A Truth Is A Truth: A Wikibox Timeline

[Oppo]

Can I go home?
I need a TL intro.
This isn't even a TLIAPOT!
shut
Fine, what is this about?
Canadian politics.
Just Canadian politics?
I'll do some stuff with the U.K. and U.S., but that will be the focus.
Can we just start this?
Sure.

​

In 1984, John Turner’s Liberal Party would face a horrible defeat to Brian Mulroney, with the Grits only having 40 seats to the Tories’ 211. After the election, anti-Turner Liberals turned to the runner-up in 1984’s leadership election, Jean Chrétien. Chrétien had been Pierre Trudeau’s chosen successor and had turned quite critical of Turner post-election. His supporters believed the former External Affairs Secretary would have won or at least relegated losses in 1984. A leadership review would be held in 1986 to determine the Liberal Party’s future. Chrétien resigned in early 1986 to increase his organization for the review, in what would be a grueling and nasty campaign. Turner’s advisors encouraged him to get immigrants to join the party, but the Leader of the Opposition was confident enough of victory to avoid doing this. Some of Turner’s supporters decided to attack Chrétien, with one saying, “Look at that face, would anyone vote for that?” Chrétien loyalists fought back with rumors of Turner’s alcoholism. With the Turner side in disarray, he would end up losing the review.

The inevitable candidate to run would be Chrétien, who would announce a campaign soon after (although he had been privately building up efforts for a year). Two other candidates would run. Paul Martin Jr. was a businessman and son of Paul Martin Sr., a notable 1960s Liberal politician. Martin was positioned as a “Turner but not Turner” candidate, as he held similar political views. Turner positioned himself as a Prime Minister, even modeling his look around former Prime Minister Lester Pearson. David Orchard, a rancher from Saskatchewan, would run on an anti-free trade and social conservative platform, although he was seen as a fringe candidate (with his only endorsements coming from pro-life groups). The campaigning was a continuation of the leadership review, with both the Turner and Chrétien sides going after each other. Paul Martin stayed relatively neutral, but focused attacks more on Chrétien, while Orchard would go and attack all candidates. On the first ballot, Chrétien would have a lead over Turner, with Martin being in a distant third (with Turner supporters calling him a spoiler). Orchard shocked everyone with his performance, but it was still far from victory. Most analysts believed Martin would be endorsing Turner on the next ballot, giving him a victory. However, he would endorse Chrétien, leading some to think there was a backroom deal of some sort (Martin and Chrétien have repeatedly denied this). This momentum bump for Chrétien led him to win the Liberal leadership on the next ballot.

​

As soon as the Liberal convention finished, the Progressive Conservatives and New Democrats used it to say that the Liberal Party was in disarray, but polls showed that Canadians preferred Chrétien to Turner.

 

[Oppo]

Two of Canada’s legendary politicians would face off. Both Chrétien and Mulroney were Quebecers from working class backgrounds. They both had lost a previous leadership election before becoming their respective party leader. Both were master campaigners. The PCs looked like the favorite to win another term. The Liberals would need to take apart the Mulroney coalition of traditional PC voters, Quebec nationalists, and Western former SoCred voters.

In Quebec, the francophone Chrétien spent time in the province and recruited new candidates to run for the party. In the West, a new political party would be formed by Preston Manning. Manning, the son of long time Social Credit Alberta Premier Ernest Manning, ran a campaign crafted by his main policy advisor, Steve Harper. Under the slogan “The West Wants In”, they targeted seats in areas where Mulroney won in 1984. The Reform Party was even able to gain some support from former NDP voters. Speaking of the NDP, Ed Broadbent, the NDP’s most popular leader in history, hoped to get a second place finish. Broadbent had hoped the Dippers would win with their opposition to the United States-Canada Free Trade Agreement. With the anti-free trade Turner out, Broadbent hoped to be the voice of the opposition. However, Chrétien’s position of wanting to renegotiate the agreement was able to unite both sides of the Liberals, which prevented Mulroney’s attempts to divide the party.

The debates would be some of the most memorable in Canadian history. Mulroney was unable to replicate his 1984 showing, with Broadbent and Chrétien both attacking him for “selling out to the Americans.” Mulroney called Chrétien “a leader selected by backroom deals in charge a divided party,” promising a return of the prosperity of the past four years rather than a turbulent minority government. A dispute would also go on about the women’s issues debate, with Chrétien and Broadbent wanting to return the segment from 1984, while Mulroney was against. This issue hurt the PCs in the eyes of female voters, which the Grits had been hoping to rally back to their side.

With the Progressive Conservatives behind in the polls, Mulroney had decided to personally attack Chrétien. This ended up offending voters, like Turner’s efforts during the leadership review. This last-minute plan ended up harming the PC campaign. Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien would be the 19th Prime Minister of Canada.

 

[Oppo]

The race to decide Mulroney's successor at the PC Party would be highly contested. In terms of Canadian leadership elections, only the Liberals in 1968 could beat the 1990 Progressive Conservative convention. The first natural question would be if Joe Clark, the former Prime Minister and Secretary of State for External Affairs. Clark turned down a bid to run, with the relationship with him and Mulroney being quite turbulent. Eleven candidates would declare their runs once Clark declined. Perrin Beatty, the former Defense Minister had been thought as a potential leader for years. Secretary of State Lucien Bouchard was an old friend of Mulroney, coming from his home province of Quebec. Derek Burney was Mulroney's Chief of Staff and a diplomat. Newly elected MP Kim Campbell had a history in British Columbian provincial politics and would be the first female PM. Another newly elected MP would be Bill Casey, an environmentalist with a history in business. Doug Ford, the CEO of Deco Labels & Tags wanted to significantly move the party to the right. Ontarian MP Robert Horner was a retired Mountie. Airbus Chairman Karlheinz Schreiber was also close with Mulroney and had a history in both Canada and Germany. Tory political strategist Hugh Segal was a member of Ontario's "Big Blue Machine." Finally, former Minister of Finance Michael Wilson was another choice from 1983.

It was believed at the time that Mulroney was privately supporting Bouchard or Schreiber. However, Schreiber's campaign would be knocked out by a scandal that he was involved with secret payments with Frank Moores in exchange for contracts to Airbus. Ford's grassroots campaign would also gain support with the right of the party. Burney and Horner would both drop out before the balloting, endorsing Bouchard and Campbell. The first ballot would give a win to Bouchard, with his opposition divided. Second would be Wilson, followed by surprisingly strong showings by Campbell, and fourth going to Beatty. Schreiber was eliminated (declining to endorse), while Segal and Casey withdrew (endorsing Campbell and Bouchard). The second ballot would have Bouchard keep his lead, while Campbell moved to second and Wilson to third. Ford would be eliminated (endorsing no one). It would seem that Campbell and Bouchard would lead a new generation of moderate Tories, with Beatty left in the dust. Sure enough, he would be eliminated on the third ballot, but the main news was that Campbell would take the lead. Wilson's conservative base was falling apart, with them backing one of the two major candidates to gain influence. After his elimination on the fourth ballot, it would be an expected win for Campbell.

Brian Mulroney was going to make a special announcement. The commentator camps from both camps believed Mulroney would endorse either one of them, giving a clear victory. However, instead of endorsing a candidate, he would announce a run himself. The former Prime Minister wanted to end Campbell's career and hopes for the nomination. Bouchard would be outraged by Mulroney's decision, not only did he betray their friendship, but he went through all the hoops to enter the race. Campbell's opposition research team believed that Mulroney would have a link to the Schreiber scandal. They were able to find a link through a former Schreiber campaign official who remained anonymous. Campbell campaign manager John Tory believed that allowing Mulroney to finish second and then releasing the scandal would give a sure victory. Mulroney made several gaffes, accusing Campbell of marital problems, saying she wouldn't be able to focus on a campaign, and calling her vain. By the narrowest of margins, Mulroney would get second. Bouchard quickly gave his endorsement to Campbell to stop Mulroney. With that and Tory leaking out the Schreiber story, it would be a large victory for Campbell. After this election, Campbell and Bouchard (as famously pointed out by This Hour Has 22 Minutes' Samantha Bee) have a had quite a rocky relationship with Mulroney, which can be seen at meetings of former Prime Ministers. Overall, despite minor opposition from some Blue Tories, Campbell had largely managed to unite the party.

 

[Oppo]

Ed Broadbent had given the NDP their greatest success yet, even though they failed to make the Opposition. Broadbent himself was quite popular, beating both Trudeau and Mulroney in his approval. The party would need someone new to fill that gap. Seven candidates would come and announce a run.

Author Roger Lagassé doubted his potential to lead Canada, only running to raise awareness on issues. Ian Waddell, an MP from Vancouver had been Energy Critic and a supporter of aboriginal rights. Windsor-Lake St. Clair MP Howard McCurdy would be the first black parliamentary leader, and had a history as a civil rights activist. Simon De Jong was a notable supporter of disarmament and came from the party's base in Saskatchewan. The most left-wing candidate would be Steven W. Langdon, a two-term MP and economist. However, only two candidates would really have a chance. Audrey McLaughlin was the first NDP candidate to win in Yukon and was caucus chair. Dave Barrett was the former Premier of British Columbia had returned to politics, being elected in the 1988 election. Both McLaughlin and Barrett would differ on their beliefs for the party's future. McLaughlin believed that the NDP should focus on gaining seats in Quebec, giving her the support of Chambly MP Phil Edmonston (the first Dipper in Parliament from Quebec). Barrett wanted to increase the party's base in the West, with Manning's Reform eating into their support.

The first two ballots had McLaughlin and Barrett with a clear lead, with all of their other rivals left in the dust. De Jong, who had been eliminated on the second ballot, had announced his endorsement for Barrett. McLaughlin supporters suspected some deal doing on, but that argument was contradicted when she and Waddell were caught negotiating as part of a CBC documentary's microphone. This catapulted Barrett into first, gaining the support of Langdon. On the final ballot, Barrett would win a close race. The party would be divided, with Edmonston and his fellow delegates from Quebec walking out and leaving the NDP.

---

Initially, Edmonston sat in Parliament as an independent. However, he had wanted to start a new movement, believing that the PCs under Campbell would give up its pro-Quebec bent under Mulroney, while the Liberals and NDP had failed. Edmonston announced the formation of the new "Parti pour un meilleur Québec", or Party for a Better Quebec in support of Quebec nationalism. While Edmonston had hoped to get Liberals and Tories to defect to the PPMQ (even asking Lucien Bouchard to join, which the Foreign Affairs Critic laughed at), he would be the only MP. That would be until Gilles Duceppe would win a by-election in Laurier-Sainte-Marie. The PPMQ would have one less seat than the Reform Party, but would not be the only new third party.

Paul T. Hellyer was a cabinet member under the Pearson and Trudeau ministries. He was a candidate in the infamous 1968 Liberal convention but left the party in 1971 to form Action Canada. The party would be short lived, as Robert Stanfield asked him to join the PCs. Although he would lose his seat in 1974, he would run in the 1976 PC leadership election, losing to Joe Clark. Hellyer would remain silent from politics for a while but would renter to run for the riding of St. Paul's. He would win, narrowly defeating Barbara McDougall. However, he would become disillusioned with Chrétien's ministry.

Mel Hurtig would also be another nationalist former Liberal. Hurtig was the publisher of the Canadian Encyclopedia and an Officer of the Order of Canada. Hellyer and Hurtig would bring back Action Canada for the 1990s. They would need someone else more high profile than a political has-been and an unknown publisher. They would reach out to the charismatic "prairie socialist" and a strong candidate for the Liberal leadership in 1987, David Orchard. A charismatic rancher from Saskatchewan, Orchard would be the perfect candidate to boost their image with the NDP divided and Chrétien unpopular. Hellyer would be the party's temporary leader in Parliament, Hurtig would be a fundraiser, and Orchard would be the leader of the party and spokesperson. They would announce their new party in a press conference. Six different parties had representation in Parlament. It would be an exciting election season.

 

[Oppo]

Chrétien had been elected against another of the giants of Canadian politics. Looking back, his historians believe that Chrétien was the right man elected at the wrong time. Soon after he took office, Canada would enter an economic recession like their Southern neighbor. Chrétien implemented new taxes which were opposed by Preston Manning and Kim Campbell. The move was compared to American President George H.W. Bush increasing taxes at home. Liberals attacked back, saying that the deficit under Mulroney had to be lowered. The taxes were less of a blunder than thought, despite Preston Manning's continuous protests.

Free trade was another major Liberal campaign issue in 1988. Chrétien had promised to renegotiate the Canada-United State Free Trade Agreement to favor Canada more. Protectionists in Congress had also been raising issues with the agreement, leaving Bush and Chrétien to work out a new deal. Neither side was happy, but most people would agree that it was better than the original agreement.

With the new PPMQ created, Quebec sovereignty was a big issue. The Prime Minister believed that Meech Lake should be edited to recognize Quebec as a distinct society, but to have the Charter of Rights and Freedoms be more powerful. Edmonston had been attacking the Prime Minister on this, saying that it was taking all of Quebec's powers away. Barrett and Manning believed that Chrétien was giving Quebec too much power, which further divided the NDP. Campbell had opposed this, taking a position in between that of Edmonston and Chrétien. Chrétien was narrowly able to get his amendment passed, with Manitoba and Newfoundland barely passing it in time.

Chrétien's advisors saw an increase in national polling for the Liberals after the amendment succeeded. A new election would be called for August 1992. All of the campaigns got prepared for their campaign. Chrétien's Liberals and Campbell's Conservatives were in a dead heat, but the clever money was on a Tory government. Barrett had the NDP's support fall, with some polls showing Reform in third instead of the conventionally third place NDP. The PPMQ had a poor showing, with Quebec being a spot for increased Tory gains. Action Canada had been the real shock, with Orchard's message resonating with both Tories, Grits, and Dippers.

Free trade had been brought back into the spotlight. It was unclear what the future of it would be with the U.S. Presidential race being a dead heat between President Bush and his Democratic and independent opponents. Action Canada and Reform had adopted the most protectionist positions of the different parties, with both wanting to end all agreements with the U.S. Despite the Liberal Party wanting to move on from the issue, the minor parties were able to keep it relevant. Edmonston and Campbell had attacked Chrétien's negotiated Meech Lake accords to help gain standing in Chrétien's home province of Quebec. However, the main issue would be the economy. The PCs and Reform had wanted to lower the deficit, with Reform wanting to balance the budget. Chrétien had a detailed plan for the future in his campaign manifestos, which would continue his policies as Prime Minister. Barrett's NDP had been known for high amounts of spending in British Columbia, but the policy had been more popular in an economic recession. Orchard had a pro-monetary reform policy along with Orchard's agrarian populist message. The PPMQ had a big-tent position, but Edmonston had contradicted that nature in some of his campaign. In the debates, all leaders managed to hold their own. The French debate was a winner for Chrétien with Campbell in second, while the English one was a win for Orchard with Campbell also in second. Chrétien had hoped to win a minority government, Campbell had hoped she could get a majority, Barrett had hoped for a strong showing in the West and Ontario (as a response to the unpopular Harris government), while Manning, Edmonston, and Orchard had hoped to get official party status.

Chrétien had presented himself and the Liberals as strong and reliable leadership. Ultimately, the election was a move against the "insiders", which Chrétien (who had been in politics since 1963). The PCs would win a majority government. Chrétien announced his resignation as Liberal leader, while Barrett was defeated in his own riding.

 

[Oppo]

President George Bush started out the 1992 campaign season with the strongest position of any incumbent President in recent memory after the successes of the Gulf War. After losing the 1988 election in a landslide with Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, the Democrats searched for a new candidate, but few ran. New York Governor Mario Cuomo, Tennessee Senator Al Gore, Texas Senator Lloyd Bentsen, Missouri Congressman Dick Gephardt, New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley, and much more declined to run. Saturday Night Live even aired a sketch with the five debating to avoid being a candidate.

However, a few would make a shot for the nomination. Virginia Governor Douglas Wilder would be the first African-American nominee of a major party and was a supporter of gun control as governor. Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton had given the disastrous keynote speech in 1988 and had been noted for his educational reform. Former Oregon Governor Neil Goldschmidt was Carter's Transportation Secretary and had also taken Oregon out of an economic recession. Nebraska Senator Bob Kerrey and Utah Congressman Wayne Owens were Western populists and liberal stalwarts. New York Congressman Stephen Solarz had a neoconservative platform, who had strong ties to India. Finally, former Massachusetts Senator Paul Tsongas had promised to cut government spending, while former California Governor Jerry Brown had an odd mix, including a flat tax and universal health care.

Clinton was the first to drop out, with an affair with model Jennifer Flowers destroying his campaign. Wilder also dropped out before the primaries, deciding to focus on being governor. This would get the DLC vote behind Goldschmidt. Sure enough, Goldschmidt would win the first contest, the Iowa caucus. New Hampshire would give a surprise win to Owens, would run a liberal campaign. This would be a big blow to Tsongas and Kerrey. Tsongas would drop out, with his hopes of winning over. Maine would continue Owens' success, with the Utah Congressman calling for "a new direction". Super Tuesday would establish a clear Owen-Goldschmidt race, but the former Oregon Governor would win most contests. Goldschmidt's Southern success gave him a delegate lead that Owens could not keep up with. Still, Owens had run the most successful left-wing insurgent campaign since George McGovern in 1972. Goldschmidt would pick his former rival, Stephen Solarz as his running mate.

The Republicans would have a brief contest. Former Texas Congressman Ron Paul, with the support of Nixon strategist Pat Buchanan, had beat Bush in the New Hampshire primary. Louisiana Senator David Duke had also won his home state's contest, but Bush would take all of the remaining primaries. With that shock, Bush decided to take a risk and drop Vice President Dan Quayle from the ticket with the advice of Secretary of State James Baker. In his place would be South Carolina Governor Carroll Campbell, who had record high approval ratings in his home state.

A third campaign would also be in the mix. Texas businessman Ross Perot, the founder of Electronic Data Systems and Perot Systems. On Larry King Live, Perot said he would announce a run if volunteers could get his name on the ballot in all fifty states. Volunteers would do that, and Perot would announce a run. Perot's campaign included Carter Cheif of Staff Hamilton Jordan and Reagan 1984 campaign chair Ed Rollins. In a campaign compared to Preston Manning's Reform Party and David Orchard's Action Canada, Perot would attack free trade, the "political establishment", and the national debt. For a running mate, Perot considered former UN Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick, Senator Warren Rudman, Governor John Silber, and Illinois Senator Paul Simon. Ultimately, he would pick a shocking choice, Vice President Quayle.

Perot had surprisingly taken a lead in the polls, with Bush in second and Goldschmidt in third. After the conventions, Goldschmidt had made the most ground, while Perot had lost some (with only a minor "independence convention"). Perot, however, made up ground in the debates, with the uncharismatic Bush and overconfident Goldschmidt making poor performances. The VP debate would have Campbell having the strongest performance, with Quayle, despite attempts by the campaign to polish up his campaigning skills, not being able to get rid of the "potatoe" image.

1988 had been an election dominated by scandal, from Joe Biden plagiarizing Jean Chrétien, to Pat Robertson's military record, to Gary Hart's affairs, and Atwater's attempts to make the election as nasty as possible. However, 1992 would have the biggest scandal in American campaign history at that point. The "Halloween Suprise" was a leaked story about the Oregon Governor having a sexual relationship with a 14-year-old girl while he was Mayor of Portland. Goldschmidt publicly admitted to the affair and asked voters to give him a second chance. Senior Democrats withdrew their endorsements. Some, like, Paul Simon, even endorsed Perot's campaign. While it was too late to remove him from the ticket, House and Senate leaders George Mitchell and Tom Foley encouraged their candidates to distance themselves from Goldschmidt.

On Election Day, Henry Ross Perot had become the first president elected as an independent since George Washington.

 

[Oppo]

Seats
Democratic: 59
Republican: 35
Liberty & Justice: 6

President: Dan Quayle (L)
President pro Tempore: John C. Stennis (D)

Senate Majority Leader: Daniel Inouye (D)
Senate Majority Whip: Wendell H. Ford (D)

Senate Minority Leader: Bob Dole (R)
Senate Minority Whip: Alan Simpson (R)

Senate Minority Leader: Lowell Weicker (L)
Senate Minority Whip: David Boren (L)

Alabama
2: Howell Heflin (D) (1979)
3: Richard Shelby (D) (1987)

Alaska
2: Ted Stevens (R) (1968)
3: Frank Murkowski (R) (1981)

Arizona
1: Dennis DeConcini (D) (1977)
3: John McCain (R) (1987)

Arkansas
2: David Pryor (D) (1979)
3: Dale Bumpers (D) (1975)

California
1: Jerry Brown (D) (1992)
3: Sonny Bono (L) (1993)

Colorado
2: Hank Brown (R) (1991)
3: Dick Lamm (L) (1993)

Connecticut
1: Lowell Weicker (L) (1971)
3: Christopher Dodd (D) (1981)

Delaware
1: William V. Roth (R) (1971)
2: Joe Biden (D) (1973)

Florida
1: Buddy McKay (D) (1989)
3: Bob Graham (D) (1987)

Georgia
2: Sam Nunn (D) (1973)
3: Bob Barr (R) (1993)

Hawai'i
1: Mike Gabbard (R) (1991)
3: Daniel Inoyue (D) (1963)

Idaho
2: Larry Craig (R) (1991)
3: Richard H. Stallings (D) (1993)

Illinois
2: Paul Simon (D) (1985)
3: Richard S. Williamson (R) (1993)

Indiana
1: Richard Lugar (R) (1977)
2: Baron Hill (D) (1991)

Iowa
2: Tom Harkin (D) (1985)
3: Chuck Grassley (R) (1981)

Kansas
2: Nancy Kassebaum (R) (1979)
3: Bob Dole (R) (1969)

Kentucky
2: John Brock (D) (1991)
3: Wendell H. Ford (D) (1974)

Louisiana
2: David Duke (R) (1991)
3: John Breaux (D) (1987)

Maine
1: George Mitchell (D) (1979)
2: William Cohen (R) (1979)

Maryland
1: Alan Keyes (R) (1989)
3: Barbara Mikulski (D) (1987)

Massachusetts
1: Ted Kennedy (D) (1962)
2: John Kerry (D) (1985)

Michigan
1: Donald Riegle Jr. (D) (1976)
2: Carl Levin (D) (1979)

Minnesota
1: Skip Humphrey (D) (1989)
2: Paul Wellstone (D) (1991)

Mississippi
1: John C. Stennis (D) (1947)
2: Thad Cochran (R) (1978)

Missouri
1: John Danforth (R) (1979)
3: Kit Bond (R) (1987)

Montana
1: John Melcher (D) (1977)
2: Max Baucus (D) (1978)

Nebraska
1: Bob Kerrey (D) (1989)
2: James Exon (D) (1985)

Nevada
1: Richard Bryan (D) (1989)
3: Harry Reid (D) (1987)

New Hampshire
2: Bob Smith (L) (1990)
3: Warren Rudman (L) (1980)

New Jersey
1: Frank Lautenberg (D) (1983)
2: Bill Bradley (D) (1979)

New Mexico
1: Jeff Bingaman (D) (1989)
2: Pete Dominici (R) (1973)

New York
1: Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D) (1977)
3: Elizabeth Holtzman (D) (1993)

North Carolina
2: Harvey Gantt (D) (1991)
3: Sue Myrick (R) (1993)

North Dakota
1: Kent Conrad (D) (1992)
3: Bryon Dorgan (D) (1993)

Ohio
1: Howard Metzenbaum (D) (1976)
3: Mike DeWine (R) (1993)

Oklahoma
2: David Boren (L) (1979)
3: Don Nickles (R) (1981)

Oregon
2: Ron Wyden (D) (1991)
3: Les AuCoin (D) (1993)

Pennsylvania
1: John Heinz (R) (1977)
3: Arlen Specter (R) (1981)

Rhode Island
1: John Chafee (R) (1976)
2: Claiborne Pell (D) (1961)

South Carolina
2: Strom Thurmond (R) (1956)
3: Thomas F. Harnett (R) (1993)

South Dakota
2: Larry Pressler (R) (1979)
3: Tom Daschle (D) (1987)

Tennessee
1: Jim Sasser (D) (1977)
2: Al Gore (D) (1985)

Texas
1: Lloyd Bentsen (D) (1971)
2: Phil Gramm (R) (1985)

Utah
1: Orrin Hatch (R) (1977)
3: Ted Wilson (D) (1993)

Vermont
1: Jim Jeffords (R) (1989)
3: Jim Douglas (R) (1993)

Virginia
1: Chuck Robb (D) (1989)
2: John Warner (R) (1979)

Washington
1: Mike Lowry (D) (1989)
3: Patty Murray (D) (1993)

West Virginia
1: Robert Byrd (D) (1959)
2: Jay Rockefeller (D) (1985)

Wisconsin
1: Herb Kohl (D) (1989)
3: Russ Feingold (D) (1993)

Wyoming
1: John Vinich (D) (1989)
2: Alan Simpson (R) (1979)

---

Governors

Democratic: 26
Republican: 16
Liberty & Justice: 7

Alabama: George Wallace Jr. (D)
Alaska: Wally Hickel (L)
Arizona: Evan Mecham (L)
Arkansas: Jim Guy Tucker (D)
California: Pete Wilson (R)
Colorado: Roy Romer (D)
Connecticut: Eunice Groark (L)
Delaware: Tom Carper (D)
Florida: Lawton Chiles (D)
Georgia: Zell Miller (D)
Hawai'i: John Waihee (D)
Idaho: Cecil Andrus (D)
Illinois: Jim Edgar (R)
Iowa: Terry Branstad (R)
Kansas: Mike Hayden (R)
Kentucky: Scotty Baesler (D)
Louisiana: Buddy Roemer (D)
Maine: John R. McKernan (R)
Maryland: William Donald Schaefer (D)
Massachusetts: William F. Weld (R)
Michigan: James Blanchard (D)
Minnesota: Vin Weber (R)
Mississippi: Ray Mabus (D)
Missouri: Roy Blunt (R)
Montana: Bob Kelleher (L)
Nebraska: Kay Orr (R)
Nevada: Bob Miller (D)
New Hampshire: Steve Merill (R)
New Jersey: James Florio (D)
New Mexico: Bruce King (D)
New York: Mario Cuomo (D)
North Carolina: Jim Hunt (D)
North Dakota: Ed Schaefer (R)
Ohio: George Voinovich (R)
Oklahoma: David Walters (D)
Oregon: Barbara Roberts (D)
Pennsylvania: William Scranton III (R)
Rhode Island: Bruce Sundlun (D)
South Carolina: Carroll Campbell (R)
South Dakota: George S. Mickelson (R)
Tennessee: Ned McWherter (D)
Texas: Ann Richards (D)
Utah: Merrill Cook (L)
Vermont: Howard Dean (L)
Virginia: Douglas Wilder (L)
Washington: Gary Locke (D)
West Virginia: Charlotte Pritt (D)
Wisconsin: Tommy Thompson (R)
Wyoming: Mike Sullivan (D)

 

[Oppo]

After Chrétien's loss, there was one clear idea who would be the next leader of the Liberals. Ever since the 1987 leadership election, Paul Martin had been seen as the next in line, being the heir to Turner's faction. However, in an upset, former MP Claude Lanthier would defeat Martin in a rematch of 1988. Martin would have to wait for a by-election and the next leadership election. Many candidates would come forward. Turner/Martinites would have two main candidates, the young former Minister of Youth Jean Lapierre (who had been the youngest cabinet minister under Turner) along with auto-parts executive and York-Simcoe MP Frank Stronach.

Lapierre had been a strong supporter of Turner’s leadership, with him and his supporters wearing black armbands at the 1987 convention. Stronach was the founder of Magna International, and while he had a fiscally conservative platform (calling for a flat tax and a balanced budget), he also supported populist policies like Senate reform. He would also be good friends with Chrétien, who appointed him to the post of Minister of Consumer and Corporate Affairs. Bob Speller was also running, but he would be overshadowed by Stronach’s more popular campaign.

The Chrétienites would have a smaller field than expected. Brian Tobin had retired from federal politics to become the leader of the Newfoundland Liberal Party and had been elected as Premier. However, others would run, like Dennis Mills, and Christine Stewart. The leading candidate would be Donald Johnston. While he had run against Chrétien in 1984, he would support him in 1987 and would serve as Defence Minister.

Stronach's money and support with all wings of the party, along with his own "Team Stronach" movement. The businessman had attacked the division of previous leadership elections and believed that a united movement would be necessary to defeat Prime Minister Campbell. Stronach would also get large numbers of non-Liberals to sign up and join the party. This would allow him to take a sizeable victory on the first ballot. Lapierre would be in second, while Johnston would have a disappointing third. All other candidates dropped out before the next ballot, getting insignificant numbers of support.

The second ballot would establish the race as being a Lapierre-Stronach battle, with Johnston struggling to establish a second place finish. Stronach’s campaign team had convinced many of his supporters to defect over, giving Stronach the momentum to have a large lead over Stronach, nearly being able to avoid a third ballot. Sure enough, on the third ballot, he would become leader of the Liberal Party, with Johnston as his deputy. Despite some speculation that Lapierre would join the PCs or the PPMQ, he would stay in the party.

 

[Oppo]

Jean Chretien resigned from Parliament following Stronach's election to the leadership of the Grits. The ensuing by-election was seen as a three-way race between the PCs, the Grits, and UMQ. The PCs picked Denis Pronovost, a radio host who had run against the Prime Minister in 1988 and 1992. The Liberals picked Laurier Thibault, who had nearly won against PQ cabinet minister Jean-Pierre Jolivet in the 1985 Quebec election. The UMQ candidate would be Alain Déry, who had ran against Chretien in 1984 as a Parti nationaliste candidate. However, none of them would win, and it began with the Rhinoceros Party. Unusually, they would sit out the election (in what was revealed to them not finding a candidate), and endorsed the Social Credit Party. The party would announce that the decision was because "the Créditistes are more of a joke than us." The Social Credit candidate would be lawyer Maxime Bernier, the son of former PC MP Gilles Bernier (who had been expelled from the party and would lose his campaign as an independent to the UMQ). The younger Bernier worked in the office of PQ Finance Minister Bernard Landry and claimed to be the heir to Real Caouette. The endorsement from the Rhinos gave publicity to the campaign, and Bernier attracted more of the sovereigntist vote to his campaign. The Créditistes attacked the UMQ as "traitors to the sovereigntist cause," "Edmonston's play toy," and proclaimed that they were the first party to give Quebec an alternative. When Election Day came, in a very low turnout election, the Créditistes elected their first MP since the election of 1979. The news made headlines, with it generally being seen as good news for Reform to enter Quebec. Action Canada had also given a strong showing, given that they had very little support in 1992. Following this by-election, UMQ Deputy Leader Gilles Duceppe resigned. He would join Action Canada, saying that the UMQ was "dead at being anything more than Edmonston's personal party." Bernier, while a Social Credit MP, would ally with the Reform Party.

---

Barrett had stepped down as leader of the NDP after 1992, with Simon De Jong serving as Interim Leader until an election was held. Four candidates would come forward to become leader. Wendy Lill was a playwright who been active in the Waffle internal NDP movement. The more moderate candidate in the race would be Nelson Riis, who had been speculated to join the PCs during Mulroney's tenure. Riis had been known for his experience with financial issues and for asking the Mulroney government to block the trade of Wayne Gretzky from the Edmonton Oilers to the LA Kings. However, two candidates would be the clear favorites. Audrey McLaughlin had been the runner-up in 1989 and had promised to have UMQ rejoin the NDP. Despite losing her seat, the vacuum in Quebec following the Saint-Maurice election would allow her candidacy to have merits to it. The clear front-runner, however, was Buzz Hargrove, President of the Canadian Auto Workers, allowing him to keep the NDP's clear base of workers in the party. He also believed that the NDP should make an alliance of the left if they did not get official party status in the next election, and wanted to move the party significantly to the left. Surprisingly, Hargrove was able to win on the first ballot, leaving the others in the dust.

---

The 1994 Senate elections were based on popular opinion shifting to the Democratic Party. Under the leadership of Senate Majority Leader Daniel Inouye, the Democrats were able to move on from the results of 1992 and get a filibuster-proof majority. Ross Perot's Liberty & Justice Party, while performing well in the popular vote, lost the seat of Lowell Weicker and the special election to replace Dan Boren. Republicans also had a poor night, with the only close race they won being that of paleoconservative Hawai'i Senator Mike Gabbard, despite Daniel Inouye's best efforts to flip the seat. Majority Leader Inouye, Speaker Wright, and Democrats nationwide felt very confident about the 1996 presidential election.

Spoiler: List of U.S. Senators

Alabama
2: Howell Heflin (D) (1979)
3: Richard Shelby (D) (1987)

Alaska
2: Ted Stevens (R) (1968)
3: Frank Murkowski (R) (1981)

Arizona
1: Terry Goddard (D) (1995)
3: John McCain (R) (1987)

Arkansas
2: David Pryor (D) (1979)
3: Dale Bumpers (D) (1975)

California
1: Jerry Brown (D) (1992)
3: Sonny Bono (L) (1993)

Colorado
2: Hank Brown (R) (1991)
3: Dick Lamm (L) (1993)

Connecticut
1: Ned Lamont (D) (1995)
3: Christopher Dodd (D) (1981)

Delaware
1: Valerie Biden Owens (D) (1995)
2: Joe Biden (D) (1973)

Florida
1: Ellis Rubin (D) (1989)
3: Bob Graham (D) (1987)

Georgia
2: Sam Nunn (D) (1973)
3: Bob Barr (R) (1993)

Hawai'i
1: Mike Gabbard (R) (1991)
3: Daniel Inoyue (D) (1963)

Idaho
2: Larry Craig (R) (1991)
3: Richard H. Stallings (D) (1993)

Illinois
2: Paul Simon (D) (1985)
3: Richard S. Williamson (R) (1993)

Indiana
1: Richard Lugar (R) (1977)
2: Baron Hill (D) (1991)

Iowa
2: Tom Harkin (D) (1985)
3: Chuck Grassley (R) (1981)

Kansas
2: Nancy Kassebaum (R) (1979)
3: Bob Dole (R) (1969)

Kentucky
2: John Brock (D) (1991)
3: Wendell H. Ford (D) (1974)

Louisiana
2: David Duke (R) (1991)
3: John Breaux (D) (1987)

Maine
1: George Mitchell (D) (1979)
2: William Cohen (R) (1979)

Maryland
1: Tom McMillen (R) (1995)
3: Barbara Mikulski (D) (1987)

Massachusetts
1: Ted Kennedy (D) (1962)
2: John Kerry (D) (1985)

Michigan
1: Bob Carr (D) (1995)
2: Carl Levin (D) (1979)

Minnesota
1: Skip Humphrey (D) (1989)
2: Paul Wellstone (D) (1991)

Mississippi
1: Wayne Cryts (D) (1995)
2: Thad Cochran (R) (1978)

Missouri
1: Allan Wheat (D) (1979)
3: Kit Bond (R) (1987)

Montana
1: John Melcher (D) (1977)
2: Max Baucus (D) (1978)

Nebraska
1: Bob Kerrey (D) (1989)
2: James Exon (D) (1985)

Nevada
1: Richard Bryan (D) (1989)
3: Harry Reid (D) (1987)

New Hampshire
2: Bob Smith (L) (1990)
3: Warren Rudman (L) (1980)

New Jersey
1: Frank Lautenberg (D) (1983)
2: Bill Bradley (D) (1979)

New Mexico
1: Jeff Bingaman (D) (1989)
2: Pete Dominici (R) (1973)

New York
1: Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D) (1977)
3: Elizabeth Holtzman (D) (1993)

North Carolina
2: Harvey Gantt (D) (1991)
3: Sue Myrick (R) (1993)

North Dakota
1: Kent Conrad (D) (1992)
3: Bryon Dorgan (D) (1993)

Ohio
1: Jerry Springer (D) (1995)
3: Mike DeWine (R) (1993)

Oklahoma
2: Dave McCurdy (D) (1995)
3: Don Nickles (R) (1981)

Oregon
2: Ron Wyden (D) (1991)
3: Les AuCoin (D) (1993)

Pennsylvania
1: Harris Wofford (D) (1995)
3: Arlen Specter (R) (1981)

Rhode Island
1: John Chafee (R) (1976)
2: Claiborne Pell (D) (1961)

South Carolina
2: Strom Thurmond (R) (1956)
3: Thomas F. Harnett (R) (1993)

South Dakota
2: Larry Pressler (R) (1979)
3: Tom Daschle (D) (1987)

Tennessee
1: Jim Sasser (D) (1977)
2: Al Gore (D) (1985)

Texas
1: Mickey Leland (D) (1995)
2: Phil Gramm (R) (1985)

Utah
1: Orrin Hatch (R) (1977)
3: Ted Wilson (D) (1993)

Vermont
1: Madeleine Kunin (D) (1995)
3: Jim Douglas (R) (1993)

Virginia
1: Douglas Wilder (D) (1995)
2: John Warner (R) (1979)

Washington
1: Mike Lowry (D) (1989)
3: Patty Murray (D) (1993)

West Virginia
1: Robert Byrd (D) (1959)
2: Jay Rockefeller (D) (1985)

Wisconsin
1: Herb Kohl (D) (1989)
3: Russ Feingold (D) (1993)

Wyoming
1: John Vinich (D) (1989)
2: Alan Simpson (R) (1979)

---

Mike Harris' surprise win in the 1990 Ontario provincial election ended up being for the worst. His approval ratings were low, as a result of a recession. Harris' tax cuts did little to help, and he looked especially vulnerable in the next election. The opposition NDP had Bob Rae staying on as NDP leader, hoping to finally gain enough seats to win the election. For the Liberals, down to third place, former Attorney General Ian Scott was chosen to replace David Peterson. Scott was on the left of the party and had been one of the Liberals who helped to work with the NDP to bring down the minority Tory government in 1985. Unfortunately, he would suffer a stroke in 1993 after a year as leader. He would resign the office and would be replaced with Magna Vice President Belinda Stronach. Stronach started out deeply unpopular, with her victory being seen as a way for her father to increase his influence on the Liberal Party. Buzz Hargrove, President of the CAW, said that auto workers needed to rally against "both of the demons. Harris believed that his only option, if he wanted to win, would be to attack Rae and Stronach, which he did, calling Rae an "extremist" and Stronach "inexperienced." While the Tories were in second for most of the campaign, these ads resulted in Stronach gaining sympathy and bringing the Liberals up to second. Ultimately, the last minute Liberal surge was not enough to prevent an NDP majority.

 

[Oppo]

this timeline is trash

let's end it with a bang

@Pug

Ross Perot's first term had been chaotic, to say the least. With no support in Congress, he relied on the Democrats and Republicans for support of any of his legislation. The Democrats, with 63 seats in the Senate and an equally large House majority weren't always the closest allies of the person who had campaigned on a radical centrist platform. After 1994, it looked as though the Democrats would be in a close race with Liberty & Justice. Still, Perot launched his re-election campaign confident of victory. But there was only one thing keeping the campaign alive. And that thing was Perot himself. Perot was on a visit to the Philippines for a state visit when several bombs went off on the president's motorcade, while at the same time an RPG was fired at "The Beast." President Perot was dead. Vice President Quayle was quickly brought to the White House in the middle of an embarrassing speech to a group of feminist leaders. It was found out later that day that it was part of the attempted Bojinka Plot, which was organized by Ramzi Yousef (who had also been a major figure in the 1993 WTC bombing). Quayle appointed as his Vice President former Senate Leader Lowell Weicker (who had lost his seat in the 1994 Senate elections), who was easily confirmed by the Senate. As a result of the Bojinka Plot, Quayle attempted to implement the "National Protection Act," which was attacked by many members of his own party, but most notably former Presidential candidate Wayne Owens. Owens' filibuster made him even more of a hero to the left of the Democratic Party, with him being seen as the largest player in defeating the act.

1996 would have somewhat of a limited field like in 1996. The Democrats had managed to get Owens to run for their nomination, with his main rivals being Oregon Senator Les Au Coin, New Jersey Senator Frank Lautenberg, and Arkansas Governor Jim Guy Tucker (with Neil Goldsmith making a bizarre political comeback). He would win almost all of the early primaries, getting the nomination on Super Tuesday against the more conventionally liberal Frank Lautenberg. His running mate would be Texas Governor Ann Richards, who was selected over Wisconsin Senator Doug LaFollette.

The Republicans struggled to get candidates, with virtually no one wanting to be the third-place finisher. The only candidates taken seriously were Senators Larry Craig and Thomas F. Hartnett, both strong conservatives. The only centrist candidate was Carol Schwartz, a DC City Councilwoman and a former candidate for Mayor who was too liberal for most Republicans. Paleoconservative Joseph Sobran had hoped to take the Ron Paul movement of 1992 and continue it. Louisana Senator and 1992 candidate David Duke was running to the right of him with no major Republicans even daring to touch his candidacy. All Republicans were shocked when he took the state of Iowa, seen as Craig and Hartnett splitting their votes, and it would continue when Schwartz picked up New Hampshire. Duke had made an even bigger upset in the state of South Carolina, defeating Hartnett in his home state. Hartnett would drop out that day, followed quickly by Craig (after a sex scandal). After this, most Republicans were in complete shock and panic, having to decide between an anti-Semite, a Klansman, and a liberal. The primary would be a complete three-way race, with a contested convention giving a victory to Sobran with the support of Schwartz delegates. Sobran picked Schwartz as his running mate, and while he claims that this was done for "party unity," it was often thought that it was a deal for allowing Sobran's first ballot victory. After Sobran's nomination, former Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton III announced that he would be running as a Natural Law Party candidate, and Duke announced his campaign as a Populist Party member (surprisingly picking black activist Lenora Fulani as his running mate).

Meanwhile, the Liberty & Justice Party had planned on just a convention (planning to nominate Perot) but were left with a great division. The major factions were the paleoconservatives led by Mario Biaggi and Evan Mecham, the left-libertarian supporters of Dick Lamm, the centrists supporting Lowell Weicker, and Quayle loyalists. After ten ballots, no compromise candidate could be selected and the party agreed to run five tickets (although some see this as six with Hickel's L&J-allied AKIP running a separate campaign). The tickets were Dan Quayle/Mike Bowers, Mario Biaggi/Russell Pearce, Eunice Groark/Dean Barkley, and Dick Lamm/Bob Beckel. While it was clear that informal non-standing agreements were made, there was significant vote splitting and confusion. One example of this was Biaggi's campaign listing their party affiliation often as Liberty & Justice with very minor spelling changes.

In the end, the result was never up to debate. Owens would win every state but Alaska and Mississippi. The real shock was the surprisingly strong showing for Workers World nominee Billy McKinney, which has been credited as being caused by the newly-elected Russian President Zyuganov secretly sending large amounts of money to the McKinney campaign.