Historically speaking, Canadian politics has been described as an unusually stable affair. Since Confederation the Liberal Party of Canada had been in power off and on for roughly seventy-six of the past one-hundred-thirty-two years. Seemingly every single leader of the Liberal Party, from Wilfred Laurier to Pierre Trudeau, left their mark on Canada in some way. Many agreed that the title of “Canada’s Natural Governing Party” was used to describe the Liberal Party for a reason. They had earned it. Unfortunately, the 1980s and 1990s had not been overly kind to the party. Brian Mulroney had nearly forced them into third place behind the New Democrats in 1984. Backroom fights between John Turner and Jean Chretien and later Chretien and Paul Martin had left the party bitterly divided with itself. In both cases it seemed as though Chretien had managed to outmaneuver his opponents, which cultivated in his ascension to the leadership over Martin in 1990. But Jean Chretien proved to be a lacklustre and ineffective leader of the opposition, especially against the youthful and charismatic Jean Charest who went on and defeated the little guy from Shawinigan in the 1993 federal election campaign. Yet one thing even opponents of the Liberal Party conceded was that the party was not entirely incapable of learning from their mistakes. Uniting behind Paul Martin, the Liberals would go on and from their first majority government a year later in 1994, fourteen years since their last such victory under Pierre Trudeau in his infamous 1980 comeback. From the outset Paul Martin seemed poised, combined with the right-wing divide between the Tories and Reform, the deliver dominance into the new millennium. He had performed admirably during the 1995 Quebec Referendum campaign and had a plan ready to deliver Canada back into the financial black. Unfortunately, fate had other plans and Canada mourned the assassination of their Prime Minister, a first in Canadian political history. Many within the party were unsure who could replace the late Liberal leader. New Brunswick’s Frank McKenna was the obvious choice, but said no. Lloyd Axworthy was experienced, respected, and had already served as party leader, albeit in an interim capacity. But many were worried a western leader would cause geographical problems for the party of Laurier and Trudeau. In the ensuing leadership convention, convention goers opted for the boring compromise pick and selected Justice Minister Allan Rock to lead them forward. Yet for all the high hopes party insiders had for Rock and his middle-of-the-road agenda, the ’98 campaign, defined by ridicule and internal, often opposing ambitions, proved the beginning of a political storm for the new Prime Minister. Resulting in a minority government, the Liberals had seen what was once predicted to be the unbeatable Liberal decade morph into a real threat against their chances to hold onto power. The Tories new leader, Gary Filmon, had dealt a serious blow against Reform, solidifying their position as Canada’s alternative to the Liberals, and had begun the process of forming a new party comprised of the Progressive Conservatives and the more moderate, politically sensible members of the Reform Party. By early 1999 the Conservative Party of Canada had become registered with Elections Canada. Polls continued to show the Liberals in the lead, but the gap had begun to shrink in the Tories favour. In one memorable skits on the Royal Canadian Air-Farce, Gary Filmon had begun to hang curtains and photos at 24 Sussex all the while Rock, seemingly unaware of Filmon, complained to his wife that he felt as though he was being pushed out the door.
And just when matters couldn’t get worse for the Prime Minister, they did.
During his time as Justice Minister, Rock had implemented Bill C-68, An Act Respecting Firearms and Other Weapons, much to the chagrin of Canada’s gun owners, many of whom viewed the legislation as a direct attack against their freedoms. Others worried that the new law would eventually run over its costs and damage the Martin government’s aim to bring about a balanced budget. Amongst its various Reforms was included a gun registry, which the Law-Abiding Unregistered Firearms Association contended was necessary due to the fact that over seventy percent in Canada up to that point had never been registered. But at the time it seemed so early into what many believed to be the first of many Liberal mandates that popular concern dissipated. Any such worries concerning costs would no doubt be dealt with at a later date. In the chaos of the referendum campaign fallout, the deaths of both Lucien Bouchard and Paul Martin, no one paid much attention to the rising costs of the legislation. Even during the 1998 campaign the government was able to keep the controversy at bay, thanks in part to Jean Charest’s inability to use the issue to his advantage and keep his Quebec support in line, a region where the new law was immensely popular. Unfortunately for the Liberals, a phrase which had become all too common amongst Canada’s media punditry in the years after Paul Martin’s assassination, the news would break only months after Rock’s minority re-election, igniting a firestorm of criticism towards the Liberal leader, both from across the isle to within his own caucus. Originally the government claimed that the “low cost” law would cost one million dollars and be simple, efficient, and cost effective. but soon economists and government officials conceded that it was on track to hit one billion by the early 2000s. MPs such as Benoit Serre and Joe Fontana called the Prime Minister incompetent for implementing a bill, and suggested that the government either freeze funding for the gun legislation, or the Prime Minister should resign. Rock supporters like Ontario MP Lynn Myers suggested that the outrage was brought on by internal leadership jockeying, individuals in cabinet who wished to use the situation of a minority government to further their own political ambitions. In order to alleviate both concerns within his party and those involving his continued leadership of the government, the Prime Minister announced a caucus retreat for April 3, 1999. Although many pundits expected and indeed predicted that Allan Rock, like all his predecessors before him, would weather the scandal and ensuing crisis until at least the next election, this proved not to be the case. On April 5, the last day of the caucus retreat, Prime Minister Rock announced to reporters his plans to retire from not only the leadership, but politics altogether. Rock argued that new leadership was required to usher Canada into the new century, and due to his inability to win a majority government, the growing tensions within the House of Commons and his own party, he was not the figure to do it. It would be later revealed anonymously to the CBC that Rock was informed by the more loyal members of his cabinet that the Prime Minister faced open revolt among some of his members, a potential leadership review which would further weaken himself and the party, and resignations from his cabinet. Rock’s initial indifference to the crisis had come across as arrogance to some, further angering the party backbench and executive members. If Allan Rock wouldn’t win a majority before this news had broke, what hope did he have no that it had? After only three years on the job, Rock was out, and the Liberals found themselves again searching for a white knight, but this time someone who could fend off the rejuvenated Conservatives come the next election.
Much like 1996, the 1999 Liberal leadership campaign began without a clear frontrunner. Frank McKenna was enjoying his retirement after serving a decade as New Brunswick’s Premier, and had expressed to those close to him little desire in leader what he called the “Ottawa Circus”. Lloyd Axworthy was equally disinterested, and his role in securing the leadership for Rock made his prospects all the weaker in the eyes of many Liberals. Brian Tobin was generally believed to still covet the party leadership, as he had stated so during the last election campaign. But that gaffe had damaged the party’s re-election, and thus Tobin’s chances in the upcoming leadership election. Other potential candidates included Deputy Prime Minister Anne McLellan, Finance Minister John Manley, Public Works Minister Lawrence Cannon, former Deputy Prime Minister Sheila Copps, National Revenue Minister Joe Volpe, International Trade Minister Pierre Pettigrew, Treasury Board President Ralph Goodale and even Ontario Liberal leader Gerard Kennedy. In short, basically every member of cabinet sought to test the waters to see if they had the support for a potential bid. In a surprise announcement, anti-free trade activist David Orchard announced on July 20, 1999 that he would seek the Liberal leadership. Orchard, a former Tory activist, felt that his party had become too conservative under the leadership of Gary Filmon, and had quite the party in protest shortly after the creation of the new Conservative Party. It was only through the Liberal Party, Orchard declared in his announcement address, that Canada’s interests could be protected.
To many Liberals, the only candidates that truly stood a chance were McLellan, Pettigrew, and Cannon. From a traditionally anti-Liberal province, McLellan had replaced Copps as Deputy Prime Minister shortly after the ’98 campaign, as earned admiration for her ability to manage the government and stand in for Rock during Question Period. Cannon, a member of Martin’s first cabinet, had demonstrated himself as a capable minister through the portfolios of Industry and Public Works, having formed a respectable relationship with the other provincial governments. He was respected, which could be valuable in the upcoming election. Pettigrew, however, seemed like a combination of both former Prime Ministers Lester B. Pearson and Pierre Trudeau. Firmly on the left of the Liberal Party, advocating for the legalization of same-sex marriage and increased healthcare funding, the Quebec Liberal also supported balanced budgets and free-trade. Director of NATO’s political committee from 1976 to 1978, he had served as Pierre Trudeau’s foreign policy advisor from 1981 until 1984. Indeed, his very entrance into politics was at the behest of Paul Martin, and later Allan Rock, who sought to recruit high profile Quebecers into his cabinet as a way to stave off more nationalistic sentiments from the province which had rejected sovereignty. First elected in a 1996 by-election, some worried that Pettigrew was too inexperienced to lead the Liberal Party. But his performance in Cabinet had garnered him many fans. A quick strong of endorsements from the party’s Quebec MPs solidified his candidacy as one of the ones to watch. Endorsements from John Manley and Sheila Copps made him the frontrunner, and surprise endorsements from Anne McLellan and Gerard Kennedy made him leader in all but name. Although many Liberals garnered ambitions, many also wanted to prevent the Tories from winning the next election, and an intellectual from Quebec with strong federalist beliefs and ties to the international community seemed like a sure thing. The party was eager for a statesman like Pearson or Trudeau to lead the party again, and thoughts of returning to the glory days seemed too good to ignore for many party members. But this contest would not serve as a coronation for Pettigrew. Going into the convention he still had to contend with the likes of Brian Tobin, Joe Volpe, and David Orchard.
Brian Tobin was very much a wounded animal. He had been seen as a rising star since the 1980s, and had been a failed candidate for the party’s leadership twice already. He had even given up a two separate chance to become the Premier of his home province of Newfoundland in the hopes of becoming Prime Minister. He had performed well in the referendum campaign, earning the nickname of Captain Canada, but his ambitions had tarnished his brand. Many seemed him as the obvious successor to Paul Martin following the latter’s death, but had been seen victory stolen by Allan Rock thanks in part to a last minute endorsement from Lloyd Axworthy. The Newfoundland MP damaged himself further following controversial comments during the ’98 campaign suggesting that he had not yet given up on his hopes of becoming Prime Minister, despite the fact the role was then-held by Rock. At only forty-five years of age, Brian Tobin was still a young man who could potentially remain involved for up to another twenty-to-thirty years. But many believed that unless Tobin could win the leadership in 1999, three loses in a row would forever end his chances of sitting in the Prime Minister’s Office. His campaign had the support of many from within the Atlantic Liberal wing, but the real momentum was behind Pettigrew, and surprisingly Orchard, whose fiery anti-free trade speeches brought back passions not seen since the Free-Trade election of 1988, an election where the Liberals were against it. His support amongst the party’s western, more youthful and die-hard anti-free trade wings opened the real possibility that the former Tory activist could come second against Pettigrew, even if Tobin remained in the race. Upon consultations with his campaign manager and inner circle, Tobin reluctantly agreed to end his campaign before the first ballot, and endorsed Pettigrew. At least under him Tobin could still keep a seat in Cabinet and further rebuild his brand for another future bid.
On the first and only ballot of the convention held, Pierre Pettigrew was elected leader with almost seventy percent of the vote. His margin would be the largest such victory since Lester B. Pearson’s in 1958. Surprisingly David Orchard captured twenty-four percent of delegate support, suggesting that the party had not seen the last of the fiery Manitoban. In his victory speech to the convention, held at the Ottawa Civics Centre, the same venue which had seen the election of Pierre Trudeau, Canada’s twenty-third Prime Minister pledged to fight for Canada’s future, arguing that the country needed to form stronger alliances with her neighbour and allies, improve funding to healthcare and human resources, and more controversially pledged to legalize Same-Sex marriage within his time as Prime Minister. Gary Filmon and the Tories would fight a very different politician in Pierre Pettigrew.
Prime Ministers of Canada:
Pierre Elliott Trudeau (Liberal) 1968-1979
Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative) 1979-1980
Pierre Elliott Trudeau (Liberal) 1980-1984
John Turner (Liberal) 1984
Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative) 1984-1993
Jean Charest (Progressive Conservative) 1993-1994
Paul Martin (Liberal) 1994-1995
Herb Gray (Liberal) 1995-1996
Allan Rock (Liberal) 1996-1999
Pierre Pettigrew (Liberal) 1999-
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And just when matters couldn’t get worse for the Prime Minister, they did.
During his time as Justice Minister, Rock had implemented Bill C-68, An Act Respecting Firearms and Other Weapons, much to the chagrin of Canada’s gun owners, many of whom viewed the legislation as a direct attack against their freedoms. Others worried that the new law would eventually run over its costs and damage the Martin government’s aim to bring about a balanced budget. Amongst its various Reforms was included a gun registry, which the Law-Abiding Unregistered Firearms Association contended was necessary due to the fact that over seventy percent in Canada up to that point had never been registered. But at the time it seemed so early into what many believed to be the first of many Liberal mandates that popular concern dissipated. Any such worries concerning costs would no doubt be dealt with at a later date. In the chaos of the referendum campaign fallout, the deaths of both Lucien Bouchard and Paul Martin, no one paid much attention to the rising costs of the legislation. Even during the 1998 campaign the government was able to keep the controversy at bay, thanks in part to Jean Charest’s inability to use the issue to his advantage and keep his Quebec support in line, a region where the new law was immensely popular. Unfortunately for the Liberals, a phrase which had become all too common amongst Canada’s media punditry in the years after Paul Martin’s assassination, the news would break only months after Rock’s minority re-election, igniting a firestorm of criticism towards the Liberal leader, both from across the isle to within his own caucus. Originally the government claimed that the “low cost” law would cost one million dollars and be simple, efficient, and cost effective. but soon economists and government officials conceded that it was on track to hit one billion by the early 2000s. MPs such as Benoit Serre and Joe Fontana called the Prime Minister incompetent for implementing a bill, and suggested that the government either freeze funding for the gun legislation, or the Prime Minister should resign. Rock supporters like Ontario MP Lynn Myers suggested that the outrage was brought on by internal leadership jockeying, individuals in cabinet who wished to use the situation of a minority government to further their own political ambitions. In order to alleviate both concerns within his party and those involving his continued leadership of the government, the Prime Minister announced a caucus retreat for April 3, 1999. Although many pundits expected and indeed predicted that Allan Rock, like all his predecessors before him, would weather the scandal and ensuing crisis until at least the next election, this proved not to be the case. On April 5, the last day of the caucus retreat, Prime Minister Rock announced to reporters his plans to retire from not only the leadership, but politics altogether. Rock argued that new leadership was required to usher Canada into the new century, and due to his inability to win a majority government, the growing tensions within the House of Commons and his own party, he was not the figure to do it. It would be later revealed anonymously to the CBC that Rock was informed by the more loyal members of his cabinet that the Prime Minister faced open revolt among some of his members, a potential leadership review which would further weaken himself and the party, and resignations from his cabinet. Rock’s initial indifference to the crisis had come across as arrogance to some, further angering the party backbench and executive members. If Allan Rock wouldn’t win a majority before this news had broke, what hope did he have no that it had? After only three years on the job, Rock was out, and the Liberals found themselves again searching for a white knight, but this time someone who could fend off the rejuvenated Conservatives come the next election.
Much like 1996, the 1999 Liberal leadership campaign began without a clear frontrunner. Frank McKenna was enjoying his retirement after serving a decade as New Brunswick’s Premier, and had expressed to those close to him little desire in leader what he called the “Ottawa Circus”. Lloyd Axworthy was equally disinterested, and his role in securing the leadership for Rock made his prospects all the weaker in the eyes of many Liberals. Brian Tobin was generally believed to still covet the party leadership, as he had stated so during the last election campaign. But that gaffe had damaged the party’s re-election, and thus Tobin’s chances in the upcoming leadership election. Other potential candidates included Deputy Prime Minister Anne McLellan, Finance Minister John Manley, Public Works Minister Lawrence Cannon, former Deputy Prime Minister Sheila Copps, National Revenue Minister Joe Volpe, International Trade Minister Pierre Pettigrew, Treasury Board President Ralph Goodale and even Ontario Liberal leader Gerard Kennedy. In short, basically every member of cabinet sought to test the waters to see if they had the support for a potential bid. In a surprise announcement, anti-free trade activist David Orchard announced on July 20, 1999 that he would seek the Liberal leadership. Orchard, a former Tory activist, felt that his party had become too conservative under the leadership of Gary Filmon, and had quite the party in protest shortly after the creation of the new Conservative Party. It was only through the Liberal Party, Orchard declared in his announcement address, that Canada’s interests could be protected.
To many Liberals, the only candidates that truly stood a chance were McLellan, Pettigrew, and Cannon. From a traditionally anti-Liberal province, McLellan had replaced Copps as Deputy Prime Minister shortly after the ’98 campaign, as earned admiration for her ability to manage the government and stand in for Rock during Question Period. Cannon, a member of Martin’s first cabinet, had demonstrated himself as a capable minister through the portfolios of Industry and Public Works, having formed a respectable relationship with the other provincial governments. He was respected, which could be valuable in the upcoming election. Pettigrew, however, seemed like a combination of both former Prime Ministers Lester B. Pearson and Pierre Trudeau. Firmly on the left of the Liberal Party, advocating for the legalization of same-sex marriage and increased healthcare funding, the Quebec Liberal also supported balanced budgets and free-trade. Director of NATO’s political committee from 1976 to 1978, he had served as Pierre Trudeau’s foreign policy advisor from 1981 until 1984. Indeed, his very entrance into politics was at the behest of Paul Martin, and later Allan Rock, who sought to recruit high profile Quebecers into his cabinet as a way to stave off more nationalistic sentiments from the province which had rejected sovereignty. First elected in a 1996 by-election, some worried that Pettigrew was too inexperienced to lead the Liberal Party. But his performance in Cabinet had garnered him many fans. A quick strong of endorsements from the party’s Quebec MPs solidified his candidacy as one of the ones to watch. Endorsements from John Manley and Sheila Copps made him the frontrunner, and surprise endorsements from Anne McLellan and Gerard Kennedy made him leader in all but name. Although many Liberals garnered ambitions, many also wanted to prevent the Tories from winning the next election, and an intellectual from Quebec with strong federalist beliefs and ties to the international community seemed like a sure thing. The party was eager for a statesman like Pearson or Trudeau to lead the party again, and thoughts of returning to the glory days seemed too good to ignore for many party members. But this contest would not serve as a coronation for Pettigrew. Going into the convention he still had to contend with the likes of Brian Tobin, Joe Volpe, and David Orchard.
Brian Tobin was very much a wounded animal. He had been seen as a rising star since the 1980s, and had been a failed candidate for the party’s leadership twice already. He had even given up a two separate chance to become the Premier of his home province of Newfoundland in the hopes of becoming Prime Minister. He had performed well in the referendum campaign, earning the nickname of Captain Canada, but his ambitions had tarnished his brand. Many seemed him as the obvious successor to Paul Martin following the latter’s death, but had been seen victory stolen by Allan Rock thanks in part to a last minute endorsement from Lloyd Axworthy. The Newfoundland MP damaged himself further following controversial comments during the ’98 campaign suggesting that he had not yet given up on his hopes of becoming Prime Minister, despite the fact the role was then-held by Rock. At only forty-five years of age, Brian Tobin was still a young man who could potentially remain involved for up to another twenty-to-thirty years. But many believed that unless Tobin could win the leadership in 1999, three loses in a row would forever end his chances of sitting in the Prime Minister’s Office. His campaign had the support of many from within the Atlantic Liberal wing, but the real momentum was behind Pettigrew, and surprisingly Orchard, whose fiery anti-free trade speeches brought back passions not seen since the Free-Trade election of 1988, an election where the Liberals were against it. His support amongst the party’s western, more youthful and die-hard anti-free trade wings opened the real possibility that the former Tory activist could come second against Pettigrew, even if Tobin remained in the race. Upon consultations with his campaign manager and inner circle, Tobin reluctantly agreed to end his campaign before the first ballot, and endorsed Pettigrew. At least under him Tobin could still keep a seat in Cabinet and further rebuild his brand for another future bid.
On the first and only ballot of the convention held, Pierre Pettigrew was elected leader with almost seventy percent of the vote. His margin would be the largest such victory since Lester B. Pearson’s in 1958. Surprisingly David Orchard captured twenty-four percent of delegate support, suggesting that the party had not seen the last of the fiery Manitoban. In his victory speech to the convention, held at the Ottawa Civics Centre, the same venue which had seen the election of Pierre Trudeau, Canada’s twenty-third Prime Minister pledged to fight for Canada’s future, arguing that the country needed to form stronger alliances with her neighbour and allies, improve funding to healthcare and human resources, and more controversially pledged to legalize Same-Sex marriage within his time as Prime Minister. Gary Filmon and the Tories would fight a very different politician in Pierre Pettigrew.
Prime Ministers of Canada:
Pierre Elliott Trudeau (Liberal) 1968-1979
Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative) 1979-1980
Pierre Elliott Trudeau (Liberal) 1980-1984
John Turner (Liberal) 1984
Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative) 1984-1993
Jean Charest (Progressive Conservative) 1993-1994
Paul Martin (Liberal) 1994-1995
Herb Gray (Liberal) 1995-1996
Allan Rock (Liberal) 1996-1999
Pierre Pettigrew (Liberal) 1999-
As per usual, check out my TL if you're interested in seeing more.
