No noticeable difference in quality... And yes, by that, I mean good update.
RL comes first. Your humble readers will still be here...
Days Like These: A Late 80s Labour Timeline
- Thread starter Time Enough
- Start date
Commiserations, I'm sad to to hear that but Real Life issues always take precedence to online stories, hope things work out with your boyfriends family.
The beati-I mean criticism have worked it seems.
I should say it probably won’t be forever but there will probably be notably longer gaps than before.
Anyway, does anyone have any questions about this setting, past, present or future?
I thought I would mention this here but 1988 (the year of the POD for this timeline) is a surprisingly POD filled year for Labour. Examples include;
-Kinnock’s depression worried many, for much of 1988 he was in a fugue state and generally he was doing pretty badly. There was a theory amongst some that he would just resign and there would be a battle between John Smith and Bryan Gould. There were even ideas of Smith couping Kinnock which would have gone badly.
-There was an idea amongst some in the Socialist Campaign Group to push Denis Healey forward in the event John Smith ran. Given Healey would have been 73 in 1991 so...
-If John Smith died in 1988 there was a chance that Bryan Gould would have taken over as Shadow Chancellor. Gould was only barred from being Chancellor in 1987 because of Hattersley and in 1988, he had lost a lot of credibility with the leadership due to nearly fucking up the Deputy election to Prescott.
-Kinnock’s depression worried many, for much of 1988 he was in a fugue state and generally he was doing pretty badly. There was a theory amongst some that he would just resign and there would be a battle between John Smith and Bryan Gould. There were even ideas of Smith couping Kinnock which would have gone badly.
-There was an idea amongst some in the Socialist Campaign Group to push Denis Healey forward in the event John Smith ran. Given Healey would have been 73 in 1991 so...
-If John Smith died in 1988 there was a chance that Bryan Gould would have taken over as Shadow Chancellor. Gould was only barred from being Chancellor in 1987 because of Hattersley and in 1988, he had lost a lot of credibility with the leadership due to nearly fucking up the Deputy election to Prescott.
Right folks, this timeline has been nominated for a Turtledove which is pretty ace ain’t it. So if you enjoy this timeline and think that this story of Bryan Gould climbing to the top of the Labour Party is pretty good, give it a vote.
And if not well, that’s alright too. All in all have a good day.
And if not well, that’s alright too. All in all have a good day.
Chapter 10: New Leader, New Labour
Chapter 10: New Leader, New Labour
17th of June 1989, London
Peter was anxious, it was something that he had experienced a lot off in recent times, but now it had tightened into a horrible knot in his stomach. Sitting inside what he guessed was soon to be his old office, he tried to salve his anxiety with badly brewed tea and biscuits, looking at his cardboard box strewn office. Much of what he had accumulated in his past four years of working as Director was now ready to be moved to somewhere else. Maybe away from Southwark entirely.
He expected Philip to appear any second and metaphorically offer him a final cigarette and blind fold before he was lead away. Philip did appear, but instead of the grim resignation he was expecting, he look rather chipper as he held an envelope and a briefcase.
“Well Pete, I had a discussion with the new boss and he has agreed that I am going to become the new Director of Communications.” Philip said before passing the envelope over to Peter. Peter grimly opened it and found a card on the inside.
It consisted bizarrely of a French Horn filled with flowers as a seemingly faux fancy font said ‘Congratulations on Your Promotion’ with the P crossed out and replaced with ‘Re’.
“What does this mean Phil?” Peter said dryly.
“It means you’re being moved, to the side I guess, slightly reduced pay and responsibilities but similar job to what you previously had.” Philip said causally as Peter looked at him disgruntled.
“So I’m guessing they want an attack dog still?” Peter asked.
“Preferably one with a muzzle,” Philip said with a chuckle “And an owner that takes him out on plenty of walks.” he finished as he surveyed Peter’s office.
Peter clicked his tongue at Philip, but on the inside was relived, he had put his blood, sweat and tears into Labour, and he wasn’t wanting to leave and let someone else come in and finish things off and claim the credit. Peter was not, what one would call, a team player.
“So I’m guessing I’m working my magic of spin?” Peter asked knowing the answer.
“Yes...we want a Labour Party that helps the downtrodden.” Philip said as he leaned against the door, “But can also appeal to the middle class couple in Basingstoke.” he continued, issuing Peter an incredibly difficult task.
“Well I’m sure we can do that if we-” Peter started to say before Philip shook his head.
“No dramatic changes - for now.” Philip said as he placed his briefcase on Peter’s desk opening it up to pass a manila folder to Peter “In here you’ll find some focus group studies I’ve been doing Peter, use the information in here to help prepare ideas for how we could win over various voters in the coming months.” he said as Peter opened up the folder to pour over data.
“Oh and Pete...” Philip uttered causing Peter to look up “You can keep the office, I’ll sort a different arrangement if that’s okay” he smiled before heading off, leaving Peter to grumpily look at his boxes.
--//--
27th of June 1989, London
Bryan had spent several hours poring over reports of Thatcher in Madrid as part of her discussions with the European Council and the possibility of Britain joining the European Exchange Rate Mechanism. Whilst this was his bread and butter, he found trying to craft into an attack on Thatcher difficult. Given that a number of his colleagues supported this idea despite Gould’s own misgivings, made the whole thing harder than it needed to be. This was to be his first Prime Ministers Questions and he had to make a strong effort.
But the whole speech crafting effort had given him a mild headache and so he had decided that after a glass of water, he was to relax by having a swim. As he cut his way through the water, Bryan considered himself and where he was now. He had a lot of power but also a lot of responsibility and how he weld that power would take some getting used to.
After several lengths, Bryan decided to get out and see if his brain had been revived by the swim.
In some ways it had, he shouldn’t fight Thatcher over something he knew would go against his party and his front bench, easily swayed by siren call of Jacques Delors and the ideas of European Community.
But he could fight Thatcher over Monetary Policy, he thought and smirked in response.
Bryan slinked off back to the apartment to dry off as he continued to consider his ideas further.
--//--
29th of June 1989, London
It was a lovely summer day outside, but inside the House of Commons it was anything but. It was in the midst of the Commons debate that Thatcher stepped up to give her statement on the Madrid meeting, something she delivered with all the enthusiasm of a wet cat. She droned on about how she disagreed with this point of Delors and that point of Delors, and Bryan prepared to deliver his statement as he listened to her final words.
“The main outcome of the Council—agreement to implement a first phase of economic and monetary union —is very much in the interests of British industry and the City of London, while fully protecting the powers of this House.” She said preparing for her final push before the finish
“Far from being isolated, as some have claimed, the United Kingdom was able to play an important role in bringing the Council to these sensible and practical conclusions. It is in the same spirit of determination to strengthen co-operation with other members of the European Community, while arguing always for cutting constraints on enterprise and free competition and leaving to member states those decisions which properly belong to them, that we shall approach the undoubtedly difficult discussions of the Community's future which lie ahead.” She finished with aplomb as she sat back down and stared at Bryan with a sly smile. She was prepared to do battle with this virgin leader, it wouldn’t be her first notch on the belt, Bryan thought.
He got up and after clearing his throat, prepared to speak.
“I thank the Prime Minister for her statement, I would ask her mainly these few things.” he said as he took out his notes.
“On the important question of British participation in the exchange rate mechanism of the European monetary system, first, do the main conditions for entry into the exchange rate mechanism set down by the Prime Minister mean that she now accepts that exchange rate management must be the essential basis of monetary policy, as her Chancellor of the Exchequer believes?” Bryan Gould asked with a smirk. He knew what his own opinions were on it.
“Secondly, does the Prime Minister consider the possibility that by accepting these conditions on the Exchange Rate Mechanism, that she’s going against her ideas of a British Economic Powerhouse as she begins the process of joining a single market economy” he continued with a smile.
“Thirdly and finally, does the Prime Minister realise that she has a choice here. She can join the Exchange Rate Mechanism with everything that she despises, warts and all or she can not join the Exchange Rate Mechanism against the wishes of her own party.” he finished with a sense of relief more than anything. Margaret stared at him, a sense of mild surprise at the gentlemen before her.
“On the exchange rate mechanism, our promise has been that we would go in when the time was right. I put conditions on that and made it much clearer that when those conditions were met we should be able to go in. One condition depends on us, which is that we get inflation well down, but some of the other conditions depend on the other members of the Community...” Thatcher went back to reeling what seemed prepared, seeming not bothered by Gould’s questions, but there was a sense of frustration to her voice as she droned on about the Exchange Rate Mechanism and its use in the global financial market, that she would rather be engaging in the old cut and thrust of dramatically reforming Britain itself, smashing all that opposed her and generally not engaging in long drawn out discussions of the pros and cons of entering the European Exchange Rate mechanism.
As Gould leaned back and took in what she was saying, he kept on smiling. He knew who had the zeal and passion to engage in the big and in some sense frightening task of reforming Britain, in changing its very nature as a whole. This was no longer Thatcher or even any of her underlings, all of whom seemed to loathe her but couldn’t imagine a world without her.
If Gould was one for big dramatic moments, he would have flung his notes in the air and announced that ‘The people who want to change society are no longer the Tories, it is us, for under me, Conservative and Cautious we will no longer be.’
Of course, even in the peaks of arrogance, Gould knew that he would be laughed out of the room.
As the debate continued, as Thatcher grumpily answered questions from Shore to Owen, there was a sense from Gould that he could maybe find some ways around Thatcher, unlike Kinnock had. That maybe, he could win.
17th of June 1989, London
Peter was anxious, it was something that he had experienced a lot off in recent times, but now it had tightened into a horrible knot in his stomach. Sitting inside what he guessed was soon to be his old office, he tried to salve his anxiety with badly brewed tea and biscuits, looking at his cardboard box strewn office. Much of what he had accumulated in his past four years of working as Director was now ready to be moved to somewhere else. Maybe away from Southwark entirely.
He expected Philip to appear any second and metaphorically offer him a final cigarette and blind fold before he was lead away. Philip did appear, but instead of the grim resignation he was expecting, he look rather chipper as he held an envelope and a briefcase.
“Well Pete, I had a discussion with the new boss and he has agreed that I am going to become the new Director of Communications.” Philip said before passing the envelope over to Peter. Peter grimly opened it and found a card on the inside.
It consisted bizarrely of a French Horn filled with flowers as a seemingly faux fancy font said ‘Congratulations on Your Promotion’ with the P crossed out and replaced with ‘Re’.
“What does this mean Phil?” Peter said dryly.
“It means you’re being moved, to the side I guess, slightly reduced pay and responsibilities but similar job to what you previously had.” Philip said causally as Peter looked at him disgruntled.
“So I’m guessing they want an attack dog still?” Peter asked.
“Preferably one with a muzzle,” Philip said with a chuckle “And an owner that takes him out on plenty of walks.” he finished as he surveyed Peter’s office.
Peter clicked his tongue at Philip, but on the inside was relived, he had put his blood, sweat and tears into Labour, and he wasn’t wanting to leave and let someone else come in and finish things off and claim the credit. Peter was not, what one would call, a team player.
“So I’m guessing I’m working my magic of spin?” Peter asked knowing the answer.
“Yes...we want a Labour Party that helps the downtrodden.” Philip said as he leaned against the door, “But can also appeal to the middle class couple in Basingstoke.” he continued, issuing Peter an incredibly difficult task.
“Well I’m sure we can do that if we-” Peter started to say before Philip shook his head.
“No dramatic changes - for now.” Philip said as he placed his briefcase on Peter’s desk opening it up to pass a manila folder to Peter “In here you’ll find some focus group studies I’ve been doing Peter, use the information in here to help prepare ideas for how we could win over various voters in the coming months.” he said as Peter opened up the folder to pour over data.
“Oh and Pete...” Philip uttered causing Peter to look up “You can keep the office, I’ll sort a different arrangement if that’s okay” he smiled before heading off, leaving Peter to grumpily look at his boxes.
--//--
27th of June 1989, London
Bryan had spent several hours poring over reports of Thatcher in Madrid as part of her discussions with the European Council and the possibility of Britain joining the European Exchange Rate Mechanism. Whilst this was his bread and butter, he found trying to craft into an attack on Thatcher difficult. Given that a number of his colleagues supported this idea despite Gould’s own misgivings, made the whole thing harder than it needed to be. This was to be his first Prime Ministers Questions and he had to make a strong effort.
But the whole speech crafting effort had given him a mild headache and so he had decided that after a glass of water, he was to relax by having a swim. As he cut his way through the water, Bryan considered himself and where he was now. He had a lot of power but also a lot of responsibility and how he weld that power would take some getting used to.
After several lengths, Bryan decided to get out and see if his brain had been revived by the swim.
In some ways it had, he shouldn’t fight Thatcher over something he knew would go against his party and his front bench, easily swayed by siren call of Jacques Delors and the ideas of European Community.
But he could fight Thatcher over Monetary Policy, he thought and smirked in response.
Bryan slinked off back to the apartment to dry off as he continued to consider his ideas further.
--//--
29th of June 1989, London
It was a lovely summer day outside, but inside the House of Commons it was anything but. It was in the midst of the Commons debate that Thatcher stepped up to give her statement on the Madrid meeting, something she delivered with all the enthusiasm of a wet cat. She droned on about how she disagreed with this point of Delors and that point of Delors, and Bryan prepared to deliver his statement as he listened to her final words.
“The main outcome of the Council—agreement to implement a first phase of economic and monetary union —is very much in the interests of British industry and the City of London, while fully protecting the powers of this House.” She said preparing for her final push before the finish
“Far from being isolated, as some have claimed, the United Kingdom was able to play an important role in bringing the Council to these sensible and practical conclusions. It is in the same spirit of determination to strengthen co-operation with other members of the European Community, while arguing always for cutting constraints on enterprise and free competition and leaving to member states those decisions which properly belong to them, that we shall approach the undoubtedly difficult discussions of the Community's future which lie ahead.” She finished with aplomb as she sat back down and stared at Bryan with a sly smile. She was prepared to do battle with this virgin leader, it wouldn’t be her first notch on the belt, Bryan thought.
He got up and after clearing his throat, prepared to speak.
“I thank the Prime Minister for her statement, I would ask her mainly these few things.” he said as he took out his notes.
“On the important question of British participation in the exchange rate mechanism of the European monetary system, first, do the main conditions for entry into the exchange rate mechanism set down by the Prime Minister mean that she now accepts that exchange rate management must be the essential basis of monetary policy, as her Chancellor of the Exchequer believes?” Bryan Gould asked with a smirk. He knew what his own opinions were on it.
“Secondly, does the Prime Minister consider the possibility that by accepting these conditions on the Exchange Rate Mechanism, that she’s going against her ideas of a British Economic Powerhouse as she begins the process of joining a single market economy” he continued with a smile.
“Thirdly and finally, does the Prime Minister realise that she has a choice here. She can join the Exchange Rate Mechanism with everything that she despises, warts and all or she can not join the Exchange Rate Mechanism against the wishes of her own party.” he finished with a sense of relief more than anything. Margaret stared at him, a sense of mild surprise at the gentlemen before her.
“On the exchange rate mechanism, our promise has been that we would go in when the time was right. I put conditions on that and made it much clearer that when those conditions were met we should be able to go in. One condition depends on us, which is that we get inflation well down, but some of the other conditions depend on the other members of the Community...” Thatcher went back to reeling what seemed prepared, seeming not bothered by Gould’s questions, but there was a sense of frustration to her voice as she droned on about the Exchange Rate Mechanism and its use in the global financial market, that she would rather be engaging in the old cut and thrust of dramatically reforming Britain itself, smashing all that opposed her and generally not engaging in long drawn out discussions of the pros and cons of entering the European Exchange Rate mechanism.
As Gould leaned back and took in what she was saying, he kept on smiling. He knew who had the zeal and passion to engage in the big and in some sense frightening task of reforming Britain, in changing its very nature as a whole. This was no longer Thatcher or even any of her underlings, all of whom seemed to loathe her but couldn’t imagine a world without her.
If Gould was one for big dramatic moments, he would have flung his notes in the air and announced that ‘The people who want to change society are no longer the Tories, it is us, for under me, Conservative and Cautious we will no longer be.’
Of course, even in the peaks of arrogance, Gould knew that he would be laughed out of the room.
As the debate continued, as Thatcher grumpily answered questions from Shore to Owen, there was a sense from Gould that he could maybe find some ways around Thatcher, unlike Kinnock had. That maybe, he could win.
Even without the awkwardness of having to pack his belongings, Mandelson was infamous during his moustache years for being quite scruffy. Kinnock was apprehensive about offering him the Communication Officer job because he didn’t polish his shoes and wore powder blue socks.
Look if Gould can handle random C-Span callers accusing him of Britain because a Communist dictatorship because of the lack of satellite television he can handle late period Thatcher. Joking aside, Gould comes off as a sly parliamentary, even if he can never rid himself of the constant Kiwi smugness.
Hmm, maybe have to consider all that actually.
Right, that is the end of part 1 as it were. I’ll be back in about a month and a bit with a proper written down plan of where next now that I’ve covered the leadership campaign. Until then, I give you Gould on C-Span
Howdy all, so this story is officially on hiatus, mainly due to other stuff happening in my life and finding politicians hard to write to them having a mild alien predisposition. I have started writing a more focused and fully planned out story which whilst rougher in terms of spelling and grammar, is more fun to write and is me deciding to rectify some things I forgotten in my other writings before.
Anyway, I would like to present 'For A Friend' a story about by-election in a Different 1993. Hope you check it out and enjoy, sure there's no big national politics stuff going on, but it's more fun in my opinion.
Anyway, I would like to present 'For A Friend' a story about by-election in a Different 1993. Hope you check it out and enjoy, sure there's no big national politics stuff going on, but it's more fun in my opinion.