Give Peace A Chance: The Presidency of Eugene McCarthy

Fun Updates. Interesting to see Rhodes as President and the consequences, will 1976 be a poisoned chalice? Can't wait to see...

Idea: with Rhodes as President, some joke involving the Colossus of Rhodes needs to take place. A political cartoon with a Collussus with his face on it would be funny, perhaps with a subtitle: another pork project.

Also, in an election he should win "Rhode's" Island

(I'll show myself out)
 
Idea: with Rhodes as President, some joke involving the Colossus of Rhodes needs to take place. A political cartoon with a Collussus with his face on it would be funny, perhaps with a subtitle: another pork project.
I may well commission that if I can find an affordable caricature artist.

If all goes well, the next chapter will be out in the next day or two. The chapters haven't been posted at quite the frequency I would like, but you know how it is, dear reader.
 
I may well commission that if I can find an affordable caricature artist.

If all goes well, the next chapter will be out in the next day or two. The chapters haven't been posted at quite the frequency I would like, but you know how it is, dear reader.

I'd do it for you, if I had you know...talent. Hence why I try to string sentences together instead.

Regardless I can't wait for the next update whenever it comes.

May Our President the Colossus stand strong against foes foreign and domestic.
 
Chapter Thirty-Seven - Coca-Cola Cowboy
“The Democrats are pushin’ back, Jobs for America isn’t movin' forward as fast as it should, and lying in the weeds ain’t workin’ as well as it used to. We’re going to need a new approach to get Americans jobs.”

  • President Jim Rhodes to White House Senior Advisor Earl Barnes, on the economic theories of Hyman Minsky, 1973.

Coming out of the Midterms, Rhodes was weakened, but still resilient. Although the Republicans had held on to the Senate, the House had gone back to the Democrats, with Mo Udall reclaiming the title of Speaker of the House from John Rhodes. The Democrats had been able to effectively campaign on Rhodes’ cuts to social security eligibility, and the Crusade Against Poverty, but the implementation of Rhodes’ across-the-board tax cuts in mid-1978 were able to prevent a blowout defeat. It was a something of a political draw, but it spooked Rhodes.

Looking to alleviate public pressure, Rhodes shifted to the left after the Midterms. Working with Housing Secretary Charles Percy, Rhodes re-introduced the Affordable Housing Act (AHA). Proposed in a more basic form in 1967, and reintroduced to Congress by then-Senator Percy in 1975, it had failed to pass both times due to opposition from the Democrats. While McCarthy’s proposal had been universal state housing, Percy had proposed subsidizing the construction of low-income housing to stimulate production and make homes more affordable. Percy hoped that with support from the executive office, he could finally get it through Congress, even if he wouldn’t be voting on it. Rhodes also indicated to the liberal Democrats in the House that if universal post-secondary education or an increased minimum wage passed, that he wouldn’t oppose it.

Rhodes began to consider the possibility of taking a radical course of action, going beyond his Jobs for America public works program. Inviting the relatively obscure economist Hyman Minsky to the White House as an economic advisor, Rhodes began considering Minsky’s proposal of going beyond the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act. Instead of making full employment an ideal to be pursued, as Humphrey-Hawkins did, Rhodes wanted to investigate the possibility of enforced, federally-mandated full employment. As a trade-off to gain the support of conservatives in Congress, America’s welfare state would be cut to a bare-bones, Bismarckian relief system. In what came to be called the ‘Grand Bargain,’ the proposal caught the attention of moderates, reformers, and certain conservatives, but it was viciously opposed by the liberal wing of Congress, and had uncertain prospects in the House.


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The relatively obscure economist Hyman Minsky of Washington University, St. Louis, became Jim Rhodes' chief economic advisor following the 1978 Midterms. Rhodes was fascinated by his proposal of guaranteed federal employment, and his theories on the capitalist boom-bust cycle.


As for Rhodes’ Jobs for America program, as it was, it had increased nationwide employment, but wages of the jobs Rhodes provided weren’t keeping up with inflation. Although inflation had slowed, dipping to seven percent after being up-and-down around ten percent during the McCarthy years, it continued to be an accelerating problem. The ‘standard’ projects had caused noticeable improvements in America: more universities and community colleges were being built than ever, paved road repair and expansion had been made a higher priority, more dams and military bases had been built, and the fossil fuel industries had seen a boom in production, lowering fuel prices and decreasing utility bills. However, Rhodes’ more eccentric projects, such as the Lake Erie bridge, and a newer suggestion to install hospital-grade air filters in every home in America, had failed to get off the drawing board [1].

In reaction to Rhodes’ Grand Bargain, liberal Democrats in the House instead tried to once more push through a guaranteed minimum income for all Americans below a particular income. Guaranteed minimum income had been put to the side during McCarthy’s first term in an effort to strike a more moderate economic position to appease his Southern supporters, but in his second term swerve to as far left as the Overton Window allowed in mainstream American politics (and a bit further to the left of that), McCarthy had tried and failed to get it passed through Congress [2]. With the issue back on the table, McCarthy himself came out of retirement to support the measure, in his first open political campaigning as an ex-President.

After leaving office, McCarthy had separated from his wife, Abigail, although they never officially divorced. Moving to New York, McCarthy spent most of his time writing poetry, memoirs, schmoozing with old campaign financiers and supporters in Manhattan, and doing nationwide lecture tours on university campuses (where McCarthy still remained popular, as 'A Generation’s Favourite Poli-Sci Professor’). McCarthy frequently gave comments and criticism on the Rhodes Administration, but had largely been ostracized from the Democratic Party, and was given only the minimum journalistic coverage still respectful of a former President. Although he remained acquainted with the likes of Frank Church, Ed Muskie, and George McGovern, most kept him at arm’s length, with all but the most die-hard of his loyalists considering his de facto break with Scoop Jackson and the party to be beyond the pale. Moving further to the left after the rejection of most of his legislative proposals in his second term, McCarthy had gone from being on the furthest left of social democracy to being an out-and-out Christian socialist. Keeping in touch with left wing third parties and independents, McCarthy fantasized of being the intellectual godfather of a new, left wing third party movement that would break the Democrat-Republican duopoly. Contacting the 1976 People’s Party ticket of Maureen Smith and Benjamin Spock, McCarthy proposed a broader grassroots movement. In his efforts, McCarthy approached consumer advocate and minor presidential candidate Ralph Nader, former UAW President Walter Reuther, United Farm Workers founder Cesar Chavez, People’s Christian Coalition Chairman Jim Wallis, Vermont Liberty Union Party members Peter Diamondstone and Bernie Sanders, and civil rights activists such as Jesse Jackson and Walter Fauntroy. Despite his lofty ideas, the only ones who showed any interest besides Smith and Spock was Nader and Wallis, and even then they considered the new movement as a protest party more than a fully competitive third party of equal strength to the Republicans and Democrats. While Sanders and Diamondstone appreciated the sentiment, they didn’t want to complicate their position in Vermont by associating with a broader movement, while everyone else queried by McCarthy preferred operating within the Democratic Party [3].


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Former President Eugene McCarthy re-entered mainstream politics for the first time in 1979 to campaign for guaranteed minimum income. After leaving office, McCarthy moved further to the left, becoming a self-declared Christian Socialist, and associating with the People's Christian Coalition.

In international trade, Rhodes went out of his way to court international businesses to open locations in the United States. Rhodes was particularly interested in the Japanese automotive industry, courting companies like Honda and Nissan to open branch plants in America [4]. Some journalists and state politicians complained that Rhodes disproportionately favoured Ohio when it came to branch plants, but with Rhodes’ nationwide pork barrel spending, these complaints were largely ignored. At the same time, there were murmurs in diplomatic circles that the United States was finally going to give up on Taiwan and recognize the People’s Republic of China as the official Chinese government in the United Nations. From a foreign policy perspective, it would offer a new balance of power between the United States and the Soviets that Nixon and the State Department could work to their advantage, especially with the ongoing leadership struggle in the Soviet Union following Brezhnev’s death. Rhodes was much more interested in the implications of Zhou Enlai’s market reforms. The aging Paramount Leader was reportedly in poor health due to a recurrence of bladder cancer that had been successfully treated and put into remission. China’s leader since 1971, when Mao was assassinated, Zhou had since then begun liberalizing China’s economy, while still keeping a firm hold on government control. Considering China to be the world’s biggest untapped market for American trade, Rhodes was apparently more than willing to let Nixon begin making moves on Beijing.

While Rhodes was bringing business to America, he also had to deal with the values of international currencies once more falling out of equilibrium. McCarthy’s revaluation of currencies to ‘fix’ the Bretton Woods system had outlived its usefulness, and currencies, particularly the West German Deutsche Mark and the Japanese Yen, had once again fallen under their value, which was a bonus for exporters from those countries, but to the detriment of American producers. While Rhodes’ financial advisors suggested it was time to finally cut Bretton Woods loose and switch to a floating currency, Rhodes was hesitant to follow-through, for fear that it would cause a run-on-gold market crash and recession.


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"The Colossus Named Rhodes - Another Pork Barrel Project." This caricature of Jim Rhodes, a mix of the Colossus of Rhodes and the Statue of Liberty, appeared in the New York Times in early 1979. The caricature of Rhodes stuck, and he was typically portrayed thereafter as a parody of famous American landmarks [5].

However, Rhodes’ fears of international market instability hit America regardless of Bretton Woods. Pakistan remained in a state of civil war, while Pakistani Baluchistan remained occupied by the Imperial Iranian army. Unfortunately, the chaos had spread to Iran itself: Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi had become increasingly unpopular, especially among Islamic clerics, democratic reformers, and socialist groups, while he enforced his own brand of secular authoritarian progressivism through his ‘White Revolution.’ With the Iranian secret service’s, SAVAK’s, abilities being grossly overestimated, and with many of the Shah’s loyalists in the army occupying Baluchistan, public unrest had become unstoppable. Pahlavi had been forced to appoint the Iranian democratic politician Shapour Bakhtiar as Prime Minister in an attempt to at least remain in power as a constitutional monarch. It was a vain effort, as a high-profile assassination done with the permission of Bakhtiar had caused the government to collapse, the Shah to flee the country, and a new government to be put in place. The first oil crisis of the 1970s begun in 1979 with a drastic drop in Iranian oil production, and the imminent nationalization of Iran’s oil industry by the new government: a coalition of Marxists, Islamic Socialists, and the People’s Mujahedin.

A Red Revolution had come to Iran.


“We thought we didn’t know enough about what Khomeini stood for, and what his chances were in Iran to justify the risk, but Nixon and the Americans were already planning it, so we cooperated.”

  • Former Mossad Agent Mossi Yapher, on the assassination of Ruhollah Khomeini
[1] Rhodes actually proposed this in the 1980s, along with a suggestion of building domed cities with the airfilters. While IOTL his patented air filter did sell well to hospitals and as a specialty item, he couldn't get any investors to get a domed city built; Donald Trump didn't return his call.

[2] A guaranteed minimum income for low-income families was proposed during the Nixon Administration as the Family Assistance Plan, but it was rejected by liberal Democrats (including Senator McCarthy) for not having wide enough coverage.

[3] After failing to secure the Democratic nomination in 1968 and 1972, McCarthy had an oddball swerve to radical centrism as a strict constitutionalist, running as an independent in the Election of 1976. Given McCarthy’s penchant for contrarianism, I figure he still would’ve moved to a fringe, but ITTL it’s a different fringe.

[4] IOTL, Rhodes and his team of corporate raiders (nicknamed Rhodes’ Raiders by the Ohio press) was instrumental in convincing Honda to put their American headquarters in Ohio, as well as their first American branch plant, Marysville Auto Plant, in 1982. Marysville outperformed even the most optimistic hiring estimates, and a second plant, East Liberty Auto Plant, was built in Ohio in 1989.

[5] This picture is actually by caricature artist Vectorlandia, and commissioned for this Timeline. Special thanks to @Laxault2020 for inspiring the idea.
 
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Loved the Caricature obvs. Cool idea combining the Statue of Liberty into it to make it more American! (freedom intensifies)

Got me thinking of other sights he'd impersonate...

Interesting to see Rhodes try out pork as an economic strategy. Kinda throwback new dealish (vs modern liberal) in the choice of full employment over welfare but also kinda conservative in its lack of fondness for welfare.

Rhodes seems to have decided to combine modern OTL Chinese corporatism with Ludwig Erhard's ideal (i.e. more free market than OTL) social market system. And potentially a dose of Atleeism (full-employment).

I'm just excited to see the Humphrey-Hawkins act in a TL. Heck, even OTL the last, and only, time I've seen it seriously mentioned was by Newt Gingrich (because of course he'd be the only one talking about it), who attacked it for confusing the Fed's message and encouraging quantitative easing. A bio of Hubert Humphrey I started said he didn't like it much at the time.

A combination of pro-manufacturing corporatism and a move towards full-employment (or full employment) will help union jobs and old-industries, but could really kill job market flexibility and the development of new industries (i.e. tech). No silicon valley ITL? Will be fun to see regardless.

Eugene McCarthy is as batty as ever too. Aand there's an oil crisis, with more to come. oooh boy
 
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Wow, a caricature exclusively for this Thread!
Love this unprecedented Twist in economic policy and theory. And of course a revolutionary Iran without Khomeini!
 
Chapter Thirty-Eight - Ayatollah
“The government of Iran is an Islamic Socialist Republic, which the nation of Iran based on its long-held belief in the rule of the truth and the justice of the Qu’ran, and the principle of Zakāt and the Five Pillars of Islam to uphold the dignity of your fellow man in God’s light, without tyranny.”

  • Beginning of Article 1 of the Constitution of the Islamic Socialist Republic of Iran

The Iranian Revolution was a long time coming, but the kind of revolution it would be was a matter of debate. The Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, had long taken personal advantage of billions in oil revenue, while economic conditions worsened and government suppression became less effective. His attempts at modernizing the country, the White Revolution, had turned the clergy against him, while his continued use of repression prevented any support from the left or democracy advocates. The decision to occupy Pakistani Baluchistan with the start of the Pakistani Civil War only made matters worse for the Shah. Contrary to advice from Secretary of State Nixon to crackdown with the military and SAVAK, the Iranian secret service, the Shah instead tried to liberalize, calling elections, and ending press censorship [1]. The sudden deaths of prominent, relatively young opponents of the government by ‘natural causes,’ such as Ali Shariati and Mostafa Khomeini, were attributed to SAVAK, with the latest of these kinds of deaths, that of the popular Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who died at his French residence while making preparations to return to Iran. Khomeini had been blocked from entering the country, and his death, attributed to SAVAK by the revolutionaries, was the final straw that ended the monarchy [2].

The Shah quickly fled the country after that, with what little support he had left drying up. The Shah first took a stop-over to Egypt, where he received a cold reception from President Ali Sabri. Sabri, a committed socialist in the middle of completing negotiations with Israel to regain the Sinai Peninsula, had little time for a toppled monarch, and the Shah quickly made his way to Morocco. From there, the Shah made his way to the United States, with the only cost of entry being an earful from Richard Nixon for not declaring martial law when he had the chance [3].


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Secretary of State Richard Nixon with Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, shortly after the former Shah's arrival in the United States in early 1979.

As for the revolution itself, with the Ayatollah Khomeini dead, there was no clear revolutionary leader. Calls for a unity government by Shapour Bakhtiar, the last Prime Minister to govern under the Shah, were promptly ignored by the revolutionary forces. Shortly after Khomeini's death, the People’s Mujahedin of Iran, led by Massoud Rajavi, seized the Iranian parliament building, the Bahrestan, and declared the creation of the Revolutionary Provisional Coalition Government of Iran. A broad, Revolutionary Coalition was formed, made predominantly out of Islamic Socialists, Marxists, and reformist clergy, including the Tudeh Party, Movement of Militant Muslims, Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas, the Combatant Clergy Association, Society of Seminary Teachers of Qom, and the Freedom Movement of Iran. Following a referendum that overwhelmingly voted to end the monarchy, the Revolutionary Coalition declared that the new government would be an Islamic Socialist democracy, and a constitution was quickly drafted.

Written primarily by the theologians Hussein-Ali Montazeri, Mahmoud Taleghani, and Morteza Motahari (a progressive, socialist, and conservative respectively) with oversight by the various leftist parties in the Revolutionary Coalition, Twelver Shia Islam was made the official state religion. A bicameral parliament was formed, with a Prime Minister and President serving as co-Heads of Government for the lower house. Significant power was put into the judiciary in the form of the Assembly of Experts for the Upholding of the Constitution, the upper house, and a direct successor body to the Assembly of Experts for the Review of the Constitution. Composed of seventy-three elected jurists, the Assembly was the top legal authority, given the power to appoint all judges (who would in turn be given full veto power to strike down any law that could be interpreted as against Twelver Islam), as well as given the power to appoint the Chief Jurist, the Head of Government [4]. The Chief Jurist would act as an advisor to the Heads of Government, and generally acting as the spokesperson of the Assembly and the clergy, but with very little actual power. The Chief Jurist would be nominated by the Assembly on the qualifications of “being well versed in Islamic regulations, in fiqh, in the plight of the people, bringing God’s light to the masses, awareness of the political and social issues of the day, and special prominence in the hearts of the people of Iran.”

Elections in Iran were called for 1979. In the initial pre-election government, Hussein-Ali Montazeri served as Chief Jurist, Mahmoud Taleghani was Speaker of the Assembly, Habibollah Peyman of the Islamic Socialist Movement of Militant Muslims as Prime Minister, and Massoud Rajavi, who first announced the Revolutionary Coalition, as President.


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Chief Jurist Hussein-Ali Montazeri, the Islamic Socialist Republic of Iran's first Head of State, gives an address in front of a banner of the 'Martyr of the Revolution,' the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

While incredibly popular in Iran itself, the Iranian Revolution was a major re-aligning event in the Middle East and for the Cold War. While the Revolutionary government recalled the army from occupying Pakistani Baluchistan, the Shah loyalists who had been stationed there defected, relocating to Islamabad to support the Bhutto Government as the Imperial Iranian Volunteers. In Afghanistan, President Mohammed Daoud Khan, deciding not to make the Shah’s mistake doubled down on political repression. Having prepared for a domestic revolution ever since the breakdown of Pakistan, Khan had his military purged of Communists sympathizers, arresting and executing Major Abdul Qadir, and Colonel Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, who had been plotting a coup with the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan. With their military leadership wiped out, and the political leadership arrested or in exile, Khan held on to power, if tenuously [5], as he moved out of the Non-Aligned Movement, and more firmly into the American camp.

Despite the assassination of Khomeini, Nixon’s worst case scenario for Iran had more or less arrived anyway. Moving double-time to destabilize the new Iranian government as soon as possible, Nixon pulled the American embassy from Tehran, and concluded his business in the rest of the Middle East. In early-to-mid 1979, just as the Revolutionary Coalition was firmly establishing itself, Nixon was concluding negotiations between Israel and Egypt to return the Sinai Peninsula to the latter. In an agreement signed by Egyptian President Ali Sabri and Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres, the Second War of Attrition ended after close to ten years of low-intensity fighting [6]. With Afghanistan drawing closer, Nixon promised military aide in occupying the Afghani-Pakistani borderland so that Khan could fulfill his Pashtun nationalist visions, on the condition of Afghan support in a war against Iran. Nixon also tried to wrangle the support of the aging President of Iraq, Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr. Al-Bakr, however, was in the midst of negotiations to unify with Syria. He was also involved in joint planning with Syria, Jordan, and Libya for another war with Israel to reclaim their lost territories from the Six Days’ War, with or without Egypt’s help. Uninterested in Nixon’s proposal, al-Bakr blew him off, but Iraq’s power behind the throne, Saddam Hussein, was much more interested.


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Succeeding Golda Meir as Prime Minister in 1975, Shimon Peres successfully negotiated the status of Sinai and an end to the Second War of Attrition in 1979.

As for the Soviets, they were more ambivalent about Iran than Nixon assumed.

Following Brezhnev’s death in 1977, a leadership struggle had rocked the Soviet Union. While initially the Troika of Yuri Andropov, Dmitry Ustinov, and Andrei Gromyko had secured power, with Andropov at the head, they had faced significant pushback from Mikhail Suslov and Andrei Kirilenko. As a compromise, the Troika took a step back from power, with Fyodor Kulakov, who was acceptable to all sides, becoming the leader of the Soviet Union. Kulakov established himself by appointing his supporters from Stavropol and in the agricultural sector, such as his protege, Mikhail Gorbachev, into important positions like Head of Agriculture, but it wouldn’t last. Kulakov died in 1978, leading to another leadership struggle. While a competing Troika of Suslov, Konstantin Chernenko, and the younger Grigory Romanov continued to oppose direct control by the Andropov Troika after Kulakov’s death, Kirilenko was chosen as a second compromise candidate. With his power and influence on the decline in Brezhnev’s last years, Kirilenko had been able to re-position himself as an ally of Kulakov in his year in power, bringing his sizable clout in the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic to bear to keep the Andropov and Suslov Troikas in check. Not content to be the garden fence between to competing power blocs, Kulakov began his own Troika, allying with with Alexei Kosygin and Gorbachev as a reformist faction.


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Andrei Kirilenko (right) with Alexei Kosygin (left). Following Andropov's fall from power and Kulakov's death in office, Kirilenko became leader of the Soviet Union, forming his own Troika with Kosygin, and Kulakov's protege Mikhail Gorbachev to ward off political challengers.

In a competing power structure that balanced itself out as a ‘Troika of Troikas,’ the Suslov camp was opposed to the Islamic Socialists in Iran as revisionists, but they were generally supported by Kirilenko, while the Andropov Troika was undecided.

Regardless, they would have to make their decision sooner rather than later, with Nixon’s machinations falling into place.


“In the history of Afghanistan, there has never been a more insidious attempt to destroy the nation with the aid of foreign interlopers. It is for this reason that the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan has been banned, and expelled from the government."

  • Radio address by Afghan President Daoud Khan, following the trial of Communist sympathizer Major Abdul Qadir, 1978.

[1] IOTL, the Carter Administration gave the Shah a “friendly reminder” to liberalize, which he did indeed do. His attempts to double-down on liberalization once the Revolution was in full swing was too little too late, doubly so ITTL, with him only taking last minute reforms.

[2] IOTL, the Shah’s appointed caretaker Prime Minister, Shapour Bakhtiar, requested that Mossad assassinate the Ayatollah Khomeini, but Mossad declined. Khomeini went on to become the Supreme Leader of Iran, ruling it as a semi-democratic (but mostly not) theocracy until his death in 1989. ITTL, Mossad approved, with pressure from Nixon and the CIA.

[3] IOTL, the Carter Administration initially refused entry to the Shah into the United States, with him living in Mexico and the Bahamas for about half a year. Carter eventually relented so that the Shah could get cancer treatment in the US.

[4] Notably, the Guardian Council, which IOTL operates in Iran as more or less a theocratic oligarchy, is not part of the Constitution of the Islamic Socialist Republic of Iran.

[5] IOTL, Daoud Khan was executed in the 1978 Saur Revolution, which put the Soviet-backed People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan in power. ITTL, Khan began planning to pre-empt them after the beginnings of the Pakistani Civil War in 1977 and early 1978.

[6] ITTL, there was no Yom Kippur War. Without the political backlash from it, Golda Meir remained as Prime Minister of Israel until 1975, before retiring in favour of Defence Minister Shimon Peres. Despite a series of financial scandals, Peres was narrowly elected in his own right in the 1977 Israeli Legislative Election.
 
Chapter Thirty-Nine - Pacific Ocean Blues
“To dig up the grass, one must also dig up the roots. Beware the agents of Ho Chi Minh! Beware the Vietnamese!”

  • Propaganda of the Lon Nol regime in the Khmer Republic, during the Vietnamese Genocide and Khmer-Vietnam War, 1979
As the Middle East was rocked by the Iranian Revolution, the rest of the world had just begun to settle into their own new status quo after the chaos of the 1970s. Political players from around the world suddenly had to cope with an oil crisis that few had prepared for, and that replaced growing inflation with the new economic bane of “stagflation.”

The South American War had gone from open conflict to simmering resentment. The President of Peru, Juan Velasco Alvarado, lived to see the vindication of his nation over Chile, nearly one hundred years after the War of the Pacific. Launching a first assault in 1975, Peru’s military quickly overran the unprepared Chilean, quickly taking the old Peruvian territory of Tarapaca, and pushing into Antofagasta. Fighting continued into 1976. With the Peruvians on Santiago’s doorstep, Chilean President Augusto Pinochet had been forced to sue for peace, with negotiation being concluded in 1977. Tarapaca was officially ceded back to Peru, while Antofagasta was put under temporary Peruvian occupation, and Atacama was demilitarized. In the aftermath, Alvarado’s regime was riding high, but he wouldn’t live much longer to enjoy it. With the successful conclusion of the war, anti-expansionist generals such as Francisco Morales Bermudez were forced to the side, and, when Alvarado died in late 1977, he was succeeded as President of Peru by General Luis Edgardo Mercado Jarrin [1].

On the Chilean end of the conflict, the Pinochet Regime collapsed shortly after the war’s conclusion. Following the negotiations, questions were asked on whether the previous President of Chile, Salvador Allende, had truly died from a Peruvian assassin’s bullet, or if he had been killed by Pinochet’s emergency junta. The United States, with its return to an interventionist foreign policy as the Rhodes years began, pressured Pinochet to step down in favour of General Gustavo Leigh. Leigh, perhaps the most anti-communist of Pinochet’s junta, officially set a date for new elections to be held in Chile. However, the question of occupied Antofagasta was a question for the future of Chile. Just as Peru had reclaimed Tarapaca, Bolivia believed it had a claim to Antofagasta, and both governments of Bolivia pushed for it to be transferred over to them.


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Following the conclusion of Peruvian-Chilean War, Peru annexed Tarapaca, while Antofagasta was put under Peruvian occupation.


With fresh military aid from the United States, the Bolivian General Hugo Banzer had been able to secure his position in the cities, and the United States also recognized his as the legitimate government in Bolivia. However, the elected President, Juan Jose Torres, remained in hiding in the eastern Bolivian jungles, ever since Banzer’s botched coup in 1971 had led to civil war. Torres’ guerillas remained too well hidden in the Amazon to be completely rooted out, while Trotskyist politician and labour union activist Juan Lechin Oquendo’s attempts to organize the Bolivian Workers’ Center and miners’ unions into a rebel group had largely been quashed.

The other military dictatorships of South America had seen varying levels of success. The Brazilian military dictatorship continued, with Ernesto Geisel stepping down in 1979 in favour of Joao Figueiredo. Throughout the Geisel Presidency, a loosening of authoritarianism had slowly come to Brazil, a process that American historians tend to attribute to McCarthy’s push for democratization of the United States’ South American allies, but was, for the most part, an internal feature of Brazilian politics. Dictatorships also remained in place in Paraguay and Uruguay respectively, both of which had supported Banzer in Bolivia and Pinochet in Chile. While a military dictatorship had also emerged in Ecuador, democracy continued in Venezuela and Colombia, albeit in a fragile state. In Argentina, the restoration of democracy saw the return of the populist former President Juan Peron. His death in office in turn led to a restoration of a military dictatorship, known as the National Reorganization Process, and backed by the Rhodes Administration in the United States.

The Rhodes Administration, further west, had the matter of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Consisting of various Micronesian islands in the Pacific Ocean, it had been established as a United Nations trust under the supervision of the United States. Following his election, McCarthy had taken a more active interest in Micronesia than previous governments, and had funded an overhaul of region’s infrastructure [2]. Although Micronesia had benefited from the investment, it generally remained in limbo: The United States (and the Micronesians) was comfortable with the status quo for the time, the Soviet Union wanted an independence referendum be held, while the United Nations wanted a broader referendum on independence, continuing as a trust territory, or officially becoming a US territory.

Even further west than Micronesia, China was facing another change in leadership. Zhou Enlai stepped down as leader of China, to be replaced as Paramount Leader by his chosen successor, Deng Xiaoping. Since coming to power, Zhou had departed from Mao-era policies. Although not officially rejecting Maoism or Communism, Zhouism pursued more cordial international relations, and a relative moderation of economic policy. Despite the fact that there was a delayed reaction to his foreign policy, it had paid off, with the US shifting from exclusively recognizing the Nationalist government in Taiwan’s Republic of China, to making a shift to acknowledging the PRC. In 1979, Secretary of State Richard Nixon visited China, meeting with Zhou, as well as Deng Xiaoping. This was much to the chagrin of the Republic of China “China Lobby” in the United States, as well as the US’ other allies in Asia, namely Japan and South Korea.


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"Nixon Goes to China." Secretary of State Nixon meeting with the PRC's Paramount Leader, Zhou Enlai, in 1979.


President Park Chung-hee, the President of South Korea, was barely holding on to power. Elected under questionable means in 1963, Park had since served as a dictator by amending the country’s constitution. Although South Korea had since vast economic growth, Park’s popularity had declined with turbulent economic conditions in the 1970s, and calls for democratization in the country. Protests had been exacerbated by the beginning of the 1979 Oil Crisis. Meanwhile in North Korea, Kim Il-sung had begun to implement trade isolation and economic ‘self-reliance’ in the form of the Juche ideology. Kim’s course of action had been encouraged by a re-distancing of the Soviet Union after the death of Brezhnev, and China’s trade distancing from North Korea in particular with the advent of Zhouism. While Park and Kim had both plotted assassination attempts against the other, there had been negotiations for Korean reunification throughout the 1970s. Although that had been supported by the United States during the McCarthy Presidency, American support had retracted with the election of Rhodes.


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President Park Chung-hee of South Korea's weak hold on power was shaken even more by the Oil Shock of 1979.

While the Japanese were concerned about the diplomatic shift with China, the Rhodes Presidency in the United States had been particularly good for Japan. With Rhodes’ efforts to open Japanese automotive branch plants in the United States, Japan had continued to prosper with their post-Second World War economic ‘miracle.’ Although the Oil Shock was rocking the world economy, Japan hoped to address it at the upcoming G7 Summit in Tokyo.

To the south, there was the matter of Vietnam. What was being called the Third Indochina War was in full swing, between Vietnam, fighting against the anti-communist regime of Lon Nol in the Khmer Republic, and his Thai backers. Nol had initiated an ethnic cleansing of Vietnamese in Cambodia in a Vietnamese Genocide, killing nearly one hundred thousand, and expelling close to four-hundred thousand back to Vietnam. Nol had further aspirations of re-establishing South Vietnam as a confederated client state of his republic. This had not gone quite as planned for Nol: despite full backing from the United States, the Vietnamese had been advancing into Cambodia, propping up the remnants of Cambodia’s socialists, primarily the formerly anti-Vietnamese Khmer Rouge, as an opposition government to Nol [3].

Despite the circumstances of the Vietnamese Genocide, the Khmer Republic continued to receive funding from the United States, in a show of Communist containment. And, although the glory days of Americans protesting their nation’s involvement in South-East Asia had long since past, it was an issue one Morris Udall intended to put front in centre.


“Four years ago, I was described by some as ‘too funny to be President.’ But, what’s happened in this country for the last four years is no laughing matter. That’s why I am announcing my candidacy for President of the United States of America.”

  • Excerpt from Speaker of the House Mo Udall’s announcement of his candidacy for the Democratic nomination for President in 1980.

[1] IOTL, Alvarado never went through with his invasion of Chile, and was forced out of office by Francisco Morales Bermudez in 1975. Keeping a low profile, Alvarado died in 1977.

[2] McCarthy was fascinated with Micronesia, and dedicated a sub-chapter to it in his pre-election book in 1967, discussing the various ways the US could deal with the Trust.

[3] IOTL, Vietnam and Khmer Rouge Cambodia went to war over geopolitical and ideological differences, culminating in the toppling of the Khmer Rouge regime, and the installation of a pro-Vietnamese government. Ironically, Pol Pot took inspiration from Lon Nol when it came to ethnic cleansing. Although both horrific, Pol Pot’s OTL roughly 1.5 million killed in the Cambodian Genocide is significantly higher than TTL’s 100,000 in Lon Nol’s Vietnamese-Cambodian Genocide.
 
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That's very interesting!
Gustavo Leigh was an anti communist but economically had an Nasserist approach, so it will be interesting see as he will manage Chile. A war with Argentina could happen in every moment.
Also Perú seems to stay in pro-Soviet camp. A good consequence of war against Chile will be that probably Vladimiro Montesinos will be executed: OTL he was found to sell militar secrets to CIA to help Pinochet's Chile in case of war, but it was covered up to avoid a scandal. After the fall of military junta, Montesinos became the infamous right-hand of Alberto Fujimori. In this TL he will be probably executed as a traitor.
So Viet Nam will invade Kampuchea? Probably Hanoi will give a bullett to Pol Pot and his craziness and will form a pro-Viet Nam communist goverment under So Phim, a Kampuchean communist leader that OTL was accused to be a traitor for Vietnam and executed in 1978, shortly before the Vietnam-Kampuchean War.
Is it possible also a war between Vietnam and Thailand?
In US the Democratic Primary seems about to begin and I will follow this with great attention: Carter, Udall, Brown, Wallace, Askew, Muskie, Mondale, Carey, Glenn and Hollings could be all candidates.
Jackson is out after his 1976's defeat but Alex Seith could take his mantle in following years.
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Peace, Progress and Welfare 1980!
Medicare for All, vote for Udall!
A Mo to the White House!
 
Despite delays, the next chapter of McCarthy will be coming out soon, mostly likely in two days. The next few chapters after the one coming up are fairly systematic, and my schedule is much clearer now, so I hope to get back on my original schedule of a chapter roughly every five days.
 
Chapter Forty - Another One Bites the Dust
“You’ve got to do it Paul. They don’t trust me, and they’re not going to give me a chance. But, they don’t see you as a threat. No offense.”

  • Former Governor Ronald Reagan to Senator Paul Laxalt, on the Election of 1980.

The First Oil Shock of 1979, brought about by the Iranian Revolution, weakened the global economy. In the United States, it weakened President Rhodes’ prospects as an election year was approaching fast, with 1976’s Democratic runner-up, Mo Udall already preparing his campaign infrastructure in the summer of 1979. But, what really put Rhodes in jeopardy was the Second Oil Shock of 1979.

Israel had been in a tenuous peace with its neighbours since the end of the Six Days’ War in 1968. With Egypt’s solidification into the Soviet bloc, and the Soviet line of no direct war with Israel, there had been no clear Arab coalition leader to take on Israel. While President Ali Sabri of Egypt fought the Second War of Attrition for years, it was never the overt conflict that Arab nationalists, revanchists, and hawks were looking for to reclaim territory in Sinai, Gaza, the Golan Heights, and the West Bank. The eventual negotiated return of the Sinai Peninsula to Egypt, overseen by the American Secretary of State, Richard Nixon, ended even the the Second War of Attrition, and moved Egypt away from conflict with Israel. Israel’s other neighbours, namely Syria, Iraq, and Jordan, eventually decided to take the war to Israel without Egypt’s help. Unfortunately for this alliance, Iraq would bow out as well. With Iraqi President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr’s marginalization by his Vice President, Saddam Hussein, al-Bakr formally stepped down from power, ending unification negotiations with Syria and putting Hussein in power as President. Hussein was much more interested in the immense military aid (and the oil-rich territory of Khuzestan) promised to Iraq by Nixon if there were to be a war with the new Islamic Socialist Republic of Iran, rather than a prestige war with Israel. This left Syria and Jordan alone to fight on the front lines with Israel, despite promises of expeditionary forces from other Arab nations, such as Libya and Saudi Arabia. Syria and Jordan begrudgingly discarded the idea of a surprise attack on October 1st, 1979, the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur, as not being enough to close the military strength gap between themselves and Israel, and instead turned to economic means.


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After rising to power, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein quickly positioned himself as an ally of the United States.


With Iran’s oil production severely curtailed, and its oil industry in the process of nationalization, Syria and Jordan hoped to broaden the oil crisis in an embargo of Israel’s allies. The Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC), with the notable exception of Iraq, agreed to an embargo, in an attempt to, at the very least, force a return of the Golan Heights and West Bank.

The ensuing embargo, finalized in place in late 1979, snowballed with the First Oil Shock. Despite production and export continuing as normal from the rest of the oil-producing world, as well as Iraq, the severe, sudden limitation in supply catapulted the price of oil upward in the Western World. Besides putting significant economic pressure on the West, the Second Oil Shock also convinced the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) that military Arabic adventures would no longer be forthcoming against Israel. Shortly after the announcement of the embargo, Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the PLO, declared an Intifada (literally meaning ‘tremor,’ but more along the lines of ‘struggle’ in its intent) against Israel, intensifying attacks from the PLO’s main bases in Lebanon, to Israel’s north.


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Feeling abandon by the other Arab states with the cancellation of Syrian-Jordanian war plans, Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, declared the Intifada in 1979, in a 'homegrown' Palestinian struggle against Israel.

For its part, the Rhodes Administration was both bloodied and vindicated: the skyrocketing oil prices was severely damaging domestic consumption and the American consumer economy as a whole, but the effects were not nearly as bad as they could have been if not for Rhodes’ heavy investments into domestic energy production throughout his term. Despite this, action was necessary.

With the Oil Shocks throwing the currency values of the Bretton Woods system further out of equilibrium, Rhodes finally conceded to pressure from the Federal Reserve and his economic advisors, and prepared to finally and permanently take the United States off the gold standard. Although President McCarthy had been able to salvage Bretton Woods, sustaining it nearly until 1980, the unpredictability it had thrown into international trade was no longer considered acceptable or safe. Making the announcement, Rhodes declared the end of convertibility to gold, with certain exceptions to try and smoothly phase it out. Like McCarthy before him, Rhodes also declared that price and wage freezes would be temporarily put in place to prevent an explosion in already-high inflation.

Besides his announcement of the Rhodes Freeze, also labelled as the Rhodes Restructuring, the President also announced his solution to the Oil Crisis: he would call a special session of Congress, to pass huge new subsidies to the energy sectors - namely oil, gas, and coal - to increase American energy independence and alleviate the crisis. The subsidies would be paid for entirely through federal bonds, that the government would pay back to itself with interest at a later date. In the special session, Mo Udall led the opposition to the initial proposition on environmentalist grounds that subsidizing exclusively the fossil fuel would be irresponsible. In principle, Udall agreed with the proposition, but demanded diversifying spending into renewable resources, as well as addressing nuclear power in some way. Rhodes, for his part was willing to play ball. Fossil fuel subsidies were diminished, with some of the federal bond spending being reallocated to renewal resource investment, primarily more hydroelectric dams to be built as pork barrel projects. Rhodes also approved a investigative committee to identify a location to use as a repository for nuclear fuel and radioactive waste. With Rhodes getting his Emergency Energy Act (EEA), and Udall getting a compromise and bolstering his credentials for the election year, the bill passed by an overwhelming margin, with only the staunchest environmentalists and fiscal hawks being in opposition.


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President Rhodes touring with the Ohio National Guard, with advisors nipping at his heels. Rhodes described the Oil Crisis of 1979 as a 'national emergency,' and earned widespread approval by quickly passing the Emergency Energy Act after a compromise with Speaker of the House Mo Udall.

Following the passing of the EEA, Mo Udall officially announced his candidacy for President; the first major candidate to do so. It was expected that other Democratic announcements would soon follow from the likes of George Wallace, John Connally, or other power-players of the 1976 Democratic Convention. What did come as a surprise was the announcement of Lloyd Bentsen. One of the Senators for Texas, Bentsen preempted a Connally campaign announcement, in an aggressive move to position himself as the ‘Texan’ candidate over the former Vice President. Interestingly, Bentsen was running as a ‘Guaranteed Employment Democrat,’ taking a page from Rhodes’ book, and calling for a top-down restructuring of social security and welfare, with particular emphasis put on retirement pensions. Sargent Shriver, an in-law of the Kennedy family and the “architect” of Johnson’s War on Poverty, also declared his candidacy, with the intention of portraying himself as a mainstream Democrat acceptable to all parties, bridging the Old and New Left, and harkening back to the public perception of Democratic unity during the Reign of Camelot. Despite continued speculation of both a Bobby or Ted Kennedy candidacy, both Kennedy brothers endorsed Shriver, with Bobby even granting an increasingly rare interview to discuss his support of Shriver’s candidacy.


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Sargent Shriver, the "Architect of the War on Poverty," with his son, Mark, shortly after declaring his candidacy for President.

What was more surprising was an announcement on the Republican end of the field, but not for the Presidential nomination. Senator Paul Laxalt of Nevada, a staunch conservative who had been Ronald Reagan’s campaign manager for every election going back to 1968, declared his candidacy for the Republican Vice Presidential nomination. New Hampshire was the only state in the Union that had a Vice Presidential primary, and as it was, it was completely non-binding to the Vice Presidential selection that would be held at the Republican Convention. Regardless, Laxalt intended to challenge Vice President Mills Godwin for the nomination. Godwin had been a non-entity throughout the Rhodes Administration, attending events, stumping for the President and during the midterms, and once in a blue moon breaking ties in the Senate. Overall, he polled low with the base, and was unpopular with the higher ups, still considered a Democrat who had jumped ship, despite his complete loyalty to the Rhodes Administration. Laxalt hoped that by winning the Vice Presidential primary in New Hampshire, then campaigning amongst delegates for the position as the primaries went on, he could either pressure Rhodes into dropping Godwin from the ticket, or garner enough delegate support to gain the nomination and replace Godwin. Rhodes himself decided to ignore the announcement for the time being, and allow it to play out on its own.

But, that was not the biggest surprise that would come before the 1980 Presidential primaries. That would be the death of Robert Kennedy.


“I think Sarge really is the man who will be the next President of the United States. He has the the convictions and beliefs to stand for all Americans, and has seen enough of the world to really understand the problems we face abroad.”

  • Robert Kennedy’s last interview, on the candidacy of Sargent Shriver, 1980.
 
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Chapter Forty-One - (Just Like) Starting Over
“Look, Dick, Kennedy died because of pharmaceuticals. We can’t just crack down on the street peddlers, we’ll have to buck up on the FDA too.”

  • President Jim Rhodes to Secretary of State Richard Nixon, on the declaration of the War on Drugs, 1980

The death of Bobby Kennedy came as a shock to America and the world. While John Kennedy had died, quite literally, with a bang, Bobby Kennedy has died from steadily declining health that had been kept out of the public eye. What was common knowledge was that Bobby Kennedy had been largely paralyzed from the waist-down after the 1968 attempt on his life, and since then had increasingly withdrawn from the public eye. Despite playing a role in the 1972 and 1976 election years, Kennedy was never front and center, and never returned to public office. What hadn’t been known to the public before his death, was that Bobby Kennedy remained in severe pain for the rest of his life. Kennedy had been prescribed Methadone as a painkiller, while other medications and operations addressed occasional bouts of ascites of the blood. After increasing prescriptions over the years, the Methadone side effects of hypoventilation and heart arrhythmia had caught up to Kennedy, resulting in a fatal heart attack at fifty-five years of age.

The political reaction was equal parts honourable and opportunistic. Officeholders of all stripes, except for the most ardent of remaining segregationists, paid public respects to Kennedy. Legislation important to Bobby Kennedy and generally associated with the Kennedy family, such as the Peace Corps, gained renewed interest and support in Congress. The Republican Administration used Kennedy’s death as a rallying cry as well, but focusing more on the cause of death than the policies of the man. In a White House press statement, President Rhodes declared a renewed effort to tackle drug use, and the dangers of drugs. Beyond declaring a War on Drugs on ‘street drugs,’ such as marijuana, heroin, or LSD, Rhodes also declared that he would look for the support of Congress in empowering the Food and Drug Administration to pass stricter health and safety regulations on the types of pharmaceuticals that killed Kennedy [1]. Working off of past legislation surrounding the FDA, Rhodes denounced the limp-wristed drug control measures of the McCarthy Administration, while guaranteeing that progress would be made. In fact, Rhodes was working off of the public perception of McCarthy as a ‘hippie sympathizer’ who never addressed drugs, more than the realities of McCarthy Era drug policy: The Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970, the Veteran Recovery Act of 1973, and the failed Marijuana Control Act of 1975 were all legitimate attempts to categorize and decrease drug consumption in America. While McCarthy’s later attempts with the Marijuana Control Act to legalize marijuana under a federal monopoly failed, it was, at least, addressing the problem, while still being in the mindset of not been too harsh on marijuana smokers as part of the anti-war left [2]. Rhodes got the Drug Enforcement Act on the table in 1980, with the primaries already in progress, where Sargent Shriver had been the greatest political beneficiary of Kennedy’s death.


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Ted Kennedy at the public funeral of Bobby Kennedy, delivers his famous "The Dream Will Never Die" speech.

The Democrats had a large field in 1980; one that was even slightly larger than the crowded 1976 field. Besides the frontrunner, Speaker of the House Mo Udall, and early challengers former Director of the Peace Corps and the Office of Economic Opportunity Sargent Shriver, and Senators Lloyd Bentsen and George Wallace, more had entered the fray. John Connally announced his expected run, despite his fellow Texan, Bentsen, getting the drop on him; Jimmy Carter, the former Governor of Georgia and 1976 Democratic Vice Presidential nominee, led the pack of New South candidates, with former Governor of Florida Reubin Askew, and South Carolina Senator Fritz Hollings trailing behind him in the polls. Besides them, Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia, Senator Dale Bumpers of Arkansas, and the African American Representative of Washington D.C.’s at-large district Walter Fauntroy ran as Favorite Son candidates. Udall ran on the same New Left liberal platform that nearly won him 1976, while Shriver ran as a ‘reconciliation’ Kennedy Old Left candidate. Bentsen was running to fill the guaranteed employment niche in the Democratic Party; Jimmy Carter had a particular religious bent to his campaigning, which drew the attention of the People’s Christian Coalition, while all the other candidates were various flavours of moderate.

Udall easily won the Iowa caucuses, with Shriver in second, Carter in a surprise third, and Bentsen in fourth. Udall was similarly successful in the Maine primary, narrowly beating Shriver with the endorsement of former Vice President Edmund Muskie, who had been talked out of pursuing his own presidential campaigns by McCarthy and others in 1976 and 1980 for fear of splitting the New Left vote. Udall would also win in New Hampshire, before the death of Bobby Kennedy in late February shifted the polls to Shriver, who was able to capitalize on being part of the Kennedy family. Polling before-hand indicated that Shriver would have won the Massachusetts primary anyway with the active support of Ted Kennedy, but a sympathy vote also put Vermont in Shriver’s column.

As for the Republican nomination, Rhodes’ cabinet coalition of the party factions had held, despite the previous year’s death of Secretary of Treasury Nelson Rockefeller, and he cruised unchallenged through the primaries. The media coverage on the Republican side was instead focused on Paul Laxalt’s quixotic Vice Presidential campaign, as he won the New Hampshire Vice Presidential primary by a comfortable margin over sitting Vice President Mills Godwin, who had been playing a Rose Garden strategy. Using the momentum of his New Hampshire victory, Laxalt trailed Rhodes’ campaign, state by state, trying to gain the support of local delegates. Throughout early-to-mid March, Rhodes swept the primaries in South Carolina, Florida, and Alabama unopposed, with Laxalt also securing the endorsement of the caucus delegates in those states. Running as a conservative alternative without threatening the position of the President himself, Laxalt continued to gain support compared to the unpopular Godwin, but the ultimate success of his challenge remained questionable.


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Paul at the Podium: Paul Laxalt went from state to state in the first concerted Vice Presidential campaign in modern American history.

Moving into the Southern states, the success of the Democratic candidates dramatically changed. Wallace, Askew, and Carter won their home states in the South of Alabama, Florida, and Georgia, respectively. In Alabama and Florida, Carter placed second, with Bentsen in third. Connally continuously failed to gain a foothold, dragging behind the other candidates. Moving back north, the ball was back in Udall’s court, winning the Puerto Rico primary, along with a critical win in the Illinois primary. Placing a distant second in Illinois, Shriver had lost his earlier momentum, and had moved to a position of only doing as well as he was because of vote-splitting amongst moderate Democrats.

As March came to an end with two more Udall victories in Connecticut and New York, it became increasingly clear to the moderates as well, that without a late-game unifying figure late Henry Jackson, they may not have the momentum to stop a Mo Udall candidacy for the second time in a row.


“This Nader? Nader, we want you to be the new FDA Commissioner. We need someone with grit who can crack down on that sort of thing. By the way, it is Rhodes.”

  • President Jim Rhodes to consumer activist Ralph Nader, 1980

[1] Rhodes' proposed War on Drugs is on similar legislative grounds to Nixon's OTL declaration, but with some more noble intentions than Nixon's attempts to de-legitimize the anti-war movement and African Americans. Rhodes' proposal is also more focused on the legal drug industry as a whole.

[2] In his OTL 1976 Independent, pseudo-libertarian campaign for President, part of McCarthy’s platform was the legalization of marijuana.
 
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