72. Alcalá Zamora's Ministry (1925-1930)
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The so-called "Padres de la Patria".
Front: Lerroux, Azaña, Alcalá Zamora, Besteiro and Albornoz
Back: Prieto, Domingo, Casares, de los Ríos, Nicolau, an unindentified clerk, Giralt and Martínez Barrios.

72. Alcalá Zamora's Ministry (1925-1930)

In his first speech as Prime Minister, Alcalá Zamora mentioned that it was time for “a return to normality” after the war and the revolution. Among the first measures of his cabinet there was a small cut in tax rates and new business regulations designed to improve efficiency. Also, in the area of public affairs, the Alcalá-Zamora`s government is considered a pioneer of public relations in Spain, as in this period there were the first regular meetings of the ministers with the press, albeit it did not result was expected as the experience was cut short by late 1926, even if it would be recovered by the next government. This period of Spanish history is remembered for the growth of its economy, stimulated by the end of the war and the recovery of international trade. Furthermore, the return to peace seemed to give new hopes and ideas that were applied to the Spanish industry and medicine, along with foreign technological improvements. It was around this year when radio and cinema began to arrive to the Spanish big cities, that grew and prospered as electrification spread quickly from Barcelona to Madrid, and from Bilbao to Sevilla, even if this new improvement was limited to the cities and some towns.

As the global economy returned to its pre-war levels, the Spanish economy began to benefit from the repayments of the loans given to France during the war, which helped to heal to a certain degree the diplomatic relations with the northern neighbour, hit hard after the coronation of king Federico. Furthermore, the fast recovery of the Spanish economy was greatly invigorated by British credit pouring into the country to further reinforce its economic growth. Chamberlain's government was determined to avoid Spain falling into Communism and to help to turn it into a fortress against the Bolshevik Italian Republic. After all, and with the isolationist policies followed by the United States, which nevertheless grew to become the world’s leading industrial power in the next decades, the British Empire remained the largest economy in the world and her industries were still to dominate the world and notable advances were made in the new industries of automobiles and aeronautics.

Once concern of the Spanish government was to find an alternative to coal as a source of energy. This was a hard lesson taught by the war and the blockade. For the moment, oil was to be the main alternative, even that meant depending either form the United States or the British-friendly Persian Gulf. In response to this, in 1926 the Instituto Geológico de España (the Spanish Geological Survey), that could trace its origins back to 1849 even if its present from was from 1910, began to investigate the possibility of domestic oil fields in Spanish territories. However, in spite of the best efforts of the Spanish technicians, success seemed to be actively avoiding them and it would take almost two decades to find any positive result in this field, as we shall see (1).

Then, the government introduced a series of bills that removed restrictions on abortion in 1927. However, a similar attempt to clarify the situation of the homosexuals (homosexuality had been removed from the criminal code in 1848 -2- but it could and was persecuted using other laws, mainly those related with disturbances of the public order or offenses against honour and morals) and to ennact a divorce law, it found a vicious opposition campaign mounted by the Catholic Church, which cut short all the attempts to solve the issues until the government would be able to break the resistance and to legalize the homosexual relations (but for the army) between men in 1930 and lay the foundations for what it would be the Divorce Bill of 1931.

This two laws would become the battlefield where Liberal and Socialists deputies fought bitterley during Alcalá-Zamora's tenure. Besteiro's attack would increase with the prime minister's hesitant ways aobut the divorce law and led to vicious attacks against him in the Cortes. Furthermore, as Alcalá-Zamora's position upon not only the divorce law but also on the homosexuality question was quite confusing, many in his party began to ponder about the way to remove him not only from the leadership of the Liberal formation but also from the goverment, as those critics felt that he was taking a Fabian policy not only in those two topics but also in all the government matters. Thus, from 1928 onwards, Alcalá-Zamora was attacked by the PSOE and by the Liberal rank and file, specially by the faction led by Manuel Azaña. This was something that Alcalá-Zamora would never forget nor forgive. However, his machiavellian (and failed) ways would in the end turn the party against him so, when he called for elections (to be held on May 30, 1930), he was forced from resign as leader of the Liberal Party and replaced by Azaña.

(1) Just a bit of info: I'm going to advance the discovery of gas in Spain, thanks to the butterflies introduced along the TL.
(2) It was reintroduced again IOTL 1928.
 
73. The General Elections of 1930
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73. The General Elections of 1930

The local elections of 1927 did not give any indication of what was to happen three years later. The crisis of the Conservative Party grew worse as they were only able to win in Galicia. Even worse, they could only claim the mayoralties of Salamanca, Segovia, Soria and Burgos. This debacle opened a period of turmoil within its ranks that led to the rise of José María Gil-Robles to the top, becoming a member of the unofficial group of the "barones" (the main leaders of the party). Finally, the "politically mediocre" (1) Sánchez Guerra resigned and was replaced by Juán de la Cierva. It was hardly a good move, as de la Cierva was too well known for his ties with the landlords, most of them exiled after the revolution but rooting to return, and his own network of political contacts. In the other side of the coin was the Liberal Party, who easily won in all the regions but for the mentioned Galicia and in Andalucia and Aragón, that went to the USD, and Catalonia, which voted in mass for ERC. However, this impressive victory had its own weakness, as the majors of the main cities of Castilla la Nueva and the Basque Country were either socialdemocrats or socialists.

In the end, what determined the result of the elections of May 30, 1930, was the hapless meeting of the Mancomunidad Hispana, held in Madrid from April to May 1929, when the crisis of the institution came to the fore as, during and after the war, most of the former Spanish colonies and drifted towards the United States and had loosened their ties with Spain due to this approchement and the Revolution of November. Thus, by the end of the conference, the Mancomunidad Hispana was reduced to a shell of its former self, being now little more than a consultative body whose advice was going to be scarcely asked or heeded. Ironically, it was not the utter failure of the Spanish diplomacy what hit hard the government, but the anger of the population, that deemed the conference as an unnecesary waste of time and money and thus take its organization quite badly. The attention of the government should be in national matters, not in international ventures, it was claimed.

Thus, while de la Cierva could rejoice at the unexpected recovery of his party and the USD celebrated that they had doubled their presence in the parliament, Azaña had to swallow the bitter defeat caused by a conference that had turned out to be the poisoned farewell gift of his predecessor, and to accept that he had the key for the next government. Finally, Besteiro and Azaña met in the hotel Victoria. In what the press termed as the "pacto del Victoria" (Victoria pact), the Liberal leader, Azaña, agreed to give his support and the one of his party to the Social Democrat Besteiro, who would be then the new prime minister, and to support his measures" that were not unreasonable.” Just in case, Azaña demanded (and obtained) that “unreasonable” was left undefined, which gave him a free hand to support the government. Howeer, unwillingly, this clause also included the posibility of further political rows that could threaten the stabilty of the government. Once the agreement was reached, Besteiro became, on May 9, 1930, the first Social Democrat Prime Minister of Spain, even if with a minority government.

(1) Not my words, but the ones of Stanley Payne in his "A History of Spain and Portugal, Vol. 2": "José Sánchez Guerra, the new leader of the main group of Conservatives, was courageous and forthright but a political mediocrity". Of course, I agree with Payne.
 
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74. News of the World (1923-30): Germany
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74. News of the World (1923-30): Germany

The cold shower of the treaty of Versailles deeply shook the Reich. Thus, von Bülow met with Ebert (SPD), Kuno von Westarp (DNVP), Wilhelm Marx (Zentrum) and Gustav Stresseman (DVP) to form a National Government to preserve the fragile German democracy and the monarchy. On August 1, 1924, the first "National Government" in German history was formed with those parties with Friederich Ebert acting as Chancellor. The General Elections of September gave a hung parliament (SPD 95 deputies; DNVP, 70; Zentrum, 54; 20, DVP, KPD, 7, DDP, 6) -1- and von Bülow's cabinet hardly lasted for a few months. A strike in the Rheinland brought it down and the Regent, Prince Eitel Friedrich, asked Ebert to form a government on December 20. That day, the Regent, furious, threatened to resign at once unless the political leaders came to an agreement. This lead to the "Second National Government" of Wilhelm Marx, that issued a general pardon to Karl Liebknecht, the exiled Rosa Luxemburg and the other Communist leaders jailed for the failed rising of 1924. Thus, they were able to seat in the Reichstag. However, the government crashed when the Budget Bill was voted down in February 1925. After this failure, new elections were called. For the next two years and a half Germany would have seven unstable governments (2nd Ebert, April 3 - September 22 ; 1st von Westarp, September 22 - December 5; 1st Stresseman, December 5, 1926 - April 15, 1927; 3rd Ebert, April 15 - August 20; 2nd von Westarp, August 20 - October 12; 2nd Stresseman, October 12, 1926 - May 5, 1927) that worsened not only the political scene but also the economy, damaged by the war reparations, which reduced the German financial capacities; by the "social war" between right and left that bloodied the streets of Germany and by the border clashes with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which began on December 1927 and soon turned into a viocious war.

The crushing defeat suffered at Posen (March 12, 1928) caused a massive uproar in Germany that almost caused a Freikorps revolt. The 20-year-old Wilhelm III asked Stresseman to form a government on March 15. His Liberal-Conservative coalition lasted for eight months and it was replaced by a full Conservative cabinet led by Alfred Hugenberg (DNVP), who had to face the increasing interference of the Reichswehr. In October, just as the "social war" came to an end, Hugenberg reached an understanding with the Allies on the reparations issue that gave the breathing room that Germany needed to rebuild its battered economy. However the news from the front went from bad to worse. As the tide of the war turned against Germany, the government sacked sixteen generals and colonels along with the war minister. This led to the fall of Hungenberg and his replacement with Stresseman in December of that year. The new chancellor kept the tight control of the army, sacking Generaloberst August Wilhelm Heye, Chief of the German Troop Office, and managed to persuade the French to pull back from the Ruhr in return for a promise that reparations payments would resume. while attempted to convince London and Paris that the reparations bill was truly beyond Germany's capacity. The effort paid off; the Allies began modified the reparations scheme. However, his attempt to put the army under civil control and the rise of the KPD in the local elections of Berlin led to a coup d'etat on September 13, 1929 by General Erich Ludendorff, that put a temporary end to the German democracy. Ludendorff’s military government, with a few notable civilians in the cabinet, ruled by decree and aimed to end victoriously the Polish War while beginning to repudiate the Versailles Treaty.

Ludendorff's prestige rose almost to godlike status after the crushing defeats inflicted on the Polish-Lithuanian forces, which brought the end of the war in April 1930. The defeated Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were forced to officially recognized the post-Great War eastern border in Treaty of Danzig. Then, his Finance Minister, Gustav Stressman, was able to negotiate the reparations bill and, in addition to this, receive huge British loans that helped Germany to reinvigorate its economy with a vast programme of industrial investment and modernization.



-1- SPD : the Social Democratic Party of Germany; DNVP: the German National People's Party; Zentrum: the German Center Party; DVP: the German People's Party; KPD : The Communist Party of Germany; DDP: The German Democratic Party.
 
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did you mean to paste in the wiki article on the History of Poland (1918–1939)?

I was writting some notes about France and looking for ideas for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and, dunno how, all got mixed. Frankly speaking, I have no idea how I did it. Anyway, just in case: TTL Poland is not going to have any resemblance with Pilduski's. Nor France, I must add.
 
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75. News of the World (1923-30): France
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Paris, Boulevard des Italiens, 1926
75. News of the World (1923-30): France

After the war, France faced a host of daunting challenges: the terrible human cost in terms of lives lost, disabled veterans, ruined agricultural and industrial areas and, on top of that, the heavy borrowing from Britain. Even if postwar reconstruction was fast, healing the wounds caused by the war would take its time, as Prime Minister Frédéric François-Marsal (June 15, 1924-April 17, 1925) experienced during his term. He had been barely received by King Jean III and charged with the cabinet by his royal assent when Marsal had to deal with the Food Riots of 1924 and with the returning servicemen run that protested at the slow process of demobilisation and the lack of jobs, Forced by the circumstances, Marsal gave in to the demands, but, from then on, he was reluctant to take action as he moved slowly in a rapidly changing world post-war. It was him who approved the French military intervention against the Italian Socialist Republic that stalled at the gates of Firenze and forced his resignation. His replacement, Auguste Isaac (April 17- November 28, 1925), was trapped by the explosion of national pride and faced the wave of riots when the press published the unconfirmed rumors that he was contemplating to withdraw from Italy. As the military intervention went to nowhere and the Italian Socialist retaliated with a policy of bombings on France, the shaky situation of Isaac worsened with lightning speed. In this situation, a vote of no confidence brought him down in November.

The chaotic situation led to king Jean III to ask Marshal Philippe Petain, Le Vieux Maréchal (The Old Marshal) to form a government and, thus, avoiding a new General Election. Initially, the "Petain solution" (November 28, 1925- June 15, 1926) seemed to work, as the strikes vanished. However, three months later, they returned. The press portrayed the strikers as "radical threats to France" inspired by "left-wing, foreign agents provocateurs ", "conspiracies against the government", and "plots to establish communism". In this tense chaos, Petain created a paramilitary millice, the so-called Franc Garde (Free Guard), with disgruntled army veterans and used it to crush the strikes. Furthermore, the bad relations with both the British Empire and the United States, that worsened with the unilateral Italian intervention, went to worse with Petain and marked the beginning of the post-war trade slump that further deteriorated the French economy. Then, in early March 1926, the prime minister pulled the French army out from Italy and negotiated a cease-fire with Rome to the ashtonisment of foe and friend alike. By May 1926, Petain had managed to calm the popular anger. Even if he oppposed female suffrage legislation, he completed the demobilization of the armed forces, dissolved the Franc Garde and tried to balance the budget, several scandals rocked his cabinet and tarnished the reputation of several ministers. The sudden death of Petain from a heart attack (June 15, 1926) saved the general from a complete disgrace and the popular hatred.

The Liberal Edouard Daladier (June 15, 1926-June 4, 1928 led the temporary government that ruled France until the General Elections of September 12, won by his party with a few seats short of a majority. Thus, he was forced into a coalition with Louis Marin's Fédération républicaine (FR - Republican Federation), while the Socialists under Leon Blume became the third political force with 102 seats in spite of the new anti-socialism wave that shook the country since the beginning of Petain's tenure. Daladier, however, managed to stay in power and governed with some success. He brought full enfranchisement of adults of both sexes over the age of 21 along with some welfare reforms. Furthermore, his balancing of the budget by cutting down government spending and the end of the trade war were his biggest successes during his tenure. Howeer, it was not enough, as his failure to stabilise the economy finally brought his cabinet down. The victory of Raymond Poincaré (June 4, 1928-February 26, 1930) in the elections of June 1928 was followed by the death of king Jean III a few days later. In spite of such sad beginning, Poincaré managed to be succesful as prime minister almost unitl the very end of his tenure. He continued Daladier's budget policy an enacted a number of franc stabilization measures. The French Prime Minister also actively pursued an aggresive foreign policy, no hesitating to send military help (even expeditionary forces) to Portugal during the General Strike of 1928 and to Belgium during the strikes of 1929 (1), even if he accepted to pull out from the Ruhr, to everybody's surprise. He also restricted the freedom of action of the French Trade Unions but soon became a hostage of his own politics as the military began to have a say in politics. The Red Scare caused by the mere existence of the Italian Social Republic fuelled authoritarian ideas but Poncaré resisted the pressure to ban the French Communist Party and the SFIO with a single stroke. However, when a border clash was used by Brigadier General René Orly to launch a full raid into Northern Italy (January 12-February 2, 1928), Poincaré had to admit that he could not control the army and resigned.

-1- In the late 1910s and early 1920s there was some Republican agitation in Portugal. OTL Revolution of October 1910 took place in 1922 but it ended like OTL Russian Revolution of 1905 with the added twist of Portugal having more success in his democratic reform, but not too much: they are using a local version of the Spanish "turnismo" and, for the while, it works. The mentioned General Strike of 1928 had some "Bolshevik" undertones that frightened Paris, thus the inervention. The Belgian strikes were hardly as dramatic, but still it scared the Quai d'Orsay out of any proportion.
 
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The French Prime Minister also actively pursued an aggresive foreign policy, no hesitating to send military help (even expeditionary forces) to Portugal during the General Strike of 1928 and to Belgium during the strikes of 1929, even if he accepted to pull out from the Ruhr, to everybody's surprise.
Sorry if it has mentioned before, but is Portugal still a monarchy, or has it become a republic? Is it a parliamnetary regime (and very importantly, did it avoid the awful politicians that controlled most governments in OTL Portugal's first republic)?
 
Sorry if it has mentioned before, but is Portugal still a monarchy, or has it become a republic? Is it a parliamnetary regime (and very importantly, did it avoid the awful politicians that controlled most governments in OTL Portugal's first republic)?

No, Portugal is still a monarchy. In the late 1910s and early 1920s there was some Republican agitation in Portugal. OTL Revolution of October 1910 took place in 1922 but it ended like OTL Russian Revolution of 1905 with the added twist of Portugal having more success in his democratic reform, but not too much: they are using a local version of the Spanish "turnismo" and, for the while, it works. The mentioned General Strike of 1928 had some "Bolshevik" undertones that frightened Paris, thus the inervention. The Belgian strikes were hardly as dramatic, but still it scared the Quai d'Orsay out of any proportion.

Portugal is going to be an interesting place in the 1930s.
 
76. News of the World (1923-30): Russia
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The opening of the Duma on
October 31st, 1926

76. News of the World (1923-30): Russia

After the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, Czar Michael II saw with anguish that Russia was facing what he had trully attempted to avoid: a Bolshevik takeover. The first post-war elections of 1923 took place during a period of intense social conflict as the end of the war was followed by an economic crisis characterized by high unemployment and political instability caused by defeat and the territorial losses. Mass strikes, worker manifestations and land and factories occupations followed. In Saint Petersburg and Kiev workers councils were formed and many factory came under the control of the anarcho-syndicalists. The agitation also extended to the agricultural areas of Ucraine and were accompanied by peasant strikes and, rural unrest. In the general election, the fragmented right-center coalition lost the absolute majority in the Duma, due to the success of the Russian Social Democratic Labobur Party and the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. However, the Liberal-Reformist Alexander Protopopov became the next Prime Minister as both the RSDLP and the SRP stood aside with the hope that his tenure would propel the country towards revolution.

The premiership of Protopopov (June 23, 1923 - June 15, 1924) was marked by the great social unrest and dissatisfaction over the results of not only the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, but also for the lack of Russian representation in the Treaty of Versailles, which embitered the Russians as they thought they were betrayed by their former allies (while forgetting that Russia had betrayed them first at Brest Litovsk), a notion that was widely believed and promulgated in right-wing circles and emphasized by Protopopov's cabinet, that Russia had not been defeated on the battlefield but was instead betrayed by her Allies. Particularly troublesome was the agitation over the Baltic States, Finland and Poland-Lithuania, as there were voices demanding the occupation and reannexation of the "rebel" countries. In adittion to this, the prime minister had great difficulty governing thanks to the lack of cooperation of the divergent political factions in the Duma. Thus, he resigned and was replaced by Prince Lvov, (June 15, 1924 - July 4, 1925) who was called because he was considered the only one who can solve that dramatic situation. However, even if he began a shy project of industrial modernization and agricultural reform that calmed slightly the social unrest, he was doomed to fall as he refused to accept the demands of the conservatives asking the government to intervene by force to put up the strikes and to invade the Baltic States, so he resigned and called for new elections. The measures taken by his government, in a political climate hardly favorable to them and beset by the extreme social tensions, turned out to be piecemeal, and like the economic policy of his predecessor, were far from achieving a decisive break with the past. The failure of the liberal ruling class was fuelled by the fears provoked by the political representation of social groups deemed to be dangerous.

The National Coalition of right-center parties led by Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky had no better luck together in 1925 than its different members had in 1923 on their own. To make this worse, the Coalition was only the third most voted force, well behind the the winner of the elections, the RSDLP, and the Christian-Democrat Sebastian Dabovich's Russian People's Party (RPP). This time, however, the RSDLP could not stood aside and its leader, Julius Martov, became the next prime minister (July 4, 1925 - February 26, 1926), who, as his predecessors, proved unable to address the enduring problem of adapting the parliamentary system to fit the new multi-party democracy. The result was the exacerbation of the weakness of the governments, their loss of authority and, in the end, the complete paralysis of the parliamentary system. Admist general chaos, Martov was unable neither to put forward his reforms as they were constantly blocked in the Duma, nor to keep under control the riots that his followers were creating. Thus, after a year in power, he resigned too. The Liberal and former Chairman of the State Duma, Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodzianko, became the last prime minister of Russia (February 26 - October 31, 1926). As the chaos continued and the Duma stalled with the political strife, Rodzianko wanted to declare the martial law. Such a declaration needed to bear the monarch's signature before it could take effect and, then, the prime minister hesitated. When he finally dared to take such a step, Michael II simply dismissed him and, using the powers that the Constitution granted him during a critic situation, the Czar dissolved the Duma and began to rule Russia by himself,

Michael II, however, kept the Duma, but reduced to an advisory role. When the RSDLP and the SRP protested, he had those parties dissolved. Once hundred Left-winged politicians ended up in Siberia, among them Martov, and the Duma thus lost one quarter of its members, hose places were left vacant. The remaining parties responded weakly or remained silent. A few liberals and moderates boycotted the Duma, hoping to force Michael II to reconsider his option. Thus, on December 24, 1926, he asked Count Pavel Nikolayevich Ignatiev to form a government which was devoided of any power and was nothing but another advisory body for the Czar, who used it as a mask to prove to Russia and the world that Russia was, still, a parlamentarian monarchy. However, in October 31st, 1927 Michael dropped all pretense of democracy and dissolved the Duma and dismissed Ignatiev. From then on, he would rule alone. Between 1927 and 1929 Michael progressively dismantled virtually all constitutional and conventional restraints on his power and recovered and massively reinforced the Okhrana, the secret police. From the man that the Czar had once been, the one who had deferred acceptance of the throne until ratification by the Duma, nothing remained.
 
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