in southern Sumatra where it attracted thousands of followers and where its first major offensives took place. In an odd occurrence, Dutch advisors took up the job of helping National Army forces and training new units in an effort to maintain the established status quo. The only upside to the situation was that the Islamists of Kartosuwiryo still remained quiet and had not risen up, yet.
There was no need to spread socialist beliefs to the Indochinese states, as the Communist Party was already popular to a great degree. They were the first to see proper leftist rebellions, even though the umbrella organisation of the ICP fractured after the Hanoi Agreement with the French Union. While Ho Chi Minh's movement accepted the agreement and began participating in local politics, another fraction completely broke off to launch the Indochinese Emergency which was still going on by 1951. The "Indochina Socialist Union" founded by Chu Van Tan and representing the rebellion's leadership was in reality a loose coalition of cliques and interest groups, but upon the latest events in Southeast Asia, the Trotskyists began gaining popularity inside it. The rest of the ISU looked on them with suspicion, but its leaders were able to convince them into collaborating for the sake of liberation, and at the forefront was Ta Thu Thâu, leader of the left oppositionists.
At this point, South Asia was the greatest front the expansion of communism, from Kerala to Malaya. One last movement rode the wind of change blowing in the Bay of Bengal, and it was the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, Ceylon's first organized political movement that followed communist ideas. In 1940, the pro-Moscow wing had been expelled and so the LSSP was brought under Trotskyist control, but despite its fringe ideology it remained the greatest opposition to colonial rule and the war effort. Even after dominion status was granted to the island in 1950, the LSSP continued protesting against numerous matters and policies of the leading pro-British government. After a reconciliation between the parts of the LSSP in conflict with each other, it prepared to achieve greatness in its own corner of the Indian Ocean.
Chapter 41: Balance of Power, 1947 - 1951
Chapter 41: Balance of Power, 1947 - 1951
There could be no discussion of the years after WW2 without talking about the relations between the new world powers. In a way, post-war Europe turned into a chess board for the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union as both seemed to want to maximize their influence without antagonizing the other. In the Eden years, that is until 1950, Anglo-Soviet relations revolved around encouraging a new friendship in the hopes of preventing a new German resurgence and perhaps reinforcing European unity. It would later become clear no member of the First Troika was actually interested in such a united front, but Moscow still utilized this to their advantage. As seen by their actions, the dominant school of thought in regards to diplomacy was Molotov's: that is, the belief that capitalist hostility was essentially guaranteed, but there was no point in advancing into other countries or reforming the Stalinist image to please them. The aim of the deal settled for Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in 1949 was simply to ensure the longevity and stability of a socialist bloc in the east.
Another important factor in continental geopolitics was France, a rising powerhouse eager to climb back to its interwar glory. Under De Gaulle, it sought to follow its own foreign policy line, but the United Kingdom was interested in friendly relations with them both under Eden and Attlee. Over the years, the mutual treaties and agreements signed between the two were far from few, and despite the occasional disagreements like in the Levant, they were still in a friendly mood. That is not to mention the occasions where colonial adventures had almost forced them to coordinate policy: Indochina, Libya and Madagascar (occupied by Britain in WW2 but under formal French control).
"European unity" was thrown around as a term a lot in the late 40s and early 50s, but really became popular after the creation of the Common Multilateral Economic Agreement between France and the three German countries with plans for expanding. The Soviet Union had no objections to this purely economic entity, and much like the International New Deal of the RPUN it was open to allowing its satellites to take part. As for the role Rhineland and the two Germanies played in geopolitics, the answer is simple: they didn't. After the enforced partition, they had as much of a say as the Low Countries or the Scandinavian ones in foreign affairs and mostly tried to keep their neutrality.
The Middle East had become a battlefield for nations to exert their influence as well, especially after the events of 1946 in Iran. With a diplomatic mission and a strong presence in the country, the Soviet Union could consider it almost an extension of its sphere of influence. This allowed it limited access to the much-desired warm water ports of the Arabian Sea such as Bandar Abbas - and so, its influence could spread further into Asia. The British government did not wish to provocate the USSR, but it still gave limited backing to a tribal revolt in the southern provinces of Fars and Khuzestan, while also keeping a tight leash on its Middle Eastern possessions.
What concerned both sides more was the prospect of decolonization, for it would pave the way for greater foreign influence in the new countries in Asia and Africa. Already, communism had found it's way to India, Vietnam etc., so who was to say it wouldn't be prominent elsewhere? All in all, we can see that both Britain and the Soviet Union followed a policy of what was called "non-confrontational expansion" in the Old World. For how long a conflict between the two could be avoided was anyone's guess.
Possibly the greatest event that upset the status quo was the election of Robert A. Taft in the USA on an isolationist platform. To shed light on his exact foreign policy ideas, in an address to Congress in early 1949, the new President had stated: "We are not re-entering the 'splendid isolation' of the 1920s. What we are doing is merely declining to accept the role, as laid out by the previous administrations, of some kind of global saviour; a plan almost certainly motivated by ideological reasons. We will continue defending American interests whenever and wherever it is necessary." Indeed, the situation shifted significantly in Taft's first term. Pressure on the great empires left to decolonize was lifted, often resulting in quagmires like in Indonesia and later Africa. More importantly, aid in the form of the RPUN program ended in an abrupt manner, but most economies had bounced back by then.
The Americas were the only region where other participants in this new Great Game did not rush to expand. The USA continued the Good Neighbor Policy developed by Roosevelt and continued by Wallace, while also keeping its pledge to protect the Latin American states from foreign encroachment. The days of occupying republics on the coast of the Caribbean or toppling their leaders were gone, but there were still US troops stationed in Guantanamo Bay and the Panama Canal, a location central to world trade. And with that, the summary of the era's global geopolitical trends comes to an end.
There could be no discussion of the years after WW2 without talking about the relations between the new world powers. In a way, post-war Europe turned into a chess board for the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union as both seemed to want to maximize their influence without antagonizing the other. In the Eden years, that is until 1950, Anglo-Soviet relations revolved around encouraging a new friendship in the hopes of preventing a new German resurgence and perhaps reinforcing European unity. It would later become clear no member of the First Troika was actually interested in such a united front, but Moscow still utilized this to their advantage. As seen by their actions, the dominant school of thought in regards to diplomacy was Molotov's: that is, the belief that capitalist hostility was essentially guaranteed, but there was no point in advancing into other countries or reforming the Stalinist image to please them. The aim of the deal settled for Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in 1949 was simply to ensure the longevity and stability of a socialist bloc in the east.
Another important factor in continental geopolitics was France, a rising powerhouse eager to climb back to its interwar glory. Under De Gaulle, it sought to follow its own foreign policy line, but the United Kingdom was interested in friendly relations with them both under Eden and Attlee. Over the years, the mutual treaties and agreements signed between the two were far from few, and despite the occasional disagreements like in the Levant, they were still in a friendly mood. That is not to mention the occasions where colonial adventures had almost forced them to coordinate policy: Indochina, Libya and Madagascar (occupied by Britain in WW2 but under formal French control).
"European unity" was thrown around as a term a lot in the late 40s and early 50s, but really became popular after the creation of the Common Multilateral Economic Agreement between France and the three German countries with plans for expanding. The Soviet Union had no objections to this purely economic entity, and much like the International New Deal of the RPUN it was open to allowing its satellites to take part. As for the role Rhineland and the two Germanies played in geopolitics, the answer is simple: they didn't. After the enforced partition, they had as much of a say as the Low Countries or the Scandinavian ones in foreign affairs and mostly tried to keep their neutrality.
The Middle East had become a battlefield for nations to exert their influence as well, especially after the events of 1946 in Iran. With a diplomatic mission and a strong presence in the country, the Soviet Union could consider it almost an extension of its sphere of influence. This allowed it limited access to the much-desired warm water ports of the Arabian Sea such as Bandar Abbas - and so, its influence could spread further into Asia. The British government did not wish to provocate the USSR, but it still gave limited backing to a tribal revolt in the southern provinces of Fars and Khuzestan, while also keeping a tight leash on its Middle Eastern possessions.
What concerned both sides more was the prospect of decolonization, for it would pave the way for greater foreign influence in the new countries in Asia and Africa. Already, communism had found it's way to India, Vietnam etc., so who was to say it wouldn't be prominent elsewhere? All in all, we can see that both Britain and the Soviet Union followed a policy of what was called "non-confrontational expansion" in the Old World. For how long a conflict between the two could be avoided was anyone's guess.
Possibly the greatest event that upset the status quo was the election of Robert A. Taft in the USA on an isolationist platform. To shed light on his exact foreign policy ideas, in an address to Congress in early 1949, the new President had stated: "We are not re-entering the 'splendid isolation' of the 1920s. What we are doing is merely declining to accept the role, as laid out by the previous administrations, of some kind of global saviour; a plan almost certainly motivated by ideological reasons. We will continue defending American interests whenever and wherever it is necessary." Indeed, the situation shifted significantly in Taft's first term. Pressure on the great empires left to decolonize was lifted, often resulting in quagmires like in Indonesia and later Africa. More importantly, aid in the form of the RPUN program ended in an abrupt manner, but most economies had bounced back by then.
The Americas were the only region where other participants in this new Great Game did not rush to expand. The USA continued the Good Neighbor Policy developed by Roosevelt and continued by Wallace, while also keeping its pledge to protect the Latin American states from foreign encroachment. The days of occupying republics on the coast of the Caribbean or toppling their leaders were gone, but there were still US troops stationed in Guantanamo Bay and the Panama Canal, a location central to world trade. And with that, the summary of the era's global geopolitical trends comes to an end.
Ah, I forgot about writing that. I will try to include some bonus chapter or notes on the Nazi and Japanese trials soon, although things won't be too different.
Chapter 42: Robert Taft's Early Years in the White House
Chapter 42: Robert Taft's Early Years in the White House
Robert A. Taft was inaugurated as President of the United States on January 20, 1949. He was the first Republican in the White House after 16 years of Democratic New Dealer domination, the previous one being Herbert Hoover in the days of the Great Depression. Not long after the transition period ended, the new President got to work implementing his policy ideas both at home and abroad. With a Republican-held Senate and House, implementing them would not be particularly hard as they could barely be considered revolutionary.
The cabinet assembled by the President was a wide array of old conservatives and defense experts, with the addition of a few younger figures such as Richard Nixon in less important positions. By far the most well-known figure in it was Vice President Arthur Vandenberg from Michigan. While the position was becoming increasingly influential, Vandenberg was often sidelined in policy discussions because of a gradual shift observed away from being an isolationist. He supported ideas such as continued American presence in Europe and even a military alliance with friendly states, something Taft obviously resented. However, Vandenberg had also calmed down the internationalist wing of the GOP and men like Dewey, who were beginning to become critical of the administration's geopolitical approach.
A key part of the administration's moves was the reaction to the growing labor movement as well as the concessions made to unions by Henry Wallace during his term. The Republican popularity was, in some cases, boosted, by their staunch opposition to organized labor and so it was only logical Taft swiftly moved to limit their strength even though he had his doubts. The National Labour Relations Act of 1935 was heavily amended in early 1950 to curb the power of unions (in regards to planning strikes, supporting political campaigns etc.), even though it was only narrowly passed. Reactions from workers did not take long to reach the ears of politicians, and many feared the GOP had just lost a great deal of support amidst calls for a repeal.
While he had been a strong opponent of the New Deal programs of the 30s and the 40s, Taft still faced occasional criticism by the conservative base of support for proposing other bills that could be considered progressive. Some believed he would go about destroying the New Deal from the roots, but that was the result of fierce Democrat campaigning. In reality, he spearheaded proposals for federal housing and education aid which also garnered criticism - no matter which direction he set out in, the President found opposition everywhere.
With Roosevelt's legacy slowly fading and his party out of power, the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution was also passed by Congress on September 6, 1949. It prohibited presidents from serving more than two terms, as well as limiting successors to presidents with unexpired terms from more than one elected term should they have already served two years or more. The two-term rule had been set with George Washington, but was only informal as seen by FDR's 11-year tenure. With the new amendment, it was now codified and would prevent any new politicians from achieving a similar domination of national politics.
In the span of this term, the Vice Presidential office would be left vacant once more as Vandenberg passed away on the 30th of March, 1951. Together with him departed the main internationalist voice in the Oval Office, but for the moment the most popular discussions were about the ability to appoint new VPs without waiting for the next election. Not much was done about that yet, although Taft's declining health was taken into account by both the GOP and the Democrats who were contemplating their next move. By 1952, another matter was on the horizon for the turbulent Taft Presidency, and it was the dawn of the civil rights movement. Even though he wished to break through in the traditionally Democratic south, Taft faced one of the most controversial issues in American history and stood between civil rights leaders calling for equality and Dixiecrats defending states' rights and discrimination. What his course of action would be, or whether he would even make it through the 1952 election remained to be seen.
Robert A. Taft was inaugurated as President of the United States on January 20, 1949. He was the first Republican in the White House after 16 years of Democratic New Dealer domination, the previous one being Herbert Hoover in the days of the Great Depression. Not long after the transition period ended, the new President got to work implementing his policy ideas both at home and abroad. With a Republican-held Senate and House, implementing them would not be particularly hard as they could barely be considered revolutionary.
The cabinet assembled by the President was a wide array of old conservatives and defense experts, with the addition of a few younger figures such as Richard Nixon in less important positions. By far the most well-known figure in it was Vice President Arthur Vandenberg from Michigan. While the position was becoming increasingly influential, Vandenberg was often sidelined in policy discussions because of a gradual shift observed away from being an isolationist. He supported ideas such as continued American presence in Europe and even a military alliance with friendly states, something Taft obviously resented. However, Vandenberg had also calmed down the internationalist wing of the GOP and men like Dewey, who were beginning to become critical of the administration's geopolitical approach.
A key part of the administration's moves was the reaction to the growing labor movement as well as the concessions made to unions by Henry Wallace during his term. The Republican popularity was, in some cases, boosted, by their staunch opposition to organized labor and so it was only logical Taft swiftly moved to limit their strength even though he had his doubts. The National Labour Relations Act of 1935 was heavily amended in early 1950 to curb the power of unions (in regards to planning strikes, supporting political campaigns etc.), even though it was only narrowly passed. Reactions from workers did not take long to reach the ears of politicians, and many feared the GOP had just lost a great deal of support amidst calls for a repeal.
While he had been a strong opponent of the New Deal programs of the 30s and the 40s, Taft still faced occasional criticism by the conservative base of support for proposing other bills that could be considered progressive. Some believed he would go about destroying the New Deal from the roots, but that was the result of fierce Democrat campaigning. In reality, he spearheaded proposals for federal housing and education aid which also garnered criticism - no matter which direction he set out in, the President found opposition everywhere.
With Roosevelt's legacy slowly fading and his party out of power, the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution was also passed by Congress on September 6, 1949. It prohibited presidents from serving more than two terms, as well as limiting successors to presidents with unexpired terms from more than one elected term should they have already served two years or more. The two-term rule had been set with George Washington, but was only informal as seen by FDR's 11-year tenure. With the new amendment, it was now codified and would prevent any new politicians from achieving a similar domination of national politics.
In the span of this term, the Vice Presidential office would be left vacant once more as Vandenberg passed away on the 30th of March, 1951. Together with him departed the main internationalist voice in the Oval Office, but for the moment the most popular discussions were about the ability to appoint new VPs without waiting for the next election. Not much was done about that yet, although Taft's declining health was taken into account by both the GOP and the Democrats who were contemplating their next move. By 1952, another matter was on the horizon for the turbulent Taft Presidency, and it was the dawn of the civil rights movement. Even though he wished to break through in the traditionally Democratic south, Taft faced one of the most controversial issues in American history and stood between civil rights leaders calling for equality and Dixiecrats defending states' rights and discrimination. What his course of action would be, or whether he would even make it through the 1952 election remained to be seen.
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Im really liking this timeline. Just one small thing, Arthur Vandenburg was from Michigan, not California.
Chapter 43: A New Union?
Chapter 43: A New Union?
The new regime in the Soviet Union was reminiscent more of Stalin's years of rule rather than the First Troika's collective decision-making that characterised it. Opposition either failed to manifest itself or was liquidated before getting a chance. To ensure that was the case, Premier Molotov heavily utilized the NKGB which functioned as a secret police loyal to the party above all.
The ruling clique relied on shows of force to intimidate any enemies, and one similar show of force took place on October 9, 1949. Despite the purge of many officials associated with the Soviet atomic bomb project (mainly Beria, his associates and the technocrats) it still moved forward, and by October the first working prototype named ISR-20 was ready for testing. At a yield of 19 kilotons, it was based on the American design used on Japan and was dropped over a barren section of the northeastern Kazakh steppe. The Kremlin made no effort to hide the test from the international community, even though it was expected to hand over any weapons and research to the United Nations as per international law. Two months later, it would comply and hand over 5 devices, even though no one was certain that was its entire arsenal.
The Molotovite troika was reluctant to reform the image of the Soviet Union, and ignored calls for "de-Stalinization" by party members. Instead, it painted Joseph Stalin as the ultimate martyr and symbol of the Motherland's resistance to fascism. That did not mean all of the Marshal's policies remained in place, however. The mass deportation of ethnic groups into "internal exile" mostly ceased after 1943, although there were still forced population movements in the aftermath of WW2. This practice was stopped for the most part by the start of the new decade as ethnic groups coalesced around the dividing lines drawn by Moscow. Another infamous part of life in Stalinist Russia, the gulag camps, saw thousands of amnesties handed to non-political criminals even though the institution remained in Siberia and the Steppes.
In the period of Molotov's rule, the economic focus of the USSR continued to be on the development of heavy industry. The Fourth Five-Year Plan had begun in conjunction with the RPUN program to recover from the devastation of the Great Patriotic War, and its success was announced by the Premier in 1950. Not long after, the Fifth Plan was implemented under the supervision of Nikolai Bulganin to "accelerate development" and focused on not only heavy equipment, but increasing agricultural output as well. At the same time, Molotov sought to underline Western aggressiveness so as to maintain the high amount of expenditures on the military. The main group against army funding had been technocrats like Malenkov and Pervukhin, but those were now irrelevant. It should also be noted that the leaders of the Soviet "military-industrial complex" were some of the conservative faction's greatest supporters, and closely cooperated in supplying the Red Army.
The main crisis faced by the Politburo in 1950 and 1951 was an agricultural one. With the direction of rising official Nikita Khrushchev who was invested in this subject, a campaign had been undertaken together with the Fourth Five-Year Plan which aimed to increase productivity. The methods it followed were merging nearby farms of smaller size, in addition to encouraging peasants and farm workers to move to cities designated for them. The "agrogorod" campaign was attacked for many reasons - more often than not political ones - but it was actually a failure in that it failed to increase output of grain and other products. With the numbers still plateaued, Khrushchev was sacked from his position as leader of the project and so the troika went back to the drawing board.
The new plans for expanding output were presented in late 1950 and were, at least behind the scenes, the work of Georgy Malenkov. Despite his resignation as Deputy Premier, Beria's former associate had kept a low-ranking position in the Perm region which he used to push through his plans for agricultural reform. There was a certain negative connection with his name after the fall of the technocrats, but his well thought-out ideas were appreciated by the troika which gave Chairman Andrey Andreyev credit for them so as not to reveal their true origin. There was a focus on intensifying the cultivation of existing areas for farming and generally investing in them for a long-term improvement. Prices paid by the state for grain were increased, while plots for individuals were encouraged as well. The strategy began to bear fruit, and by 1951 efficiency was increasing, even though the same could not be said for the amount of arable land.
Foreign policy was mainly centred around maintaining control over satellite states in Eastern Europe and Asia, as the troika followed an extended version of "socialism in one country" and only offered tacit support to rising movements outside its sphere. Economic aid was given to rebuilding countries like Hungary and Tito's Yugoslavia, a strategy to tie them closer to the Russian hegemon. Molotov himself was a diplomatic man and a negotiator, but the responsibility for micro-managing relations fell on Narkom Andrei Gromyko when he wasn't busy as the leader of the mission to the United Nations Organization. Another possibility for an ally to the Union was the Republic of China, which was not as pro-American as one might think. The Kuomintang had not forgotten its past of being supplied by the Soviet Union and the War of National Pacification had put it in direct contact with its northern neighbor all along Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. Soviet diplomats were hard at work forging a new friendship with the Chinese nation, which now found itself in a tug of war between two superpowers.
The new regime in the Soviet Union was reminiscent more of Stalin's years of rule rather than the First Troika's collective decision-making that characterised it. Opposition either failed to manifest itself or was liquidated before getting a chance. To ensure that was the case, Premier Molotov heavily utilized the NKGB which functioned as a secret police loyal to the party above all.
The ruling clique relied on shows of force to intimidate any enemies, and one similar show of force took place on October 9, 1949. Despite the purge of many officials associated with the Soviet atomic bomb project (mainly Beria, his associates and the technocrats) it still moved forward, and by October the first working prototype named ISR-20 was ready for testing. At a yield of 19 kilotons, it was based on the American design used on Japan and was dropped over a barren section of the northeastern Kazakh steppe. The Kremlin made no effort to hide the test from the international community, even though it was expected to hand over any weapons and research to the United Nations as per international law. Two months later, it would comply and hand over 5 devices, even though no one was certain that was its entire arsenal.
The Molotovite troika was reluctant to reform the image of the Soviet Union, and ignored calls for "de-Stalinization" by party members. Instead, it painted Joseph Stalin as the ultimate martyr and symbol of the Motherland's resistance to fascism. That did not mean all of the Marshal's policies remained in place, however. The mass deportation of ethnic groups into "internal exile" mostly ceased after 1943, although there were still forced population movements in the aftermath of WW2. This practice was stopped for the most part by the start of the new decade as ethnic groups coalesced around the dividing lines drawn by Moscow. Another infamous part of life in Stalinist Russia, the gulag camps, saw thousands of amnesties handed to non-political criminals even though the institution remained in Siberia and the Steppes.
In the period of Molotov's rule, the economic focus of the USSR continued to be on the development of heavy industry. The Fourth Five-Year Plan had begun in conjunction with the RPUN program to recover from the devastation of the Great Patriotic War, and its success was announced by the Premier in 1950. Not long after, the Fifth Plan was implemented under the supervision of Nikolai Bulganin to "accelerate development" and focused on not only heavy equipment, but increasing agricultural output as well. At the same time, Molotov sought to underline Western aggressiveness so as to maintain the high amount of expenditures on the military. The main group against army funding had been technocrats like Malenkov and Pervukhin, but those were now irrelevant. It should also be noted that the leaders of the Soviet "military-industrial complex" were some of the conservative faction's greatest supporters, and closely cooperated in supplying the Red Army.
The main crisis faced by the Politburo in 1950 and 1951 was an agricultural one. With the direction of rising official Nikita Khrushchev who was invested in this subject, a campaign had been undertaken together with the Fourth Five-Year Plan which aimed to increase productivity. The methods it followed were merging nearby farms of smaller size, in addition to encouraging peasants and farm workers to move to cities designated for them. The "agrogorod" campaign was attacked for many reasons - more often than not political ones - but it was actually a failure in that it failed to increase output of grain and other products. With the numbers still plateaued, Khrushchev was sacked from his position as leader of the project and so the troika went back to the drawing board.
The new plans for expanding output were presented in late 1950 and were, at least behind the scenes, the work of Georgy Malenkov. Despite his resignation as Deputy Premier, Beria's former associate had kept a low-ranking position in the Perm region which he used to push through his plans for agricultural reform. There was a certain negative connection with his name after the fall of the technocrats, but his well thought-out ideas were appreciated by the troika which gave Chairman Andrey Andreyev credit for them so as not to reveal their true origin. There was a focus on intensifying the cultivation of existing areas for farming and generally investing in them for a long-term improvement. Prices paid by the state for grain were increased, while plots for individuals were encouraged as well. The strategy began to bear fruit, and by 1951 efficiency was increasing, even though the same could not be said for the amount of arable land.
Foreign policy was mainly centred around maintaining control over satellite states in Eastern Europe and Asia, as the troika followed an extended version of "socialism in one country" and only offered tacit support to rising movements outside its sphere. Economic aid was given to rebuilding countries like Hungary and Tito's Yugoslavia, a strategy to tie them closer to the Russian hegemon. Molotov himself was a diplomatic man and a negotiator, but the responsibility for micro-managing relations fell on Narkom Andrei Gromyko when he wasn't busy as the leader of the mission to the United Nations Organization. Another possibility for an ally to the Union was the Republic of China, which was not as pro-American as one might think. The Kuomintang had not forgotten its past of being supplied by the Soviet Union and the War of National Pacification had put it in direct contact with its northern neighbor all along Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. Soviet diplomats were hard at work forging a new friendship with the Chinese nation, which now found itself in a tug of war between two superpowers.
Outer Mongolia was agreed to by the Chinese government as being independent during the 1946 peace talks, but that doesn't mean Chiang wouldn't want it. The question is if the Soviets are prepared to give up one of their satellite states and get the Nationalists even closer to their Siberian lands.
It's effectively an alternate version of the historical agreements signed like Linggadjati and Renville, but with both sides heavily worn down it is at least more likely to last short-term.Well, that sounds promising. I'm sure it's going to work out just fine.