Days Like These: A Late 80s Labour Timeline

[Time Enough]

“These are the basic Socialist values and principles – individual liberty, equality, citizenship, the diffusion of power, the importance of collective and social action…these principles may not have the satisfying certainty of Marxist analysis, nor may they constitute quite the same stirring call to arms as one based on class warfare. But they are a proper expression of the Socialist opposition to injustice, repression and exploitation, and of the socialist concern for the wealth and value of each socialist concern for the welfare and value of each human being, for social justice and for social harmony”

Future of Socialism, Bryan Gould, 1989.

The party that became so powerful
By sinking foreign boats
Is dreaming up new promises
Because promises win votes
And being resolute in conference
With the ad man's expertise
The majority by their silence
Shall pay for days like these
The right to build communities
Is back behind closed doors
'Tween government and people stands
The right arm of the law

Days Like These, Billy Bragg, 1987

--//--

Prologue

"Since 1983 the various factions of Labour had been in an uneasy alliance.

The Kinnock-Hattersley ticket of the Soft Left and Labour Right seemed to indicate a new direction for Labour away from the bullish ideas of Benn and his gaggle of followers of the 'Hard' Left who mainly believed in complete nationalisation of British industry with the control of said industries firmly in the hands of (Left Wing) Trade Unions, unilateral nuclear disarmament, withdrawing from the EEC (European Economic Community) and in general take Britain into a autarkic Socialist government, they also believed that the Labour Party should be more democratic, but shouldn't modernise with the Thatcherite times. Labour should go back to 1976 when the Alternative Economy System was proposed.

The Soft Left was less coherent and very much all over the place in terms of policy but were unified by a sense of not being like Benn but also not being like the Labour Right, they believed in modernising the party to the Thatcherite times but also not embracing the siren calls of monetarism and also believed in some nationalised industries, as one member put it they wanted to be 'Bennism without Benn', with all the wishy washyness that entailed.

And finally there was the Labour Right, united mainly by the beliefs that Benn was wrong, Monetarism was the way to go and that in general Labour need to adapt to the Thatcherite consensus. Of course no one apart from a select few had any idea what modernisation, adapting to the Thatcherite Conesus and in general how Labour could change to the 1980s. This had been brought into stark fashion by the 1987 General Election in which despite Labour's slick and modern campaign they had difficult to adapt there policies to the changing mood. Something had to give as a result..."

"Divides between the Soft Left and Neil Kinnocks office had been ongoing since 1987, intensifying as Kinnock began turning away from the Soft Left and towards the Right under Hattersley. Criticism towards Kinnock reached a feverish pitch with Prescott's push for Deputy Leader in 1988, partially as a Soft Left criticism of Kinnock's leadership and centralisation of power and partially annoyance from Prescott at being placed in an unfavourable position in the Shadow Cabinet. Meanwhile Benn and Heffer, the stalwarts of Labour's 'Hard' Left campaigned mainly on the idea of making a Labour a 'Socialist' party again, well mainly there definition of Socialism. It was in a Labour Party that was warring within itself that would be the birthplace of Britain's Radical 90s."

"At first glance it was going to be a landslide victory for the dream ticket, in a battle between Kinnock and Benn there was obviously going to be a winner. But for Hattersley things were a bit more precarious.

Whilst Heffer was likely to lose (and, given the failure of the Benn/Heffer ticket to gain Union support, this was likely), Prescott was a more dangerous foe for Hattersley. Gaining support from the Soft Left and the Non-Bennite Left, who were suspicious of the Kinnock Project, they decided to attack the face of Labour's Right in Hattersley as way to show their frustration. This reached a pinnacle in the aftermath of Kinnock's 'Something for Nothing' statement over Unilateral Nuclear Disarmament, as Denzil Davies would resign and the leadership office would be paralysed as it tried to clean up the mess that Kinnock had created.

Kinnock's stubborn refusal for about a month to retract his statement and his limp apology afterwards is considered by many to the first nail in Roy Hattersley's Deputy Leadership's Coffin."

"The 'Something for Nothing' comments were what really turned many of the wavering Soft Left MPs off the 'dream ticket', with many either throwing their support behind Prescott as a way to get back at Kinnock or just not bothering to vote for anyone. The betrayal of one of the core Left Wing beliefs of Unilateral Nuclear Disarmament was what spurred many. I heard that Gould only voted for the leadership and not the deputy leadership, but that's probably hearsay." (A comment from a Labour MP about the 1988 Deputy Leadership campaign)

"Then came yet another remarkable turn of events. In the aftermath of the 'Something for Nothing' comments, the TGWU would end up endorsing the Benn/Prescott ticket. With the endorsement of the TWGU the perceived lagging Prescott campaign would gain a new burst of life..."

"They did fucking what!" (Neil Kinnock's alleged response to Peter Mandelson upon finding out about the TGWU Prescott endorsement)

--//--

The surge of support for Prescott in the aftermath of the TGWU's endorsement sent the leadership office into a spin, with even Peter Mandelson supposedly being 'paralysed with confusion' before he got back into gear. The next several months were incredibly dirty as the leadership office spent their time smearing Prescott in the media and engaging in heavy on the ground action. Whilst Prescott didn't have the leadership resources he did manage to form a grassroots campaign with support from David Blunkett, Clare Short and Joan Ruddock who despite having just leaving the SCG (Socialist Campaign Group) had turned away rather rapidly from Kinnock in the aftermath of his 'Something for Nothing' comments. From June to September the Deputy Leadership would become an increasingly nail-biting battle as computer predications veered wildly over who was going to win, from Hattersley winning by a slim margin to Prescott winning outright.

Finally in October 1988 at the Labour Conference the vote for Deputy Leader would be announced.

Overall Result for the Deputy Leadership Election 1988 (Second Ballot):
Hattersley: 47.4%
Prescott: 52.6%

But this would just be the start of probably one of the most infamous conferences since 1985...

--//--

Kinnock's Speech to Conference, October 7th 1988:
Kinnock had been grumpy throughout the conference period, barely acknowledging his new Deputy Leader John Prescott at all as he goes about his business. Kinnock walks up to the podium and prepares himself to speak to the party...

"It's been five years since I told you We have to win, We must not permit any purpose to be superior for the Labour movement to that purpose...well it seems that purpose has not been fulfilled. Instead of aiming to win and bring about a Britain that will help the poor, the hungry, those that need our help, instead we have squabbled like children. I can no longer lead a party that decides that it would rather hold vanity contests than actually win power..."

It's in that moment that noise ripples through the crowd as they realise what's happening, that this is essentially Kinnock's last speech as leader and that he's essentially resigning.

"I have decided that I have better things to do than deal with a party of children, therefore once it can be arranged I will be resigning as leader"

And in that moment, conference bursts into chaos, the sections of Bennite Left Wingers burst into cheers as Benn tries to resist smirking as Kinnock storms away from the podium. Journalists are rushing through the conference to get to the nearest pay phone. The Shadow Cabinet starts going into various clusters as they talk about what just happened. John Prescott looks mildly horrified at what has just happened and for Kinnock's supporters they are scrambling around in confusion as they wonder, what next?

 

[Time Enough]

7th of October 1988, Blackpool

Blackpool in the evening was thronging with the remains of the conference. In the fine tradition of the Labour Party, it was decided to celebrate the last day of conference the only way they knew how... by excessive drinking. Of course, for the numerous Bennites, this was an oddly joyous celebration, for Benn had been smashed by Kinnock in the leadership election, but with the news that Hattersley had lost to Prescott, Kinnock had decided to throw in the towel.

Of course, Benn’s run had helped shatter the Socialist Campaign Group, had caused the Left to split, and generally managed to kneecap the Hard Left as a force in the Labour Party. The future wasn’t going to be sunshine and rainbows for them, but for now, they could celebrate. The representation of all they despised had been vanquished, anything beyond that was just theory and speculation.

So, they drank merry.

Away from the merriment of the Bennites, who had hit the town in the pursuit of drunken revelry, there sat three men in a booth of a Blackpool hotel bar, surrounded by the remains of a sad first round. Of course, at that moment, none of the men knew they were about to make history - if they did, they may have smiled a bit more.

The three men consisted of Tom Sawyer, the NUPE’s bespectacled, bearded Deputy General Secretary, there was Michael Meacher, the so called ‘Robin Hood in Spectacles’ who had been a former Bennite before breaking away from that strain of Leftism, and finally, there was Bryan Gould, a man who looked like a mischievous schoolboy, combined with a mixture of witty New Zealand air, and Oxford intellectualism. This troika of the Modernising Soft Left of Labour had met for a simple reason: to discuss a Gould leadership campaign.

“So Bryan, you think you’re ready?” Sawyer said, already guessing the answer. Gould nodded his head as he considered what lay ahead. He already had ideas for how Labour could modernise beyond the reforms of the Kinnock years, how he could reform Britain, and even how he could modernise Socialism... Gould was very much a man of ideas.

“Well then, I think we know who will also be flinging his hat into the ring,” Meacher paused briefly, taking a swig of beer “So how can we possibly combat John?” he finished with a sigh as he let the mood of the situation sit. The three men pondered the thought, sipping beer as they did.

They were wondering how they could defeat one of the prominent figures of Labour’s Right, a man who had already been planning something for some time now as a cabal had begun to form around him. It would be a difficult hill to climb, but if they hit the ground running, then they could begin to reach the summit before the Smith team had even realised what was happening.

“Well this can’t be a coronation I tell you now, I think mainly what we should be doing is pitching to people like you, me and Michael, and we should be able to get the possible support we need” Bryan said, trying to sound rousing, but there was an air of worry. Smith would be difficult to topple, he could conjure up MPs, Trade Unions, and CLP’s at a drop of a hat if needed. For Gould it would be like trying to heard cats, given how divided and fractured the Soft Left was.

It didn’t matter how charismatic, how popular, how influential Gould was. It was going to be hard.

But as the three men conversed about possible strategies to defeat Smith, nature seemed to decide to give them a bit of help...

--//--

9th of October 1988, London
For someone called the ‘Prince of Darkness’, Peter Mandelson didn’t look like it at the moment. With his unkempt appearance, untrimmed moustache and his general air of dishevelment he seemed less threatening as he could be. It had been caused by having spent a couple of days dealing with the media over the aftermath of Kinnock’s shocking resignation, he was also still trying to process it himself. He’d manage to fuse himself to the Kinnock project to such a degree that Kinnock had begun to see him as his only true ally. Of course, for Mandelson, this was an alliance of convenience. He had his own plans, and his own projects, away from the half hearted, Monetarist Socialism of the Kinnock project.

But for now he’d been desperately hunting for new allies.

He still had Blair, Brown, and Eatwell to help him along, but relying on them wouldn’t be enough. He had to align himself with the Hattersley Group, the Labour Right Wingers, unified in their belief in ERM, Europe, and Monetarism, and it seemed they were intending to put the jovial Scotsman John Smith as their candidate. He already had several of the Unions ready to support him, and he was a popular man with the party, and the MPs, so it made sense. He wasn’t much of a reformist as Mandelson would have wanted, but he would do.

These thoughts were rushing around his head, when his telephone buzzed.

“Yes, Mandelson speaking” he uttered irritably, annoyed to be shaken from his planning.

“Hello, its Gordon here,” Gordon started, sounding a bit off. Of course, Mandelson didn’t pick up on this – he had more on his mind.

“Hello Gordon.” He said, the words sounding rather sour.

“I’m just phoning to inform you that John’s had a heart attack.” Brown continued, with mild shock and dispassion in his voice. Mandelson sat there in a state of shock as, yet again, his plans had been smashed to pieces.

“Hello?” Gordon muttered over the phone as Peter remembered that Gordon was still on the line.

Gordon rustled on the other line, “Hello, Mandelson are you there?” this brought him back to earth.

“Right, sorry Gordon, just been a bit stunned by everything.” he said. Gordon just made some grumbles over the phone.

“Haven’t we all?” Gordon replied.

“This isn’t good though; I think we should meet tomorrow and discuss our futures.” Peter continued, almost mechanically. He didn’t feel like dealing with any of this today. Maybe once he’d have a shave and put on a suit he’d be able to deal with the chaos.

“We’ll see” Gordon said but Mandelson didn’t hear the wavering in his voice yet again, as his brain was already whirring; for he had to prepare for what would happen next.

He was not going to let the last few days get to him...

--//--

“Mr Smith’s condition has begun to stabilise despite some fears, and we’re sure he’ll make a full recovery.”
Brief Statement from Mr Smith’s Doctor at Edinburgh Infirmary, October 10th 1988

“John has been a wonderful colleague to work with and I can’t wait to see him again after his recovery.”
Bryan Gould, October 12th 1988

“So... what now?”
Gerald Kaufman to Donald Dewar, October 12th 1988

 

[Time Enough]

Why yes this will be a Bryan Gould everyone’s favourite New Zealand born Labour politician who believed in Market Socialism, Euroscepticsm and Modernisation getting to control the machinations of power more than he did.

Chaos ensues, well not chaos but still.

 

[Taimur500]

Watching with interest.

 

[Corax]

This is interesting, let's see how divergent Labour will go compared to OTL.

 

[Time Enough]

This is interesting, let's see how divergent Labour will go compared to OTL.

I think this is why I chose Labour in 1988 and Gould, someone did a list elsewhere which had Gould becoming leader and after further research I thought it would be fun to research. Mainly it's a way for me to show how chaotic and fluid the Labour Party was in the 1980s and early 90s before the New Labour takeover. As for some ideas of the possible future of this timeline, well I'll quote some bits from an article I wrote about Gould's economics ideas...

For example, Gould believed that the government should have renationalised BT, alongside working with telecommunication companies to establish fibre optic networks across the U.K. to catch up with the then incoming rise of the internet (all of which was proposed in 1988).

“The Decentralisation of economic power which is the market encourages should be recognised by socialists as one of the markets most desirable features. It is not, of course, something to be taken for granted, and it can easily-in markets that are not properly monitored or regulated-become more an illusion than a reality” (Gould, B. 1989. 96)

Next Chapter will be coming seen once it's been edited and looked over.

 

[Time Enough]

Chapter 2: “The Future of Socialism...”

November 10th 1988, London

Bryan had been spending the last several weeks planning but not really being able to fulfil his plans with John still recovering from his heart attack. Even in the chaos of a leadership campaign, Bryan still had enough of a conscious to not stoop down to the level of the machine politics of the Labour Right... this wasn’t to say he hadn’t been sorting out help from some like minded colleagues. He’d been spending the last few months meeting up with everyone, from Philip Gould (people jokingly called him and Bryan ‘Cousins’,) to Chris Smith, the bespectled MP famous for coming out at a rally in Rugby. Most of them had given him vague commitments of support which worked for Gould at this stage.

But now that John was getting better, though still bed ridden, it was time to win over some of the bigger names.

Today, Bryan was going to win over David Blunkett.

The cover for the meeting was that Gould would be walking his Westie, Angus, whilst Blunkett joined him. It wouldn’t look as suspicious as a meeting in a pub per-say; the media had been circling around Labour like sharks to chum after Kinnock’s resignation. They all had their candidates in mind and Gould being seen with Blunkett would get some of the media machines in full swing and gunning at Gould.

That wouldn’t be the wisest thing when you were in the midst of a quiet campaign and Gould hoped to gain Blunkett as an ally. Blunkett had managed to accumulate a number of allies and had also run Prescott’s successful deputy campaign; he would be rather valuable in the months to come. The pair had decided to meet at Victoria Park, near enough to parliament to allow it to not be a slog to get too, with the cold weather ensuring only dog walkers, joggers and the dedicated lovers of parks in general. Not particularly people who are known for being politics lovers.

“Cold today,” Blunkett greeted Gould, his guide dog Offa in-tow, well it was more Blunkett was being towed by his dog, but Gould didn’t mention. Angus became excited upon seeing another dog but after some sniffing, and a bit of barking, he piped down, assured of the other dog’s lack of quarrel.

“Ah, you bought your dog along?” Blunkett muttered in a slightly annoyed tone.

“Well, I heard you would be bringing Offa along, and Angus does need to make more friends...” Bryan smirked before resisting been tugged away by Angus who was ready to dart away from the scene of conversation.

Blunkett’s mild chuckle gave Gould a sense of relief, it wasn’t going to be a steely conversation about the direction of the party and hopefully it would be a bit more jovial. And even if Gould was able to bring the wit, the addition of Angus to the mix would make any meeting more enjoyable than the usual gray discussions as of late.

“So Bryan, I’m guessing you need my help with something?” Blunkett said as the pair began to walk around the park.

“Well David, I’m thinking about running for leader.” Bryan stated bluntly.

“Understandable, you were Kinnock’s Golden Boy” Blunkett said, a tone of annoyance in his voice.

“Well, David, I want to move beyond that in some ways,” Bryan said mildly stung by Blunkett’s comment. The perception that Gould was Kinnock’s right hand man was something he would have to dispel if he wanted to win over those left burned by his regime.

“I want to keep Unilateral Disarmament for starters and I’m not particularly fond of the Hattersley-Smith economic plans” Bryan continued, as Blunkett just nodded along.

“We need to be a Socialist party again, David...” Bryan said before resisting the urge to be dragged away by Angus again. Blunkett chuckled at the yappy terrier’s interruptions, as they started to annoy Gould, the terrier more interested in chasing squirrels, trying to join the dogs playing on the grass nearby or barking at the occasional jogger than being bothered by politics that was occurring.

“Otherwise we won’t be able to reverse what Thatcher has done... but we have to be a modern party too.” Bryan finished, finally have gotten his wiry dog under control.

Blunkett paused for a moment as he let the moment sink in, Offa pausing too as Gould let the moment sink in.

“Makes sense” Blunktt said in a casual tone that caught Gould off guard.

“So who’s your campaign manger?” he continued. It took the wind out of Gould’s sails slightly.

“Micheal Meacher, I cornered him at conference and asked.” Bryan said, remembering the hastily considered choice.

Blunkett nodded with a slight smile.

“Meacher’s good, but I think you may want someone who actually knows how to campaign...” Blunkett grinned. Angus happily yapped in response before he decided to mark his territory.

--//--
November 12th 1988, London

Peter was pissed and it showed. Despite his attempt at grinning at his fellow employees as he came into his office, his eyes betrayed what he was really feeling. Despite his chat with Gordon over their future plans, it turned out Gordon had something else in mind, Peter managing to extract the information out of a meek Jack Straw, the bespectacled shadow sectary for education and moderniser of the Kinnock group like a Stasi Interrogator.

“Gordon! in my office! now!” Peter growled as he saw the lumbering Scotsman coming towards him. Gordon awkwardly shuffled into Peter’s office as Peter slowly closed the door.

“So Peter how are yo-“ Gordon started to say before Peter put his finger out, huffing as he did.

“What the fuck are you doing Gordon?!” Peter menaced as he leaned right in Gordon’s face. This would have worked if Peter was menacing some speccy squirt, but Gordon, the former rugby lad wasn’t terrified by the moustached, brown suited director of communications.

“I’m going my own way, Mandy,” Gordon grunted, staring directly at Peter.

“Going...” Peter spat before controlling himself. “Gordon what do you mean going your own way, and don’t bullshit me” Peter continued already knowing what Gordon meant. Gordon was going to run for leader, Peter’s plan of infiltration and slowly converting the Right to his point of view was being shattered by Gordon jumping the gun and going for the top job. In Peter’s mind, that wouldn’t do at all.

“Okay, you want me to step aside for John Smith, which would be all fine and good if he hadn’t just had a heart attack and knowing some folks, they’re not going to be voting for the man who could have another one at any time.” Gordon grumbled as he leaned towards Peter.

“So, your running for leadership...well I will make sure that you don’t get far,” Peter scowled.

“Will you now?” Gordon just said with an uncharacteristic smirk, before he left the room. It made Peter feel slightly uneasy.

“We can’t always be relying on you Mandy, sometimes we have to go our own way,” he continued, awakrdly poking his head back in before leaving entirely. Peter stood still for a second before he exploded in rage. Outside the various members of the office continued with their day ensuring the smooth operation of the party, ignoring the various angry diatribes that were coming out of Peter’s office, this wasn’t the first time Peter had blown his lid.

“That bastard, I’ll end him, I’ll fucking end him” he shouted as he walked towards the phone to get some calls in. His moment of semi gleeful revenge was only interrupted by an older office lady appearing to place a file on his desk.

“I would recommend getting some thicker windows dear” she said placing the file on the desk and leaving as Peter picked up the phone with an angered expression.

--//--
November 13th 1988, London

“We have to be wise here Tony,” Ken Livingstone grumbled, his attempts to try and convince Tony Benn to not jump, yet again, into a leadership contest falling on deaf ears. Benn had been so hopped up by Kinnock’s resignation that he decided to go into the leadership fray again, ignoring that the last time he’d been beaten by a landslide and that he’d shredded the Socialist Campaign Group into pieces in the process.

So Ken had decided to stage an intervention for Tony, to convince him that going down this route again wouldn’t be seen favourably by anyone. The only men in the hastily arranged meeting room other than Ken and Tony, were Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell, awkwardly acting as the two men’s lieutenants. The two just sat in the back of the room as Tony and Ken hashed it out, in a scene reminiscent of two crime lords trying to stop a turf war before it happened.

“Ken, I respect you, but we have to bring Socialism back to the Party if it’s to survive,” Tony said with a twinkle in his eye. Despite his age, he still had the ability to bring fire when needed.

“Tony, that’s all nice and good but you’re in a fairly safe seat, they’re probably going to always vote Labour in Chesterfield, but if we want power, then we have to consider maybe actually trying to appeal to people who aren’t out and out Socialists.” Ken reasoned with Tony.

Tony looked at him with a hint of disgust as he mentioned trying to win over Non-Socialists as if somehow holding onto the light of Socialism in opposition actually helped people.

“What is the point of a Labour party if it doesn’t actually represent the Labour Move-“Tony started to say before Ken interrupted him.

“What Labour Movement? Thatcher’s smashing the Trade Unions, the Left Wing councils have been sunk and there planning to privatise water, the dreams of Labour in the past are gone Tony, we have to adapt!” Ken said, the line about Councils stinging him the most. Tony looked at him, gears turning in his head as he wondered what to say. He took his trademark pipe out and lit it.

“I’m afraid Ken” Tony said as he began to puff on his pipe, ensuring a good coal was formed. “We’re going to have to agree to disagree” Tony said raspy, pipe smoke coming out of his mouth. Ken stood still for a moment before he decided to head off out of the room. John awkwardly followed.

“Ken, maybe we want to talk about this a bit more?” John whispered as Ken prepared to leave, the possibility of the meeting ending on sour note between the two titans of the Labour Left not exactly thrilling him. Ken looked back as Tony continued to puff on his pipe and Corbyn looked like he was about to die out of awkwardness. After briefly considering continuing the discussion he decided not to, leaving the meeting instead of repeating the same points to a brick wall of Socialist thought that was Tony. He left the room, leaving Tony to stew.

“Damn it, well I guess that’s it then,” Ken said as he was outside in the corridor, he saw already that any dreams of a successful Left Wing leadership sunk. John scowled at him but said nothing, his loyaltly lying more with his boss than the old man they had left. Ken trundled back to the office feeling defeated. In his office he slumped on his chair and rubbed his face in annoyance. Having a spat with a figure like Benn was something you didn’t take likely. Out of the corner of his eye he saw the flashing light of his answering machine, indicating a message had been left on it. Ken decided to grumpily play the message seeing if it was anything to brighten up his mood.

“Hello, its Bryan here. Hope you’re doing well Ken, I would be interested in having a chat with you when you have the time about something I could use your help with...” came the distinctly New Zealand voice from the machine. Ken looked at the machine as he wondered what Bryan meant exactly...
--//--
"Will Gould Become Leader? A expose on the next possible Labour Leader"
Guardian, 22nd November 1988

"A Left Split? Rumours of a falling out in the Labour Left signals good news for the Labour leadership"
Guardian, 29th November 1988

"God I want this to be over and done with"
John Prescott, 1st December 1988 to a close friend

 

[Time Enough]

Okay if folks have any questions about the story and the world outside the machinations of Labour so far please fling them my way and I can also maybe hint at some further developments in the future. Now the next chapter is finished but requires editing and notes from my boyfriend and the fourth chapter is also being written too.

I will also enquire if folks like @Oppo or @Corax have any notes or pointers from the last few chapters.

 

[Corax]

I'm not exactly familiar with Labour politics at this era other than the fact that the party pretty much collapsed into Third Way-ism. However from a writing standpoint, I can say that it is quite good and I enjoy reading it.

 

[Time Enough]

I'm not exactly familiar with Labour politics at this era other than the fact that the party pretty much collapsed into Third Way-ism. However from a writing standpoint, I can say that it is quite good and I enjoy reading it.

Ah, I hope this can be a little primer that actually points away from the common determinist vision that Labour was destined for Third Way-ism.

Between 1983 to 1994, the Labour Party was in flux as the Soft Left hadn't been kneecapped and still held a lot of power (I hope this story manages to show that Labour wasn't destined for Third Way-ism). If you want to know more about the characters and ideas that will be popping up in this timeline do ask, also you want recommendations for books and stuff that discuss more about the period I can also give some. Also glad you enjoy reading it, my hope is that I have a story that your actually able to read even if you don't know all the characters.

 

[Oppo]

I will also enquire if folks like @Oppo or @Corax have any notes or pointers from the last few chapters.

I absolutely love this - it reminds me of the old school British political timelines. Glad that Gould is finally getting his day in the spotlight.

 

[Time Enough]

I absolutely love this - it reminds me of the old school British political timelines. Glad that Gould is finally getting his day in the spotlight.

Damn, high praise there.

I’m surprised it’s taken this long for Gould to have a timeline about him, like he was massive in the late 80s and was like Kinnock’s Right Hand man, it’s surprising there aren’t more about him.

Though I’ve noticed a massive lack of Labour in the 80s timelines in general that don’t involved them being crushed by the SDP, never mind ones in the late 80s.

 

[Taimur500]

Though I’ve noticed a massive lack of Labour in the 80s timelines in general that don’t involved them being crushed by the SDP, never mind ones in the late 80s.

Absolutely agree.

 

[mymatedave10]

This looks very interesting, watched.

 

[Time Enough]

Chapter 3: “A Leadership That Works”

December 27th 1988, Wales
Bryan and Neil hadn’t had the chance to meet each other in awhile, with Bryan still being busy as always as the Shadow Secretary of State for Trade and Industry who was also in the midst of a leadership bid, whilst Neil had decided to spend more time in Wales resting. He’d been mauled by the old black dog in the aftermath of the Deputy Leadership and he had decided to convalesce back in Wales before going back into politics.

In the aftermath of a hectic Christmas, Bryan and Gill had decided to spend a couple of evenings at the Kinnock’s as a show of Christmas cheer, but Bryan had also come along with other aspirations in which he told Neil over the course of a brisk walk through the Welsh valleys. It was a cold and blustery day, a feeling enhanced by the grey clouds overhead. A couple of times, Neil tried to light a pipe but the wind managed to blow out any attempt. Despite the annoyance at the wind, the pair were in awe at the Valley’s endless expanse of greenery, a land that was reminiscent to Bryan of his own New Zealand childhood.

“So you want to be leader? Why the bloody hell would you want that?” Neil said unimpressed.
Bryan made a face in the same way a school boy responds to being told off by stern but well meaning headmaster.

“Because Neil, I believe it’ll be the last chance to have a Socialist party” he said defensively.

“It can’t just be that, Bryan,” Neil grinned as he knew that there was more to Bryan’s run than just an ideological pursuit.

“Fine, I don’t want a coronation of John, its undemocratic and he won’t be shifting the Labour party into a direction in which we’ll win.” he continued.

“Understandable, but don’t expect me to support you in any way,” Neil said half heartedly. The look of annoyance on his face showed that he would want to support his friend Bryan as much as he could, but he knew that it wouldn’t be the best for the party if a leader was to start supporting their favourites to win so soon after their resignation.

“That’s fine Neil, I understand the quandary you’re in,” Bryan said, mildly annoyed. Part of him wanted for Neil to support him… but he knew why Neil couldn’t come down like an angel on high to help smite his enemies.

This would have to be a battle done by him.

“So, how are you planning to announce it? Knowing you, I’m sure you’ll have something in the works?” Neil grinned, knowing Bryan’s media experience lent him an element of theatricality at times.

“I do have an idea, something that will get my point out loud and clear,” Bryan said with a smile.
“Well, Bryan, if you need any help, I can always get some friends involved...you know, hush hush and all that.” The pair chuckled and continued onto more important topics, like how their wives and children were doing, what Christmas presents they had bought, and the like, as the grey clouds opened up and snow drifted down.

--//--

4th of January 1989, London
This is it Bryan, you’ve prepared all you can, now you have to fulfil your plans, Bryan thought as he prepared to enter the press conference of his own making. His plan that had been months in the making was finally to be put into motion. He organised a small press conference with help from his various connections. Everyone from ITV to the Morning Star was represented in the cramped room in which he would announce his candidateship for leadership, the various reporters spilling out of the room as they all prepared for the evenings news. The mid-secrecy involved was due to him wanting to get the jump on Peter who, by now, was preparing for his own plans to announce Smith’s candidateship, the Scot finally having recovered enough to be able to push ahead with his leadership and return to Westminster.

Supported by David and Michael, the three amigos of the Soft Left sat down on the table as they prepared to announce to Britain their plans. Camera Flashes, TV Camera zooms and the occasional dry cough were the major sounds of the conference as Bryan got out a small page of notes in which were to be the start of his announcement speech. Bryan’s usual arrogant facade cracked slightly as he got out his notes, a few beads of sweat came down before he rapidly wiped it away.

“I sit here today to announce my candidateship for leadership of the Labour Party,” he started looking at the cameras with a smile.

“I believe that for Labour to achieve victory in the next election, we have to push forward a positive, radical agenda that works for everyone,” he continued with a grin. More camera flashes interrupted him. He was about to start again when a loud cough from a reporter from the Guardian caused Bryan to lose his place slightly and he paused with a fixed grin as he scanned his page for his place again.

“In the last election, we fought the best campaign possible...the only problem was - we lost. I think that we lost because the people we needed to win over didn’t see a party of government and we need to make sure that next time we go to the polls we have a party that is prepared to go to the people and is able to achieve what they need.” he finished, quickly sipping some water as the camera flashes continued.

A flurry of questions would ensue, as every reporter prepared for their scoops that were about to receive as Gould gave answers from Economics policies, to Neil Kinnock’s leadership.

--//--

4th of January 1989, London
Peter was looking at the evening news in his office, a small portable TV being wheeled in so he could watch it in person. Everyone from the Times, to the Morning Star, from the BBC, to Channel 4 was mentioning about Gould’s leadership bid. Often it came accompanied with some hastily conducted Vox pops with Labour members, ranging from MPs, to poor bastards on the street.
This didn’t faze Peter much, he had been preparing for John Smith’s Press Conference for awhile now and Gould jumping the gun whilst not factoring into Peter’s plans, wasn’t something that particularly bothered him. One day of Gould getting full media coverage for himself, did annoy Peter slightly, but yet again, it was nothing that bothered him greatly.

What did bother him was news of Gordon’s potential bid, pitching himself as the true Moderniser and ideologue of Labour’s Right. A man who could not only fight Thatcher but had the health to win the fight as well. This wasn’t good for Peter, his project was splitting and, like rats, they were fleeing the sinking ship.

To make things worse, there was a chance that Gordon could get on the ballot, despite the number of nominations needed to get there being increased, as he had heard that folks on the Right who were worried by the growing power of Peter decided to throw there lot in with Gordon. It was all beginning to become more complicated than just a simple battle between Gould and John.

But Smith still had some aces. Peter had been having some talks with John and his campaign manger Robin Cook, a fellow Scot, who had a bit of a history with Peter, about ways they could win. Things may be slightly more difficult… but Peter knew he could win.

And if he didn’t? Whispered the slight voice of defeat in his head.

For Peter, he had no plans for defeat. The idea of Gould becoming leader would repudiate everything he stood for, and his vision of Labour, it was something he would rather not consider.

As the news finished it’s section on Gould, Peter turned off the TV and as the screen slowly died, so did any worries in Peter’s mind about his future.

--//--

"Gould Announces Leadership Campaign, Smith to do similar announcement within a day"
Guardian, 5th of January 1989

"Smith's Campaign may have more more firepower behind it compared to Gould's with the combination of Cook and Mandelson"
Times, 6th of January 1989

"Is John Smith an old man in a hurry? Our expose in the Gould and Smith Campaign's"
Tribune 10th of January 1989

"Let's get this contest done, Prescott is becoming a fucking embarrassment as LotO"
Donald Dewar writing to Larry Whitty, 11th of January 1989

 

[Taimur500]

Great update

 

[mymatedave10]

As someone who came to politics in the late 90's, this is a bit before my time but this look at the various Labour figures earlier in their careers continues to be entertaining.

 

[Time Enough]

For A More Positive Future-The Five Main Points of Bryan Gould's Leadership Campaign

1). A More Democratic Party- Gould promises to help create a party that listens to it's members and ensures that the membership has more say. This will mean that CLP's will have more say on who represents them, that Regional offices can have more say on how they want to run campaigns and make sure that the membership aren't taken for granted by the leadership. Gould will also ensure that the parties of Scotland and Wales are allowed to be federalised and can work in there own manners.

2). A Modern but Radical Agenda- Gould is a believer in having a Democratic Socialist party first and foremost. For this to be achieved, Labour has to campaign on a Modern but Radical agenda that will allow for Labour to represent the many not the few. This includes campaigning on a policy of public ownership for businesses that can ensure a modern and dynamic economy, establishing an economic system that allows for Britain to be prepared for the 21st Century, increased democratisation of British politics and Economy and unliteral disarmament.

3). A Party That Listens To You- Gould wants a Party that listens to you, a Gould leadership will ensure that the membership have the ability to voice there opinions within the party without fear of being bullied or marginalised. This would also ensure that the party has a robust complaints system that ensures that all involved are given a fair say. It also ensures that members convicted of abuses of power are actually able to be effectively convicted and punished accordingly.

4). To End Entryism- In recent years, organisations that have an Anti-Democratic element to them have performed entryism within the party to try and take it over and force the Labour party in there own direction. A Gould leadership will continue the path of the last leadership and ensure that Entryism is properly dealt with and groups and members of groups found committing entryism will be investigated, prosecuted and will have there membership revoked. This is to help ensure a democratic party that actually represents the true members.

5). To Ensure All Members Are Represented- The Labour Party has become in recent years a party that represents not just the working class of Britain but all marginalised groups across Britain. A Gould leadership would ensure increased representation for marginalised groups, ensure that all races and sexualities are able to organise and be able to express to themselves effectively. A Gould leadership will also ensure that Feminist organisations are able to represent there members effectively too.

Taken from a "Gould For Leader" Pamphlet printed by the Tribune Group, 8th of January 1988

 

[Time Enough]

I think it's worth mentioning that the Entryism stuff is being aimed at Militant. Gould was not fond of militant in anyway. Also it will be fun to eventually get into the minutiae and policies of a Gould Labour Party particularly in Economics, Decentralisation and Environment.

Great update

Thanks.

As someone who came to politics in the late 90's, this is a bit before my time but this look at the various Labour figures earlier in their careers continues to be entertaining.

It's funny seeing Peter Mandelson not being the all powerful demigod he would become later it seems, actually it's in OTL 1989 when Mandelson really starts to have the power to kneecap potential rivals but this was dependent upon the support of Kinnock. With no Kinnock, Mandelson has had to hastily gain other allies. Also expect more appearances from Labour's finest from Beckett to Prescott to Boateng to...Tipping I guess.

 

[David Flin]

For A More Positive Future-The Five Main Points of Bryan Gould's Leadership Campaign

1). A More Democratic Party- Gould promises to help create a party that listens to it's members and ensures that the membership has more say. This will mean that CLP's will have more say on who represents them, that Regional offices can have more say on how they want to run campaigns and make sure that the membership aren't taken for granted by the leadership. Gould will also ensure that the parties of Scotland and Wales are allowed to be federalised and can work in there own manners.

2). A Modern but Radical Agenda- Gould is a believer in having a Democratic Socialist party first and foremost. For this to be achieved, Labour has to campaign on a Modern but Radical agenda that will allow for Labour to represent the many not the few. This includes campaigning on a policy of public ownership for businesses that can ensure a modern and dynamic economy, establishing an economic system that allows for Britain to be prepared for the 21st Century, increased democratisation of British politics and Economy and unliteral disarmament.

3). A Party That Listens To You- Gould wants a Party that listens to you, a Gould leadership will ensure that the membership have the ability to voice there opinions within the party without fear of being bullied or marginalised. This would also ensure that the party has a robust complaints system that ensures that all involved are given a fair say. It also ensures that members convicted of abuses of power are actually able to be effectively convicted and punished accordingly.

4). To End Entryism- In recent years, organisations that have an Anti-Democratic element to them have performed entryism within the party to try and take it over and force the Labour party in there own direction. A Gould leadership will ensure that Entryism is properly dealt with and groups and members of groups found committing entryism will be investigated, prosecuted and will have there membership revoked. This is to help ensure a democratic party that actually represents the true members.

5). To Ensure All Members Are Represented- The Labour Party has become in recent years a party that represents not just the working class of Britain but all marginalised groups across Britain. A Gould leadership would ensure increased representation for marginalised groups, ensure that all races and sexualities are able to organise and be able to express to themselves effectively. A Gould leadership will also ensure that Feminist organisations are able to represent there members effectively too.

Taken from a "Gould For Leader" Pamphlet printed by the Tribune Group, 8th of January 1988

The Unions will have a fit. These proposals take power away from the Block Vote, and severely curtail Union influence and control. They are going to go completely spare.

1988 is a bit late for taking action against Militant Entryism into the Labour Party, isn't it? I mean, Conference declared in 1982 that Militant was ineligible for affiliation to the Labour party, Militant was banned from using Labour party facilities in 1983, and by 1985, the Party was in the process of removing those members of Militant who were already within the Labour party. This proved harder than might be expected.

The Clause 5 could easily have unexpected consequences; a lot of those labelled here as the working class weren't in the forefront of pushing for the rights of marginalised groups. That's opening the door for another in the series of Labour Party Self-Indulgent Suicidal Internal Split with Added Infighting. The mood music of the period wasn't that sympathetic to marginalised groups, and the Labour Party was certainly not at the forefront of trying to change that.