Affiliated States of Boreoamerica thread

Oh and leaders of the states themselves...

Lower Connecticut: Tom Foley (Tory-Modern Whig coalition)
Opposition: Ned Lamont (Labor)

Saybrook: Nancy Wyman (Labor-Progressive People's coalition)
Opposition: Rob Simmons (Tory)

Rhode Island: David Segal (Labor majority)
Opposition: John Loughlin (Tory)

Plymouth: Christy P. Mihos (Tory minority)
Opposition: Therese Murray (Labor)

Vineyards: Tim Madden (Social Democratic majority)
Opposition: Michelle Smith* (Vineyards First)

*Fictional.
 
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Just noticed the initials. ASB. Was that intentional?

It's because it's not hard AH - a PoD in the early 1600s but there's still a Vernont, etc. I wanted to discuss the world as it is and not the plausibility of the PoD.

PS - love the Dominion parties. And the state specific ones especially. I look forward to exploring Saybrooker and Vineyardic culture. : ) The VY's are a perfect place for active Greens.
 
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Thanks. I'll leave the workings of how the states, the dominion and the ASB national government interact to you since this is one of your works.
 
Thanks. I'll leave the workings of how the states, the dominion and the ASB national government interact to you since this is one of your works.

The fact that they all participate in Dominion as well as stste level politics is good. Three separate parallel systems would be far too much. The Dominion is something like a regional consortium created to address a single issue like tolls or education - its powers have been very carefully delineated and it does not have jurisdiction in all areas. There is a divided judiciary, with regular courts being at the state level and appeals courts being at the level of the Dominion. The Crown is represented by a Governor-General, with L-G's in each stste.
 
The fact that they all participate in Dominion as well as stste level politics is good. Three separate parallel systems would be far too much. The Dominion is something like a regional consortium created to address a single issue like tolls or education - its powers have been very carefully delineated and it does not have jurisdiction in all areas. There is a divided judiciary, with regular courts being at the state level and appeals courts being at the level of the Dominion. The Crown is represented by a Governor-General, with L-G's in each stste.
Got it. So for a New Englander, the National Government deals with issues that affects all the ASB, not just NE, the Dominion Government deals with specific issues that has been carefully and clearly delineated out, the State Governments deals with everything else. Am I right?
 
Got it. So for a New Englander, the National Government deals with issues that affects all the ASB, not just NE, the Dominion Government deals with specific issues that has been carefully and clearly delineated out, the State Governments deals with everything else. Am I right?

Just so. I had started to make a list of who deals wirh what, but that will take more time. I'll take care of it later. But generally the Dominion's list of competencies has slowly grown over time, tempered by occasional swings in the other direction.
 
Decided to make a list of PMs of New England.

01: Oliver Wolcott, Sr. (Tory majority) 1765-1779
02: Arthur Fenner (Tory majority) 1779-1784
03: Samuel Huntingdon (Whig minority) 1784-1786
04: Arthur Fenner (Tory majority) 1786-1795
05: William Jones (Tory majority) 1795-1814

06: Marcus Morton, Sr. (Whig majority) 1814-1832
07: Gideon Tomlinson (Tory minority) 1832-1833
08: Marcus Morton, Sr. (Whig majority) 1833-1847
09: Thomas Dorr (Dorr Rebellion) 1845 (extralegal)
10: Isaac Toucey (Tory majority) 1847-1854
11: Thomas H. Seymour (Tory majority) 1854-1859
12: William W. Hoppin (Whig minority) 1859-1863
13: James E. English (Tory majority) 1863-1869
14: William W. Hoppin (Liberal majority) 1869-1875
15: Joseph R. Hawley (Liberal majority) 1875-1889
16: William Gaston (Tory-Independent Liberal coalition) 1889-1894*
17: John W. Davis (Tory-Independent Liberal/Unionist coalition) 1894-1899
18: Simeon E. Baldwin (Tory-Unionist coalition) 1899-1910
19: Charles A. Templeton (Liberal majority) 1910-1919
20: George P. McLean (Liberal majority, then minority) 1919-1920
21: Henry F. Lippitt (Tory-Unionist coalition) 1920-1925
22: Theodore F. Green (Labor minority) 1925-1926
23: Henry F. Lippitt (Tory-Unionist coalition) 1926-1929
24: William S. Flynn (Tory-Unionist coalition) 1929-1931
25: Jasper McLevy (Labor majority) 1931-1947
26: John D. Lodge (Tory majority) 1947-1960
27: John O. Pastore (Labor majority) 1960-1965
28: John D. Lodge (Tory majority) 1965-1971
29: John O. Pastore (Labor majority) 1971-1973
30: Tom Meskill (Tory minority with support from liberals) 1973-1975
32: Ella T. Grasso (Labor majority) 1975-1981
33: Bruce Morrison (Labor majority) 1981-1984
34: John Chafee (Tory majority) 1984-1992
35: Linville Almond (Tory majority) 1992-1999
36: Barbara Kennelly (Labor majority) 1999-2003
37: David Chafee (Tory majority) 2003-2009
38: Jack Reed (Labor majority) 2009-present
 
Going back to the early Carolina history that I posted: TB, I have both Caldwell and Calhoun make major moves against slavery, quite the opposite of both men's behavior in real life. It's fitting for Caldwell/Calhoun, because someone of his background (Scots-Irish uplander of modest means) would be anti-slavery in the Carolina of TTL, though this was mostly a class thing and in no way made him a believer in full equality or civil rights. (Indeed, as we'll see in the next update the Tories will end up being a major obstacle to civil rights in Carolina.)

I am concerned with how I portray Vance, who came from a slaveholding family himself. Even as a Tory, would this really be the man to end slavery in Carolina? I guess it's possible, especially if the countryside was in chaos and he saw it as the only way to restore order.

For the first premier, would you consider Henry Middleton instead of Caswell? He's more appropriate IMO - a wealthy great man of the establishment, an older man, a moderate, and a Charlestonian. He could better hold together the original loyalist coalition of upland Piedmonters, wealthy conservatives, and people who just hated Virginia too much to join their cause. Would that be OK?
 
Going back to the early Carolina history that I posted: TB, I have both Caldwell and Calhoun make major moves against slavery, quite the opposite of both men's behavior in real life. It's fitting for Caldwell/Calhoun, because someone of his background (Scots-Irish uplander of modest means) would be anti-slavery in the Carolina of TTL, though this was mostly a class thing and in no way made him a believer in full equality or civil rights. (Indeed, as we'll see in the next update the Tories will end up being a major obstacle to civil rights in Carolina.)

I am concerned with how I portray Vance, who came from a slaveholding family himself. Even as a Tory, would this really be the man to end slavery in Carolina? I guess it's possible, especially if the countryside was in chaos and he saw it as the only way to restore order.
Sounds right.

For the first premier, would you consider Henry Middleton instead of Caswell? He's more appropriate IMO - a wealthy great man of the establishment, an older man, a moderate, and a Charlestonian. He could better hold together the original loyalist coalition of upland Piedmonters, wealthy conservatives, and people who just hated Virginia too much to join their cause. Would that be OK?
A good choice. Edited.
Responded here.
 
The rest of Carolina's history

After Emancipation, toward the Republic

At the time of Emancipation in 1880, it was already clear that Carolina's antiquated slave economy would have to change if it was to enter the modern world with the commercial (and, increasingly, industrial) states of the north. Some reformist members of the People's Party had been arguing for some kind of gradual emancipation to avoid a shock to the system, but years of gridlock over the issue meant that it was basically too late. Slavery had to end. And the system was shocked. Workers left plantations by the thousands, causing agricultural productivity to plummet. The exodus was not just to Carolian cities: the Vance government had granted emancipation with the barest minimum of political and civil rights, so many freedmen set out for places where they at least had a chance at equality. Carolina faced an absolute demographic catastrophe.

The Vance government had anticipated many of the problems and taken some steps to stave them off. A land reform bill compensated planters who gave up land to freedmen, but it was not enough to stem the tide. The People's Party swept into power in 1889 in full reform mode. They strengthened land reform, requiring certain failed estates to be split up and given to freedmen, with the owners being compensated for the land at its now rock-bottom market price. The Russell government also founded a system of agricultural schools to introduce more efficient comemrcial farming methods to the state. The schools were of course segregated by race, but they did much to help former slaves achieve self-sufficiency. Russell also was effective in attracting investment from northern industrial firms, which helped provide employment to the thousands of workers streaming into the cities. This ambitious reform program was effected through large loans from England and from other states, hopefully to be repaid out of the bounty of a growing modern economy. Freed of its ancient manorial restrictions, Carolina's economy did indeed begin to grow quickly.

This time of political instability, called Carolina's “Third Party Syatem,” was really a time of constant shifting. The Assembly was dominated by the reform-minded wings of both the Tory and People's Parties, who cooperated with each other almost as often with the conservative wings of their own parties. They broadly agreed on the need to improve the material condition of freedmen without extending political rights. What kept the parties from splitting up was the perenniel constitutional question of royal and gubernatorial power.

The Electoral Reform Law of 1897, passed at the Confederal level after a rare nationwide referendum, brought to a head Carolina's issues over civil rights and the role of the Crown. The law mandated universal male suffrage throughout the confederation, for Black as well as White. The royal Governor, the Earl of Kent, chose to use whatever gubernatorial prerogative he had to carry out the law to the fullest extent possible. White voters' reactions against the Earl gave the People's Party a huge majority in the election of 1901. The government held a statewide referendum on the monarchy, and Carolians voted to toss the Crown by a considerable margin. Carolina's connection to England was broken after nearly 250 years.

The Slow, Steady Rise of Civil Rights

The shifting landscape of the “Third Party System” had gone through another major change in 1895 with the appearance of so many new Black voters. Rebuffed by the Tories they had assumed to be allies, Black leaders soon formed the Freedmen's Party to promote their interests. The FP was kept out of government for the entirety of its existence, but it made an impact on the Carolian political landscape and ensured that it would not settle down any time soon.

The two main parties continued their transition into modern ideological organizations. The “left” wing of People's, more sympathetic to civil rights, had been ascendent since the 1890s. Now, freed from the need to ally with the old forces of planter anti-monarchism, the progressives took complete control of the party. Conservatives defected to the Tories, and for the first time in its 150-year history, it too became a party based on ideology more than on ethnicity and region. The reallignment was complete by the late 1920s. People's and Freedmen's officially cooperated in the Opposition to the conservative Tory government of Cameron Morrison. The parties merged not long after.

By then, the rise of socialism as a political force was drastically changing the conversation over civil rights and completed the transition into Carolina's Fourth Party System. Socialism in Carolina had different strains, some emphasizing working class solidarity between Black and White, others emphasizing White anxiety over Black competition. The Labor Party that entered government with People's in 1931 accepted the proposition that workers of both races shared the same struggles.

Carolina was also now under more and more pressure from its neighbors to extend civil rights, end segregated racial policies, and move toward a more integrated society. People's/Labor governments throughout the 30s and 40s enacted sweeping reforms that put Blacks and Whites on a more equal footing, along with other changes like female suffrage. After the mid-40s this provoked a sizable backlash and an era of Tory governments that did what they could to put the brakes on change.

However, this time of political rollback was also a time of cultural ferment across racial lines. It was a golden age for Carolian music as numerous artists – Lowlander, Piedmonter, Black, and Catawba – found fame throughout Boreoamerica. Boreal pop music today still owes a debt to the Carolian folk music that swept the continent in this era. Carlolina in general was adjusting to a new identity that acknowledged the state's unity in diversity. Racial divisions remained, and still do, but in a modern state where Blacks and Whites are roughly equal in numbers, civic identity has to be broad enough to encompass both races.

Recent past

Nowadays, anxiety over a secularizing society and the welfare state have replaced race as the issues at the top of political discussion. Many people in rural parts of the Appalachians have slowly drifted back to the Tories over religious issues. (The Catawba never left; for 200 years they have been the Tories' most reliable constituency.) In this environment the socialists dwindled, giving rise to a Fifth Party System that may shift to a Sixth if some of the new up-and-coming minor parties have their say.
 
Carolina's aristocracy

Carolina's founding documents envisioned a model feudal society with a docile population of White serfs ruled over by a graded hierarchy of titled landowners. Anyone possessing 3,000 acres was entitled to call himself Lord of the Manor, while the Lords Proprietors would grant the top landowners the new noble titles of Landgrave and Cazique. The full feudal system never came close to being implemented, but after 1700 the noble titles were revived as ways to reward great planters who had rendered service to the colony. The hereditary chiefs of the Catawba and other Indian peoples living within Carolina's borders were also eventually honored with the title of Cazique, the lesser of the two titles; this helped integrate them into the planter class. By the 1760s Carolina's aristocracy was a well-recognized class that effectively had total control over the colony's government.

From the start, titled landowners had guaranteed seats in the colonial assembly. The reforms of the 1760s placed them into a separate House of Lords modeled on that of England.

The Lords were the leading house during the rest of the 18th century, but a rising population of small landholding settlers with the right to vote and fairly radical democratic views meant that the Lords' days of dominating the government were numbered. In a series of reforms made by Tory governments in the first half of the 19th century, the Lords lost their ability to introduce legislation, pass bills of attainder or try members of their class, and ultimately to block the Assembly's legislation at all (the Lords' veto could be overturned with a 3/5 vote in the Commons). Great planters by 1850 continued to dominate Carolina's economy, and therefore had plenty of means to get their way, but their formal political power was no more.

Emancipation shattered the nobility's economic power. Many estates were forcibly broken up and parceled out to former slaves. The very foundation of planter power, Carolina's agrarian economy geared toward exports, quickly began to melt away during the same time. Understandably, the state's Landgraves and Caziques became even more jealous of their titles, which were all that remained of their former greatness.

The end of the monarchy in 1903 obviously raised the question of what would become of the House of Lords. The great old families, their power on the decline, still had some political sway in their communities, where they continued to play the role of benevolent local patricians as best they could. They had historically opposed the monarchy and so could be persuaded to help abolish it as long as their titles were not threatened. In a tacit agreement with the People's Party, they agreed to expel the Episcopal bishops who still sat in their house, and to agree to further limit their power to the ability to delay legislation for one session of the legislature. In return, the republican state government would allow their house and their titles to survive.

In the 1940s, the Commons and the President passed bills naming several new Caziques, largely from among elderly leaders of the civil rights movement, in order to end the all-white nature of the House of Lords. It was feared that this would begin a tradition of "life lords" crassly named by the sitting government from among their supporters, but so far no other government has continued the practice.

And that's more or less where things stand today. Many of the titled aristocrats of Carolina have no wealth to speak of at all anymore, but they do have their pedigrees, their traditions, their coats of arms, and their seats in their vestigial House. The system means that many have stayed politically active, and many prominent political leaders, both conservative and progressive, have come from their ranks. Together with chiefs and aristocrats from other states that have them, they form part of the group that occasionally meets in Two Forts in one of the ASB's more obscure constitutional bodies, the powerless Confederal Council of Lords.

The Middletons, Landgraves of Berkeley
middleton.gif


The Rutledges, Caziques of St. Helens
rutledge.png


So. Plausible? I read about the Landgraves and Caziques while researching all that history above and thought it would be a shame to lose them. It's the kind of oddity that is the ASB's bread and butter.
 
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I know. Fishing as in banned.

Anyway, here's his reply.

As to the question... I don't have too many immediate ideas about specific traditions, foods, etc. But I can say that the overriding trend in TTL is slower growth, slower pace. The culture, which developed in part from US land policies, of constant rapid pursuit of growth did not develop in TTL, where settlement on Indian land proceeded very slowly and under tightly controlled circumstances dictated by compromise among all parties. This fundamental difference in culture meant that cities grew slower, industry grew slower, mass consumerism and advertising grew slower, and so forth. It's fair to say that much of the ASB has a considerably lower standard of living than our USA as a result, and in more rural and indigenous regions probably comes close to OTL Latin America...

So what does all this mean for Christmas? The season in the ASB definitely has a commercial aspect to it - gift giving is central to the holiday, and people do go out and buy the gifts - but it never developed into the orgiastic spendfest that came about in OTL.

As for specific customs, there is a lot of variation by denomination, language, and region. Take Santa Claus, a direct OTL contribution of New Netherland culture. He visits children's homes on December 6 in New Netherland, Pennsylvania, Christiana, and the surrounding region. Santa Claus also visits New England, but on Christmas Eve. In the South (Maryland to Carolina, and the English Caribbean) a green-clad Father Christmas comes instead on the 24th/25th. He also visits the French states and the Floridas. In Cuba and East Dominica, kids have to wait for los Tres Magos on January 6. Regions of great cultural blending, like West Florida or Ohio, might have traditions of gifts and celebrations on 2 or even all 3 of those days.
 
Leaders of the Democratic Party. Complete.
Armand Linville (1865-1871) (CM 1864-1871) - Founded the Democratic Party when in office.
Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau (1871-1875) (CM 1871-1875)
William Walker (1875-1884) (CM 1875-1882) -
First Democrat to lose an election.
Samuel Tylden (1884-1893) (CM 1886-1893)
Steven Cleveland (1893-1899) (CM 1893-1899)
John Carlisle (1899-1904) (CM 1899-1903)
Robert Borden (1904-1911) - First Democratic leader to fail to become Chief Minister.
Thomas Kilby (1911-1917) - First Democratic leader from the South (Cherokee).
Gamaliel Harding (1917-1929) (CM 1922-1929)
Henri Voclain (1929-1933) (CM 1929-1932)
- Considered one of the worst leaders the party ever had.
Jean Garneau (1933-1937) - Stodgy and unpopular, he failed to lead the Democrats to recovery.
Marius Lucas (1937-1942) - Father to future Democratic leader Anika Lucas. Also, first Dutch leader of the Democrats.
William Martin (1942-1951) (CM 1946-1951)
Carlo Juarez (1951-1953) - Died of a heart-attack. One of history's great "what-ifs" as he was the first Spanish leader of a major party.
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (1953-1966) (CM 1955-1966)
David Gambrell (1966-1971) (CM 1966-1970)
Colin Wallace (1971-1976) - One of the most bipartisan leaders the party ever had, he sided with Jordan on civil rights, but disagreed with his actions.
Anika Lucas (1976-1984) (CM 1979-1983)
Dorien Romilly (1984-1989)
Rhein Paul (1989-2001) (CM 1992-2001)
Martin Harman (2001-2009) (CM 2001-2009)

Arlen Specter (2009-2010) (interim)
John Kasich (2010-2014)
Marshall Sanford (2014-) - The incumbent

Leaders of the Socialist Party. Complete.
Julius Wayland (1889-1895)
Lucien Boucher (1895-1899)
Victor DuBois (1899-1923) - 1st leader to be a MP and first Socialist to become Opposition Leader. Died in office.
Gwilym Forrester (1923-1929)
Urban Stendahl (1929-1947) (CM 1932-1946) - first ever Socialist Chief Minister.
Norman Thomas (1947-1955) (CM 1951-1955) - abruptly resigned after the 1955 election results came in.
Francois P. Segal (1955) (interim)
Adrien St. Martin (1955-1961) - Tried to keep in power, but forced out by the far-left.
Arvo Halberg (1961-1965) - The face of the sharp turn left, he proved a disastrous leader and so was shoved out at the 1965 convention.
Lindon B. Jordan (1965-1973) (CM 1970-1973) - First Socialist Chief Minister to die in office.
Michel Herriot (1973-1980) (CM 1973-1979) - First Socialist leader nominated unanimously.
Jack Reagan (1980-1988) (CM 1983-1988) - Impeached by Parliament, resigned as Socialist leader shortly after.
Valentin Michaud (1988-1993) (CM 1988-1993)
Armand Kennedy (1993-1997)
Svend Robinson (1997-2006)
Suzie Bellamy (2006-) (CM 2009-) - The incumbent
 
My fishing ban is over. I'm going to gradually post some of the material I've written for the website in the last 4 months. I'll start with the best of the bunch, East Florida.

7607606.png


THE CAPTAINCY-GENERAL OF EAST FLORIDA
LA CAPITANÍA GENERAL DE LA FLORIDA ORIENTAL


East Florida is the most thoroughly Spanish state on the ASB's mainland. Its culture has elements from Spain, Cuba, the Seminol, and local indigenous peoples, along with influence from the English of Carolina.

The legendary explorers Ponce de León and de Soto failed to find magic fountains or cities of gold. Spain later colonized Florida for a much more utilitarian purpose: to protect the sea route to Cuba. After the first military presidios were established, Spain entrusted the colonization of the hinterland entirely to Catholic missionaries, first Jesuits, later Franciscans. Missionaries were important in the development of many states in the ASB, but nowhere else were they more directly in charge of administering the territory. Through a constellation of small missions, the Spanish successfully realigned local chiefdoms and built a loyal, mixed society.

The system came under heavy strain in the late 17th and early 18th centuries due to newcomers from the north: English colonists, escaped English slaves, and Muscogian-speaking peoples escaping pressure on their homelands. The English burned villages and carried many off into slavery. In their wake, arriving Muscogians formed a powerful new nation, the Seminol, and seemed poised to drive the Spanish subjects and allies out of their villages and into the presidios. The colony was nearly overwhelmed, but In the end the Seminoles were driven south, where they established a new polity away from the missions, while a border agreement held with English Carolina.

Florida gained greater autonomy from Cuba in the mid-18th century; at the end of the century it was divided into East and West. West Florida was overrun by English and French settlers and entered the ASB alliance as a neutral, trilingual state. In the East, Spanish culture and identity were much stronger. Between Criollo settlers, Mestizos, and hispanicized Indians, the colonial population was large enough to establish a separate government in 1795. A Captain-General was in charge of civil and military administration; an intendente was responsible for financial and economic affairs; and an audencia served as the judicial branch. Soon church followed state with the establishment of a bishopric in San Agustín. East Florida now had the complete package of Spanish colonial government, but it remained theoretically subservient to Cuba until the latter half of the 19th century.

Despite the existence of the racial casta system, the Indians of East Florida were more free than in most other Spanish colonies. Slavery, too, was lighter here. Florida became known as a destination for fugitive slaves from Carolina, who established a number of thriving free Black communities in the thinly populated parts of the peninsula, both in the colony proper and among the Seminoles. Slavery expanded during the early 19th century, but as in Cuba it came to a society that already had a large free Black population. In addition, the autonomous colonial government tended to be more moderate and more representative than in Cuba and elsewhere. For all these reasons, East Florida's later colonial history was much less turbulent than in most of Spain's empire. Unlike Cuba and the Dominicas, which cast off Spanish rule in a series of revolutions, East Florida evolved into a constitutional monarchy and still bears the title of Captaincy-General.

Dynastic troubles in Spain led to East Florida having a separate royal family from the mother country. This makes it one of only two states with a local monarch in residence, the Cherokee Nation being the other. Despite the king's move to America, the state kept the old title of Captaincy-General - with no other states called "kingdoms" in the ASB, change the name would have seemed a bit pretentious. The new dynasty oversaw the transition to full democracy.

Government

The existence of a monarch and Captain-General side by side has created a slightly odd situation.Their roles are most often described as a "senior head of state" and "junior head of state." The monarch, currently Queen Mercedes II, embodies East Florida's people and history. The Captain-General embodies the East Floridian state and acts as a ceremonial commander-in-chief. Since the monarch as a rule never attends Cabinet meetings, he also sits as the representative of the monarch to the Government.

The office of Intendente has become that of a parliamentary prime minister; that is, the Intendente is the head of government responsible to the elected Cortes, or parliament. The Audencia is now a fully independent judiciary with branches in every province.

Provinces and Place Names

The state is divided into eleven provinces plus the capital region of San Agustín. The names and identities of the provinces stretch back to pre-Spanish days. They are sometimes poetically called "the Twelve Tribes of Florida." Ten of the twelve were missionary provinces that corresponded to local chiefdoms. Tronatisca was added in 1812 after a treaty fixed the boundary with Muscogía. San Agustín was separated from the province of Timucua a few years later.

Spanish is the main language in East Florida. Muscogian is spoken in pockets throughout the state, as is English. Some of Florida's indigenous languages are still spoken in their respective provinces, while others are endangered or extinct.

The provinces are:

1. Acuera: An inland agricultural chiefdom, repeatedly merged and separated from Timucua province. Largely agricultural.

2. Aguafresca: This miniature province was a chiefdom that had become largely depopulated by the early 18th century. A community of Seminol was invited to settle here after they submitted to Spanish rule and agreed to accept religious instruction. Today it has many large suburban communities, but the Seminol identity remains important.

3. Apalachi: The missions here were a counterbalance to the capital during the colonial period. In modern times the province has been eclipsed by faster growth in other parts of the state. This is a reason that traditional Apalachi culture has been preserved so well. Today it is the best place to experience native Florida. San Marcos, Florida's second city in colonial times, is today a sleepy waterfront town; most of the action has moved back to the pre-Spanish capital, Anhaica. The province's proximity to the English-speaking portion of West Florida means that it has a substantial English Carolian population as well.

4. Guale: The original Guale language still exists but is nearly extinct. The province was a prime destination for fugitive Carolian slaves; later waves of Carolian immigration fixed the province's status as the most heavily English in East Florida.

5. Ibi: An inland agricultural province, its main language is Spanish with some Timucua speakers.

6. Mayaca: The Mayaca people merged into the Timucua long ago. The largest colonial settlement became Nueva Esmirna, a colonization project contracted out to an Englishman who brought over people from Greece and the Balearic Islands. Today that town forms the south end of a line of tourist towns, the largest of which is Playa Larga. Investment from all over the ASB has done much to develop the area for tourism.

7. Mocama: The swampy buffer between the old Timucua and Guale chiefdoms. Today it is known for posh tourism in the southernmost of the Sea Islands chain.

8. Potano: Swampy province that was repeatedly merged and separated from Timucua. The main city of Potano is the largest urban hub in the interior of the state.

9. San Agustín: The capital, founded in 1565

10. Timucua: Stretches from the metropolis of San Mateo to the Guacara swamps, with rich farmland and forests in between. Missionaries used the language of Timucua as a "lengua general," promoting its use over the languages of neighboring provinces. For this reason it became the main language throughout the central part of the state. The province is the heart of East Florida's agricultural country. rich in staple corn as well as fruits and vegetables for export.

11. Tocobaga: Neglected during the colonial era, the bay became home to all kinds of pirates and outlaws from many countries. Spain addressed the problem in the 1810s-20s and built a ring of forts around the bay. The original Tocobaga people, with their Spanish priests, largely moved inland. Today Tocobaga speakers make up a fairly small community. The ring of forts has grown into a large metro area that is the capital's biggest economic rival.

12. Tronatisca: The name comes from the Muscogian word for flint and the Flint River running through the area. East Florida acquired the land in 1812 and quickly parceled it out to large planters from Cuba and Spain. Tronatisca is prime cotton growing land and slavery became the basis for its early 19th-century economy. Its citizens delayed abolition in the state for many years.

Some town names:
San Mateo = Jacksonville (original mission name)
Potano = Gainesville (original mission was San Francisco de Potano)
Playa Larga = Daytona Beach (descritpive name)
Nueva Esmirna = New Smyrna Beach (the settlement project that created New Smyrna happened in this timeline as well)
Cella = Albany, Georgia (named for the artesian wells, and the Fuente de Cella in Spain)
Anhaica = Tallahassee (original Apalachee name)
San Pedro = St. Petersburg (a very convergent name, but whatever)

State Anthem

The State Anthem is the Marcha de Granaderos, the royal anthem of Spain. The full traditional performance uses orchestration from the late 18th century, the time that the Captaincy-General was established.
 
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