16. Second Party System
Asami
Banned
第二政党制
16. Second Party System
1919-1920
The Japanese political system had weathered an unbelievable number of blows after the Manchuria Incident in 1919. The Sakurakai, a coalition of liberal and centrist parties, had collapsed into itself, and the Imperial Alliance seemed fit to sweep the Parliament in the 1920 general election, and bring about the final blows to the constitutional democracy that had been cultivated for ages. That was, of course, on the assumption that their man with the ear of the Emperor would follow the party line. This is where the famed Japanese Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi took his position as one of the most Machiavellian men of the 20th century.
He had taken power in the Imperial Alliance's intricacies based on his pre-existing position within the Japanese genrō, and his ties to both centrists and ultra-nationalists.
However, shortly after being appointed to the office of Prime Minister in 1919, he took immediately to flipping Japan's current system upside down.
In early 1920, Prime Minister Inukai and a large number of his supporters in the Diet forcibly withdrew from the Imperial Alliance, declaring the re-establishment of the Rikken Seiyuukai. This was motivated largely on the belief that their ideas were in conflict with those of Sadao Araki's faction within the Imperial Alliance, whom held the belief that Japan needed a full-frontal response to the insult delivered by Manchuria. For the 1920 election, it seemed that four major parties would be fighting to death for the rule over Japan.
The Rikken Seiyuukai postured themselves as a 'common sense conservative' alliance, modeled after classical liberalism and the rule of law and order. While at one time it had been supportive of the miltaristic goals of the Army and Navy for sake of votes, the sharp movement of public opinion against them, and the hardened views of Inukai Tsuyoshi, drove them to establish a concrete opposition to radical militarism. They did not refute the role of Japan as the 'liberator of Asia' and the 'establishment of a Japanese-dominated Asian movement for independence and anti-imperialism', but they refuted 'pursuing these goals without regard for international diplomacy and peace'.
Slightly to their left was the Jiyuutou, lead by Ichirou Hatoyama. While Ichirō's political beliefs did not different that significantly from that of the Seiyuukai, he established the Jiyuutou as a party slightly to the left, which embraced further 'universal democracy' as a way to stabilize Japan. If every man had a stake in voting, then the system of the genrou and the landed elite could be ended. The Seiyuukai and the Jiyuutou, which differed only slightly on some issues, typically found common allies with each other.
The two 'odd man out' parties were the Minshutou and the Seigitou. The Minshutou was a reformed social democratic party that had reorganized with a more centrist perspective for the sake of avoiding being shutdown under the large number of anti-socialist laws that were being passed to cap on leftist insurrection. Tetsu Katayama, the 33 year old organizer of the Party, was advocating for a strong and unbreakable anti-militarist position. The Minshutou advocated a stronger pacifistic orientation for Japan, and a more cloak-dagger approach to forcing Europe to withdraw from their colonies. This party largely resembled Prime Minister Minobe's policies, and advocated economic and diplomatic strongarming over military strongarming.
The Seigitou were unapologetic ultranationalists. While toning down the violent behaviours, they were not quiet in advocating a Shouwa Restoration to restore the proper power of the Emperor over the state. Sadao Araki gained heavy support from militarists and traditionalists, whom looked down on Inukai for his traitorious actions towards the cause of restoring Japan's rightful balance of power. When the 1920 election arrived, the results did not surprise many.
No party had achieved a majority, but Inukai's Rikken Seiyuukai had emerged the clear plurality victor. In a backdoor deal, the Jiyuutou and Minshutou both agreed to back Inukai's government in exchange for seats in his Cabinet.
Inukai would remain Prime Minister for the foreseeable future, barring coup d'etat, or an untimely and tragic death by natural causes. The election was a remarkable demonstration of the stability of Japan's democracy, and many heralded the 1920 election as the start as the Second Party System.
On his part, Inukai's master strategy to undermine the militarist cause was a successful one. He had played the part of a man endeared by the system, and had played their civilian front-man for as long as it had been necessary to get into power, and from there, the knife was plunged into the back. It was not dishonorable to do what was right for Japan, it was only dishonorable to plunge forth without concern for the future and what it might hold. If they were too stupid to look back through his history and see the man whom he truly was, that was their fault.
However, Inukai was not pleased with the string of setbacks, and would have to invest effort to reverse Japan's misfortune...
He had taken power in the Imperial Alliance's intricacies based on his pre-existing position within the Japanese genrō, and his ties to both centrists and ultra-nationalists.
However, shortly after being appointed to the office of Prime Minister in 1919, he took immediately to flipping Japan's current system upside down.
In early 1920, Prime Minister Inukai and a large number of his supporters in the Diet forcibly withdrew from the Imperial Alliance, declaring the re-establishment of the Rikken Seiyuukai. This was motivated largely on the belief that their ideas were in conflict with those of Sadao Araki's faction within the Imperial Alliance, whom held the belief that Japan needed a full-frontal response to the insult delivered by Manchuria. For the 1920 election, it seemed that four major parties would be fighting to death for the rule over Japan.
The Rikken Seiyuukai postured themselves as a 'common sense conservative' alliance, modeled after classical liberalism and the rule of law and order. While at one time it had been supportive of the miltaristic goals of the Army and Navy for sake of votes, the sharp movement of public opinion against them, and the hardened views of Inukai Tsuyoshi, drove them to establish a concrete opposition to radical militarism. They did not refute the role of Japan as the 'liberator of Asia' and the 'establishment of a Japanese-dominated Asian movement for independence and anti-imperialism', but they refuted 'pursuing these goals without regard for international diplomacy and peace'.
Slightly to their left was the Jiyuutou, lead by Ichirou Hatoyama. While Ichirō's political beliefs did not different that significantly from that of the Seiyuukai, he established the Jiyuutou as a party slightly to the left, which embraced further 'universal democracy' as a way to stabilize Japan. If every man had a stake in voting, then the system of the genrou and the landed elite could be ended. The Seiyuukai and the Jiyuutou, which differed only slightly on some issues, typically found common allies with each other.
The two 'odd man out' parties were the Minshutou and the Seigitou. The Minshutou was a reformed social democratic party that had reorganized with a more centrist perspective for the sake of avoiding being shutdown under the large number of anti-socialist laws that were being passed to cap on leftist insurrection. Tetsu Katayama, the 33 year old organizer of the Party, was advocating for a strong and unbreakable anti-militarist position. The Minshutou advocated a stronger pacifistic orientation for Japan, and a more cloak-dagger approach to forcing Europe to withdraw from their colonies. This party largely resembled Prime Minister Minobe's policies, and advocated economic and diplomatic strongarming over military strongarming.
The Seigitou were unapologetic ultranationalists. While toning down the violent behaviours, they were not quiet in advocating a Shouwa Restoration to restore the proper power of the Emperor over the state. Sadao Araki gained heavy support from militarists and traditionalists, whom looked down on Inukai for his traitorious actions towards the cause of restoring Japan's rightful balance of power. When the 1920 election arrived, the results did not surprise many.
Inukai would remain Prime Minister for the foreseeable future, barring coup d'etat, or an untimely and tragic death by natural causes. The election was a remarkable demonstration of the stability of Japan's democracy, and many heralded the 1920 election as the start as the Second Party System.
On his part, Inukai's master strategy to undermine the militarist cause was a successful one. He had played the part of a man endeared by the system, and had played their civilian front-man for as long as it had been necessary to get into power, and from there, the knife was plunged into the back. It was not dishonorable to do what was right for Japan, it was only dishonorable to plunge forth without concern for the future and what it might hold. If they were too stupid to look back through his history and see the man whom he truly was, that was their fault.
However, Inukai was not pleased with the string of setbacks, and would have to invest effort to reverse Japan's misfortune...
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