Death in Tehran (Redux)

Chapter 1: Unternehmen Weitsprung (29 November 1944)
Chapter 1: Unternehmen Weitsprung

Soviet Embassy in Tehran, Iran
29 November 1943, 11.04


General Secretary Joseph Stalin entered the room, looking at President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill as he greeted them and sat down on the chair. The looks the three men exchanged reflected mutual suspicion for various reasons, but on the outside no one could sense this - the atmosphere was comfortable, and aside from the occasional awkward statement, the Big Three got on well with each other.

The matters to be discussed were many, but the USSR's leader was quick to bring up a crucial topic, that of the second front. Continuing yesterday's discussion on the Mediterranean strategy and the importance of different amphibious operations, he openly asked Churchill if he still supported the idea of executing OVERLORD in general. Marshal Stalin seemed to be much more reluctant about allowing Britain and America to focus on Mediterranean operations than expected, and the question of whether Overlord would be postponed was still up in the air. The debate was suddenly interrupted, when the doors opened, and a trusted Russian officer with a shining NKVD badge on his chest stormed in.

"Comrade Stalin, honourable gentlemen. We have received reports that German espionage operatives may att-"

The officer's announcement was cut short by a massive explosion, which blew out two of the room's walls, sending pieces of concrete and dust flying everywhere, and bringing the ceiling down as well. A few moments later, the embassy's space was nothing more than smoldering ruins.

11.06

The local NKVD regiment head was sitting in his desk, in an outpost just outside of the Embassy's premises. Around him, soldiers of the secret police and the army alike were protecting every square inch, as he was handing out orders and ensuring everything was in order. Then, a loud sound was heard from behind, followed by a shock wave that shook everything around him. Some files on the edge of his office fell. Feeling particularly concerned, he ran out, and saw the left side of the embassy completely destroyed by what must have been a powerful explosion. How the hell did this happen? Had German agents managed to pull this off? Were the great leaders of the Allied powers still alive? He had so many questions. In less than a second, he had grabbed the wireless.

"This is Arkadiev speaking, we've got an explosion in the Embassy. I repeat, we've got an explosion in the Embassy. Status of the VIPs unknown. Call Agayants immediately, Over."

Ivan Agayants, Chief of the Soviet Foreign Intelligence Service in Iran, was called one minute and twenty-four seconds after the explosion in Tehran. Before he could even inform the people he was subordinate to, he improvised a contingency plan in his head, and set out to achieve a variety of goals.

The top priority was to "confirm the well-being of the Allied leaders and Comrade General Secretary Stalin". After the local troops were hastily organized into task groups, eight of men were sent into the building's ruins, only to see crumbled walls and fires where the conference room used to be. The search for bodies almost seemed futile; there was no way the Big Three had survived.

Meanwhile, a perimeter was being established to ensure that, no matter what, the perpetrators of this attack would not be able to escape. Further away, more and more roads were locked down, and more NKVD agents were being sent. After all, everyone knew that it would be almost impossible for the German agents to get out of Iran's capital or the country in general. Roads, rail, air traffic and telegraph lines in and out of Tehran had been cut, the international border had been closed down and all radio broadcasts were cancelled. Despite all that, no reports of any worrying activity were reported by security forces, and many feared that the assassins had already slipped away.

Moscow, USSR
11.19 (10.53 local time)


"What do you mean they bypassed our defenses? The reports clearly stated that the German spy network in Iran had been completely wiped out! Are you telling me that Hitler's boys dropped in Tehran, rammed a car packed with explosives into the embassy and left?"

Arkadiev was unsure how to respond to Merkulov's question. Knowing that anything he said would be passed down straight to Beria sent chills down his spine. "Comrade… We are still unsure as to how the Germans pulled off an operation in Tehran, or what they used for this bombing. What we do know is that a group of what was allegedly German agents was dropped near Qum by parachute, but slipped through Vartanyan's intelligence group. They likely planned their operations in secret, and striked when the time was right. Despite our best efforts, we could not prevent it. Anyway, you have got to report it to the Politburo and the Central Committee - they must know as soon as possible."

"I will, don't worry. Now that the Comrade General Secretary is presumed dead, one must truly wonder what the future has in store for the motherland. Tell me, as the local head of operations, do you know what the status of the other high-profile participants from here are?"

"Yes. Molotov was missing at the time of the bombing, away on a meeting with the Iranian Foreign Minister. As for Voroshilov, he was present at the time of the bombing but survived, albeit not unscathed. He was injured, but an NKVD agent saved him from a worse fate."

"Good, good. Amidst all our unluckiness, some good things still happen. I am merely afraid that someone will be getting a bullet to their head for this."

"Let's hope that it won't be us."

London, United Kingdom
11.28 (9.02 local time)


Clement Attlee was quietly sipping a cup of coffee when the phone rang.

"Mr. Attlee! Horrific news have come from Iran! Mr. Churchill is dead, and so are his two counterparts from America and Russia!"
Even over the phone, it was easy to understand that Attlee was shocked by the news.
"It was an explosion, by these bloody Nazis I bet! The investigations on the ground are still ongoing, but Mr. Eden was not there, thankfully, and he will be coming to London as soon as possible. I need you to sort things out until he comes. Go talk with the King, and inform the rest of the War Cabinet. You're the first to hear these news, so be careful with who you're talking until Eden is back."

Washington D.C., United States
11.30 (3.04 local time)


"Mr. Vice President, wake up. Mr. Wallace? Mr. Wallace?"

The Vice President slowly opened his eyes, got out of the bed and opened the lights, seeing his secretary who looked quite anxious. "What is going on?" He asked. "Something about Tehran?"

-Yes, sir. There have been most unfortunate developments in Iran.
-What happened, then?
-The President was killed by a planned explosion that happened in the Soviet Embassy. Prime Minister Churchill and Marshal Stalin are also presumed to be dead.
-Dear lord… That is awful. Do we know who did such a horrible thing?
-Supposedly German agents, at least according to the NKVD. Listen, the President's death has not been confirmed yet, but we assume he is dead. I need you to prepare for taking the oath of office, probably at some point today. For now, you can go back to sleep.

---

Hello everyone! This is a reboot of my old TL, Death in Tehran, where the alleged plan by Germany to kill the Allied leaders in the 1943 Tehran conference (Operation Long Jump) succeeds. The hope is for this iteration to actually last longer, as well as to be more in depth with better writing than the old one. The butterflies from this PoD and its effects will be quite extensive, so if you have an event in mind that would change or any ideas, feel free to tell me here or in PMs.
 
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I enjoyed the first iteration of this TL quite a bit and was sad to see it die. Let's hope this lasts longer.

I didn't find the last one particularly lacking in depths, how deep do you intend to go?
 
-Supposedly German agents, at least according to the NKVD. Listen, the President's death has not been confirmed yet, but we assume he is dead. I need you to prepare for taking the oath of office, probably at some point today. For now, you can go back to sleep.
I get the feeling Wallace won't be getting much sleep tonight.
 
I enjoyed the first iteration of this TL quite a bit and was sad to see it die. Let's hope this lasts longer.

I didn't find the last one particularly lacking in depths, how deep do you intend to go?
Thank you. Don't worry, I won't go super deep into the individual battalion formations on the front day by day :p but there are some matters like the politics of the USSR and the USA that I want to explore more. I don't think the updates will end up being particularly lengthy or boring, or at least I hope they won't be.
 
It'll be interesting to see what butterflies result from this. The US and the UK have built-in continuity plans, but the Soviets just lost what's holding the whole mess together. Wouldn't be surprised if we see a power struggle or outright civil war in Moscow, which will inevitably have an effect on the war effort. Not sure what if anything Germany can do with this, but they might be able to hold off the red tide for a little longer...
 
Chapter 2: The Dust Settles (29-30 November 1943)
Chapter 2: The Dust Settles

On the morning of November 29, 1943, the citizens of the United States and the United Kingdom, as well as all Allied nations in the world, were informed of some of the most heartbreaking news they would hear throughout the entirety of the war. Radios, newspapers, and what few televisions there were all reported the same story: merely hours ago, a large explosion in Tehran had killed all three leaders of the major Allies, creating a simultaneous power vacuum in their respective countries and likely bolstering the pride of the Nazi German war machine.

Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin all had their flaws, but the truth is that when it came down to their assassination, practically everyone was sad to have lost great leaders who were the perfect men to lead their respective countries during war time. However, this was the worst time to give up and go home - that would be caving to the demands of Hitler and his hawks. To the politicians, friends, and the elite that used to surround the each of the Big Three, it was clear that they had to move on as soon as possible, and a large part of that was choosing who would succeed the late men.

In the USA, this was an easy process. The burden of continuing one decade's worth of work domestically and overseas fell on the Vice President and thus the official successor of FDR, who in this case was Henry Agard Wallace. He had been born to a family of farm workers, and supported the President since his 1932 campaign. Throughout the 30s, Wallace was in the government cabinet as Secretary of Agriculture, and became known as one of the most ardent liberals and supporters of the New Deal. In 1940, he had overcome the hurdles set up by the conservatives of the Democratic Party to win a spot on the party ticket, which won the elections a few months later. For almost three years, he played a key role in the administration, truly earning the role of the "second in command" and helping in mobilization, war production, and relations with the Latin American nations. Wallace enjoyed vast popularity, especially in the Midwest, and had shown his devotion to defeating the Axis and helping all people of the world. He had also been preparing for potentially becoming the new President, as it was a fact that Roosevelt's health had been recently deteriorating.

Henry Wallace took the oath of office on the afternoon of the 29th, thirteen hours after the success of the assassination plot. It was a public inauguration just outside the White House, and included a hastily prepared speech made by the new President. It mourned the tragic deaths of the Allied leaders, and clearly accepted Nazi Germany and the evil forces of the Axis as the perpetrators of this horrific attack. Wallace was able to easily gather even more public support for the war, as almost everyone demanded justice for this vile action. The new President did not waste a moment before going back to work, and continuing to plan the next stages of the war, both on the European and the Pacific theater. It was no secret that he faced significant opposition even inside the party, as he was left-leaning and too liberal for the standards of most. His views on civil rights, while not championed by him for now, were also a subject of controversy, especially in the South. Despite that, the recent death of FDR had temporarily united the nation.

In Britain, Winston Churchill had been the face of the national war effort and resistance ever since becoming Prime Minister, or even before that. The Deputy Prime Minister was Labour's Clement Attlee as part of the wartime coalition, but there was no formal rule stipulating that the Deputy was also to be the successor. While he organized the government for a short time period, it was only until the man believed to be Churchill's chosen heir arrived from Iran: Anthony Eden. Much like the late PM, Eden was an experienced member of the Conservative Party and had opposed the policy of appeasement. Eventually, he had returned as Foreign Secretary and served in Churchill's cabinet, meaning he had a lot of experience in diplomacy. His positions generally reflected those of his predecessor, as he had the same eagerness to fight the Axis and to preserve the British Empire. In contrast to the other two Allied powers, British policy did not change significantly after the Tehran assassination.

The third of the superpowers, the Soviet Union, was where the aftermath of the assassination unfolded in the oddest way. Following the death of Stalin there was radio silence from the Kremlin that did not officially address rumours of the great leader's death for several days. As is known, that was when the power struggle between his heirs was taking place, and as such the announcement was delayed until a successor had been chosen for good. However, on the 9th of December, the death was announced and the USSR entered a state of nationwide mourning, as the age of the triumvirate began.

The situation in Germany was the complete opposite to the somber tone in the streets of DC, London, Moscow, New York and even Leningrad. Celebrations were held and Nazi leadership confirmed this was the "beginning of the end" for the doomed Allies, something far from the truth. Otto Skorzeny, the Waffen-SS commander behind the triple assassination and various other operations, was awarded the Knight's Cross with Oak Leaves, Swords and Diamonds. The other members of the group involved were also awarded - almost all post-humously.

The events of Tehran temporarily changed morale for both sides, but soon, the Allied population's sadness for the death of the great leaders turned into dedication to defeat the Nazi menace. As for the Germans fighting in the front, they were bombarded with propaganda and ensured that the enemy was on the verge of collapse now. This resolve in the name of vengeance or pride would play a role in the upcoming battles.
 
In the USA, this was an easy process. The burden of continuing one decade's worth of work domestically and overseas fell on the Vice President and thus the official successor of FDR, who in this case was Henry Agard Wallace. He had been born to a family of farm workers, and supported the President since his 1932 campaign. Throughout the 30s, Wallace was in the government cabinet as Secretary of Agriculture, and became known as one of the most ardent liberals and supporters of the New Deal. In 1940, he had overcome the hurdles set up by the conservatives of the Democratic Party to win a spot on the party ticket, which won the elections a few months later. For almost three years, he played a key role in the administration, truly earning the role of the "second in command" and helping in mobilization, war production, and relations with the Latin American nations. Wallace enjoyed vast popularity, especially in the Midwest, and had shown his devotion to defeating the Axis and helping all people of the world. He had also been preparing for potentially becoming the new President, as it was a fact that Roosevelt's health had been recently deteriorating.
I'm curious to see how Wallace's tenure as president will go in this timeline, when compared to other timelines where he comes to power, and is either hilariously incompetent or borderline hyper-competent.
The third of the superpowers, the Soviet Union, was where the aftermath of the assassination unfolded in the oddest way. Following the death of Stalin there was radio silence from the Kremlin that did not officially address rumours of the great leader's death for several days. As is known, that was when the power struggle between his heirs was taking place, and as such the announcement was delayed until a successor had been chosen for good. However, on the 9th of December, the death was announced and the USSR entered a state of nationwide mourning, as the age of the triumvirate began.
As for the USSR, I'm interested in finding out who makes up the post-Stalin troika and how long said troika will hold power before someone manages to outmaneuver the others and seize total control for themselves.
As for the Germans fighting in the front, they were bombarded with propaganda and ensured that the enemy was on the verge of collapse now. This resolve in the name of vengeance or pride would play a role in the upcoming battles
Oh dear, this is gonna be a bloodbath, isn't it?
 
Chapter 3: The Rise of the Troika (December 1943)
Chapter 3: The Rise of the Troika

The death of Stalin in late November of 1943 found practically all influential politicians and officials in a state of surprise; no one expected for the General Secretary to die so soon, much less be killed in an assassination attempt. Even the most draconian security measures had failed to protect him now, but it was too late to change that. In Moscow and across the Union, everyone braced themselves for the ensuing power struggle.

The formal announcement on behalf of the Soviet state on the death of its leader took more time than it did in the Western nations. The remaining party bureaucracy wished to stay quiet on the matter at such a critical point, as morale could plummet in the middle of a critical war. Press censorship had reached an all-time high in wartime, and as such it was not too much work to conceal the events in Tehran on that fateful day, but the rumors started trickling in from other sources. The goal of the All-Union Communist Party was to not reveal the death of Stalin until his successor had been chosen with certainty, and that was not a simple task in the system which he had created.

Vyacheslav Molotov, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Kliment Voroshilov, General of the Red Army, were the two noteworthy figures outside the USSR's borders at the time of Stalin's death. In fact, they were both in Tehran as well, with the latter barely surviving the explosion in the Embassy but becoming paraplegic. However, in an extremely short time, they were escorted away by the NKVD and put on a plane heading for Kilyazi, a small air base in Azerbaijan from where they would take an armored train back to the capital. It was of great importance of them to return to Moscow as soon as possible, as strings had to be pulled and everyone wanted to consolidate power around themselves quickly. That could never be done from an office in Iran, and so both Molotov and Voroshilov arrived in the night of the 30th.

The first group to make a move was Lavrentiy Beria, his allies and the NKVD, the secret police with immense power in internal affairs. Beria and his clique was well aware of the hatred that basically everyone else harbored for them, but they had a solution, and that was Secretariat member Georgy Malenkov. Malenkov had been rising in influence over the years, and by 1943 had earned a place in the State Defense Committee (GKO), the body supervising all assets of life in the USSR after Barbarossa. He definitely had sway in Soviet politics, and had come into conflict with Zhdanov over important policy matters. His ideas focusing on science and technology, that even flirted with technocracy, was what made him go against the Zhdanovites and that is where his friendship with Beria had begun. At the same time, the chief of the NKVD saw him as a mere pawn, that could rise to power without the connotations he himself had. Meanwhile, to prevent any sudden coup, the local garrison in Moscow was called to patrol the town.

The power struggle unfolded in the form of backroom meetings and occasional sessions of the Party's organs. Just like Malenkov, two other figures rose to prominence in the first days of December, and these were the aforementioned Second Secretary (and formally the designated successor of Stalin) Andrei Zhdanov and Molotov. All three had some amount of influence in the party, and each appealed to different interest groups, something that helped cement a stalemate between them. After numerous deals and plots, an agreement was reached to preserve unity, at least temporarily. A triumvirate, called a troika, was to be formed between the three, and each one would get a different position. Zhdanov became General Secretary in a grand ceremony, and thus was technically the successor of the late leader. Molotov, already a Deputy Premier, ascended to the position of actual Premier and became the Union's head of government. Its formal head of state remained Mikhail Kalinin, Chairman of the Presidium, but he lacked any real power. Finally, Malenkov became the GKO's Chairman, while he was also given the position of Deputy Premier to have more power in domestic affairs.

As mentioned, each of the Troika members had a different base of support. Malenkov aimed to get the intelligentsia of Moscow and Leningrad, the leading experts in the arts and sciences, on his side. In reality, support from there was sporadic and he could only have the NKVD to fall back on. As for Molotov, he enjoyed the support of most Old Bolsheviks and hardline Stalinists like Lazar Kaganovich, and the military-industrial complex. Finally, the new General Secretary was mainly backed by the typical party bureaucrats and dedicated ideologues and revolutionaries. These groups were what held the balance between the triumvirate, and what ensured that no one earned too much power. However, this unorthodox system of governing could also be said to be rather inefficient, as decision-making was often a convoluted process.

After the deal was sealed on the 9th of December, and the official announcements were made by the Party Secretariat and the Orgburo, the intensity of the struggle in Moscow was reduced, but intrigue did not stop, and government reorganization continued. The position of People's Commissar of Defense, another post taken by Stalin in 1941, was given to Nikolai Bulganin, a compromise candidate who was considered fit for this position. However, by far the most important "battle" to have taken place in the halls of the Kremlin was that against the secret police. The NKVD had entrenched itself so well in the system, that it was difficult for them to be rooted out, at least without bringing someone down with them. Furthermore, Malenkov's position in the troika allowed him to grind any initiatives to combat it or take out one of its high-ranking members to a halt. Beria's contacts in the upper echelons of the party were simply too many, and thus he was allowed to remain head of the NKVD, albeit with some more limitations to his power.

One could say that the State Defense Committee was the Union's only real decision-making organ at the time, as it controlled most of the domestic policies related to the war. It was not exempt from the games of the cliques, as it also became a battleground for exerting control. Malenkov had become its chairman, something he had wished for, but not before Beria was kicked out of the GKO as a means to reduce his power. Kliment Voroshilov was also removed without his agreement, and that was the first step in his fall from grace. In the place of the two men, replacements came: the first was Zhdanov, once his comrades agreed he deserved the position to equally influence policy in the troika. With his suggestion, Alexei Kosygin, a comparatively young economist from Leningrad, was added to the GKO, and so was Andrey Andreyev, a loyal party official. And thus, on the 1st of January 1944, this was the composition of the USSR's most powerful provisional body:

Chairman: Georgy Malenkov (aircraft production)
Deputy Chairman: Vyacheslav Molotov (armored production)
Members:
Andrei Zhdanov (mobilization and propaganda)
Nikolai Voznesensky (metals, oil and chemicals)
Anastas Mikoyan (army logistics)
Lazar Kaganovich (railway transport)
Alexei Kosygin (industrial evacuation)
Andrey Andreyev (food logistics)​

In addition to these changes, the troika decided it was time for a fresh start, in the form of calling for a new Congress of the Party. The Congress, which would pave the way for the restructuring of the Central Committee and the Politburo, would also break the long period where it had not been convened by Stalin. However, the process of convening it would not be simple and the meeting would have to wait until January. At the same time, another internal scandal unfolded regarding the fate of General Kliment Voroshilov. Left in a wheelchair after the events in Tehran, the general was known to be a close acquaintance of Stalin and had been blamed for incompetency. Without the strong leader to protect him, he became the target of the troika, that relieved him of any active roles in the military. He would remain as an honorary member of the Presidium, as well as a figurehead for diplomatic purposes. His fall from grace signalled the end of the Stalin era, and the beginning of a new system - the triumvirate.
 
Chapter 4: Recovery and Retaliation (December 1943 - February 1944)
Chapter 4: Recovery and Retaliation

Determined to recover from the tragic events of the Tehran Conference and to continue fighting with just as much confidence, the new leaders of the Allies thought that it would be best for a new conference to be organized. Things had certainly changed for all three powers, but that did not change the fact that the war with the Axis powers continued, and that there were matters of policy between them that had to be discussed. For that reason, with the agreement of the three parties, a new conference was to be organized.

Of course, Tehran could not be repeated at any cost, and as such the security measures had to be draconian. The location chosen was Ottawa - far from any German territory and clear of Axis spy networks, it was a good option. As soon as the news of the planned meeting reached Moscow, the man for the job was decided. Vyacheslav Molotov, Premier and mastermind of Soviet foreign policy, was officially the head of government and as the man holding the balance between the Malenkovites and the Zhdanovites, he could be said to be the true leader of the Union. His expertise in diplomacy would prove particularly useful, and the troika was in unanimous agreement that it would be best for him to represent their interests.

On January 8, 1944, Molotov, Eden and Wallace came to the Château Laurier in the capital of Canada amidst a harsh winter, to resume the discussions interrupted a month earlier by a great explosion. The three greatly bonded in a short amount of time, and paid their respects to the leaders lost in Iran. The former Foreign Ministers of the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union had met before, just in November with the Third Moscow Conference, but Wallace never really had much contact with other national leaders. Interestingly enough, it seemed as if he had a better connection with Premier Molotov than with Eden. There were several big topics to discuss, but the first was regarding the United Nations, a proposal for an organization similar to the interwar League of Nations, but this time an effective force at achieving global peace.

Franklin Roosevelt had been the main driving force between the United Nations plan, which was aimed at creating a permanent body out of the wartime alliance. It was one of his biggest priorities, and as part of maintaining his legacy the new President made sure to push this agenda in Ottawa. However, while some basics were agreed upon by the three leaders, the focus of Molotov and Eden was less on the post-war diplomatic order and more on the situation on the ground. The recent resistance faced by the Red Army in battles had not helped the stature of the USSR, but the upper echelons of the party maintained their stance that general victory was still possible. The plans for upcoming offensives were shared at the Conference, but the focus soon shifted towards the larger issue of the Western Allies' next move.

Almost doubling down on his predecessor's plans, Anthony Eden further backed the plans for a Mediterranean strategy and declined to focus all British efforts on a French invasion. Instead, he stated amphibious landings in Italy, Burma and even the Balkans at a later date would proceed when there was an opportunity, even if it meant a slight delay of D-Day. There was little the other leaders could do to change his mind, but he still gave his assurances that OVERLORD would not be overlooked.

There was another important topic of discussion, and it had to do with the entrance of the Soviet Union as an Allied nation to the Pacific Theater against Imperial Japan. Molotov echoed the opinions of the rest of Soviet leadership, and confirmed that this would only be an option once total victory was achieved in Europe for obvious reasons. In the end, the Ottawa Conference did not change much in regards to actual policies, but it did succeed in promoting cooperation between the major powers and their new leaders. Additionally, behind closed doors, the green light was given by everyone for the response the Allies would give for the events of Tehran.

For a few weeks now, the RAF Bomber Command was launching large air raids on Berlin. Their outcome was mixed, as the damage on the capital came at a cost of many aircraft and British lives being lost. Arthur Harris was ordered only a couple of days after the Ottawa Conference to begin intensifying the raids, this time with support of the USAAF Eighth Air Force. The Americans had been studying results of previous operations to develop solutions to various issues, and reasoned that if the air campaign was to continue into February they could support it in large numbers with their own aircraft. Thus, as "revenge" for the killings of Churchill and Roosevelt, a grand bombing campaign began with the focus being Berlin.

Many big targets were hit in the raids, with industrial areas and railway links being severely damaged. Several buildings of historic importance were destroyed, while a large fraction of the city's population lost their homes. Attacks on other cities still happened so as not to allow air defenses to concentrate on one spot, and further attacks on air force production targets were meant to force the Luftwaffe to enter the battle and suffer irreplaceable losses in certain fields.

In total, the bombing attacks of Operation Knockout from early February to March would be a blow to German morale and would cause significant casualties to the Luftwaffe as well as Nazi industry. In addition, the raids would lay the groundwork for the establishment of Allied superiority over the continental skies in preparation for Overlord. There may have been some criticism, but the general public felt justice had been served to a degree. The only way to completely bring justice would be to finally defeat the Axis powers.
 
The new chapters are great! The choice by the W-Allies to continue their campaign of strategic bombing seems like a fitting one in response to the deaths of Churchill and Roosevelt.
 
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