Give Peace A Chance: The Presidency of Eugene McCarthy

Introduction
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There is a veritable avalanche of alternate history timelines surrounding the Election of 1968. It is, perhaps, the most written about, analysed, and discussed election in alternate history history. Normally, these stories involve a last-minute Hail Mary pulled off by that year's Democratic nominee, Vice President Hubert Humphrey, or Robert Kennedy surviving the attempt on his life to rise to the White House and reclaim Camelot. Occasionally, Richard Nixon chooses a different running mate, who later becomes President upon Nixon’s untimely demise. But, there is one figure who always seems to be on the periphery of those stories: the black sheep of 1968, who usually serves as an ‘also ran’ in dozens of different timelines, but never succeeds in any of them himself. He gets to lead a third party, tops.

Well, this is the story of that man.

This is the story of Eugene McCarthy.


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Now this is a timeline that’s been kicking around the ol’ brainpan for a long time now. I knew I wanted to do a timeline even before I had an account here, but I don’t particularly remember why I settled on Eugene McCarthy as the focus of it. Regardless, this thing is about two years in the making from initial conception, to research, to writing this now. Hopefully I won’t fall victim to losing interest in my own project, that bane of alternate history writers everywhere.

My goal is to chronicle the election of 1968 to the end of the Eugene McCarthy Presidency, though my ambitious side hopes to cover the fifty-year period from 1968 to 2018. We’ll see. If all goes well, I’ll post something every four to six days. I’ve got a posting schedule on my calendar and everything!

Special Thanks to @Meyer London for early suggestions, @Gentleman Biaggi for wikiboxes, and @Existencil and @historybuff for occasional writing help.



 
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Prologue - One Tin Soldier
“You know when I first thought I might have a chance? When I realized that you could go into any bar in the country and insult Lyndon Johnson and nobody would punch you in the nose.”

  • Eugene McCarthy on running for the Presidency

Without exception, the funeral of a President is always a big event. The middle-aged remnants of the hippie movement were an especially noticeable presence, as were that of "his kids," the then-college students who had canvassed New Hampshire for their man back in 1968. Except for a few holdouts, most had moved on to a quiet home life in suburbia rather than continue the lifestyle of a rebellious counterculture protester. Despite 'their' President's great unpopularity by the time he left office, history (or perhaps more importantly, Presidential ranking lists) had been relatively kind to him. Absence makes the heart grow fonder, and he was indeed remembered fondly by Democrats, and even some Republicans, for his political legacy: a legacy that was a confused mess of idealism and pragmatism, apathy and activism, with fate (and possibly good breeding) deciding he would simply outlive most of his enemies, and most of his friends, for that matter.

The important names and faces of Capitol Hill, along with a slew of foreign dignitaries, had come to pay their respects. Eulogies were delivered by the President, the living former Presidents, and the surviving members of his cabinet, among many others.

No one enjoyed the moment when the representative for Vietnam, and the representative for the Vietnam "government-in-exile" bumped into each other.

He may not have been described as a kind man by many, but a sharp wit, and a formidable international legacy was what was left behind by Eugene Joseph McCarthy, the 37th President of the United States of America.


"I think Kennedy was the spoiler and that he should have withdrawn in favor of McCarthy. After all, it was McCarthy who went into New Hampshire and destroyed LBJ, something Bobby did not have the courage to do. For all of Bobby’s renowned toughness and abrasiveness, he was politically conventional and timid. He wanted to be President in the 'normal' way. He wanted ‘to put it together.’ Well, it isn’t together anymore. It was his bad luck to be caught in a revolution he didn’t understand... and that revolution put McCarthy over the top."

  • Gore Vidal on the Election of 1968
 
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Incidentally, Eugene McCarthy is in no way related to Joseph McCarthy of Red Scare fame, though they were mistaken for each other occasionally. The closest they ever did get to each other was a foreign policy debate held in Wisconsin between the two of them that was billed as McCarthy vs. McCarthy.
 
Incidentally, Eugene McCarthy is in no way related to Joseph McCarthy of Red Scare fame, though they were mistaken for each other occasionally. The closest they ever did get to each other was a foreign policy debate held in Wisconsin between the two of them that was billed as McCarthy vs. McCarthy.

Apparently the DNC accidentally listed him as Joe McCarthy during a tribute to him the year he died. Very ironic and sad, since he didn’t deserve to be lumped in with Joe.
 
Chapter One - Blowin' In The Wind
“I run because this country is now involved in a deep crisis of leadership; a crisis of national purpose - and a crisis of American ideals. It is time to substitute a leadership of fear for a leadership of hope. This is not simply what I want, or what most of us want. It is, I believe, the deepest hunger of the American soul.”

  • Senator Eugene McCarthy on running for the Democratic nomination for President, 1967

Nothing went as planned in the Election of 1968.

What started out as the shoe-in re-election of an incumbent President instead ended with the election of a no-name Senator from Minnesota. Ever since Lyndon B. Johnson’s crushing victory over Barry Goldwater in the Election of 1964, the Democrats seemed to be ascendant, but behind the scenes, they had been rapidly growing cracks over how to proceed with the Vietnam War. President Johnson, Vice President Hubert Humphrey, and Speaker of the House John McCormack all supported the war, while the disorganized anti-war Democrats - nominally led by Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, and Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee J. William Fulbright - had been pushed to the side of the administration. Despite Johnson’s large-scale investments into America through the War on Poverty, and his ushering in of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964, his economic and domestic achievements were beginning to be dwarfed by undesirable foreign policy, and discontent with the lack of 'law and order' in the United States. Everyone knew Johnson was going to win the Democratic nomination unopposed, but it was guaranteed to be close against the Republican challenger, who was likely to be Richard Nixon, Eisenhower’s Vice President and the 1960 Republican Presidential candidate. Nixon, who had narrowly lost to Johnson’s assassinated predecessor, the near-mythical President John F. Kennedy. Nixon was making a political comeback of the ages following nearly eight years of racking up favours from Republican politicians, and other such behind-the-scenes maneuvering.

Despite having the full backing of the party machinery, Johnson’s authority was consistently questioned by that small but vocal group of anti-war Democrats. But, in Johnson’s mind, it wasn’t something to be concerned about: whenever re-election season came around, most didn’t say a word about the war in Vietnam, which the majority of Americans still supported.

That being said, the anti-war Democrats had tapped a nerve. A concerted “Dump Johnson” Movement emerged, led by the junior politician Allard Lowenstein, along with the political activist Curtis Gans. The duo later became a trio when they were joined by activist Midge Miller. They planned to field an anti-war candidate against Johnson in the Democratic primaries, who would inevitably lose, but would force Johnson to moderate his stance on Vietnam. With that goal in mind, the movement hunted for a candidate throughout 1967. Initially, they tried to draft Senator Robert Kennedy, the brother and Attorney General of the late President Kennedy. But, after much vacillating and in spite of his antagonistic relationship with Johnson, Kennedy refused to risk running against the sitting President. After Kennedy, Lowenstein and Gans approached as many anti-war figures they could think of, from the darkest of dark horses, Senator Lee Metcalf of Montana, to war heroes, such as former General James M. Gavin. The closest to accept, Senator George McGovern of South Dakota, eventually decided against it, as he feared that running against Johnson would ruin his chances of re-election to the Senate.

After plenty of searching, it seemed the only person willing to lock horns with Johnson was his almost-Vice President, Senator Eugene McCarthy.

Eugene, or, as he was more commonly known, 'Gene' McCarthy was the senior Senator for Minnesota. A relatively unknown opponent to the Vietnam War, McCarthy was eligible for re-election to the Senate, but had grown bored with politics and intended to retire. However, McCarthy was increasingly concerned by the scope of the Vietnam War, and he was convinced by Midge Miller to throw his hat in the ring.


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Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota

In late 1967, McCarthy began to enter his name into Democratic primaries, with the expressed goal of attempting to defeat the President in the Wisconsin Primary.




As the plan went, he would raise a ruckus against Johnson, maybe get a peace plank in at the Democratic Convention, then fade into obscurity. While officially, the White House considered McCarthy’s candidacy a joke, in private, Johnson was concerned that if McCarthy was able to get the endorsement of the leaders of the Civil Rights Movement, that it would split the party down the middle [1]. After all, the late 1960s were not a good time to be a Democrat.

Race riots had enveloped major cities all across the country, and were only made worse by the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. The Democratic Party was lambasted as the party of crime, excess, and disorder by the media, the Republicans, and the voting public at large, while internal squabbles were only getting worse. Both doves and hawks harassed Johnson as overly-aggressive, or as not aggressive enough regarding Vietnam, and elements of the conservative wing of the party were bolting to join forces with Southern populist and avowed segregationist, George Wallace. With this backdrop of chaos, McCarthy began his underdog campaign in early 1967. At the same time, rumours began circulating that McCarthy was attempting to weaken Johnson for Robert Kennedy to swoop down and win the nomination. McCarthy, ambivalent about the presidency at best, privately confided to friends and family that a Kennedy victory would be the best result, despite his long running feud with the Kennedy family. Indeed, McCarthy stuck to the language of being "willing" to run and would "accept" the nomination, having something of a lackadaisical approach to campaigning. When asked by Johnny Carson if he would be a good President of the United States, McCarthy replied that he would be "adequate."

Ironically, McCarthy had previously been friends with Johnson, but after being led on by Johnson that he would be the Democratic Vice Presidential nominee in 1964, they had had a falling out, with the then-junior Senator McCarthy, whose stars seemed to be about to align, being practically exiled from the President’s inner circle. The Vice Presidential nomination instead went to the then-senior Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota. Known as the “Happy Warrior” of progressive causes in the Senate, Humphrey was well-liked, competent, and popular, and was most definitely the more meritocratic pick for Vice President if one were to choose between Senators from Minnesota. Humphrey would go on to ride the Johnson landslide, but many progressive Democrats felt thereafter that with the Happy Warrior taking his marching orders from Lyndon Johnson, he was turning a blind eye to the administration’s military excesses in Vietnam.

After McCarthy declared his candidacy, Vice President Humphrey met with his erstwhile ally, and was assured that he was running because of his beliefs on Vietnam, not any personal animosity towards Johnson or his choice in Vice Presidents. Humphrey remained skeptical, but their Senate colleagues tended to believe McCarthy’s sincerity, even if they thought he didn't stand a Republican’s chance in Alabama.


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Eugene McCarthy with President Lyndon B. Johnson in the Oval Office in 1964, before their split.

Holding rallies in St. Louis and Miami, McCarthy focused on the Vietnam War and civil rights in his speeches, and was getting an increasing amount of media attention from bemused onlookers. McCarthy failed to gain much traction amongst his fellow congressmen, but he did manage to gain the endorsement (and delegates) of the Conference of Concerned Democrats, as well as Americans for Democratic Action. At the same time, McCarthy was convinced by his staff that he needed a headline catching move, so he decided to run in the first primary in moderate New Hampshire, not just anti-war Wisconsin. As New Hampshire's primary approached, many of the delegates from Minnesota declared they would nominate Eugene McCarthy to the Democratic Presidential slot, instead of re-nominating Hubert Humphrey to the Vice Presidency of it came down to it at the upcoming 1968 Democratic National Convention. As a result, President Johnson decided to pull his name from the Wisconsin and Massachusetts ballots (relying on write-ins and local power players to sustain him) so that he could focus entirely on a vigorous campaign in New Hampshire to strangle the Dump Johnson Movement in its crib. However, Johnson's political fortunes took a sour turn with the Tet Offensive in late January of 1968. A massive surprise attack by North Vietnam and the Viet Cong, the Tet Offensive was a total tactical failure for the communists, but shattered the American perception of Vietnam as an imminently winnable war. With this revelation, many began to take their first serious look at McCarthy. Doves and Hawks alike started to see McCarthy as a vehicle for change.

McCarthy’s campaign served to be incredibly popular with younger voters, especially hippies and college students, many of whom campaigned on his behalf. College students from all over New England and New York poured into the state to McCarthy's New Hampshire campaign headquarters at the Sheraton-Wayfarer Hotel in Wilmington, New Hampshire to volunteer. This, in turn, inspired McCarthy’s unofficial campaign slogan, “Get Clean for Gene.” McCarthy hoped that by organizing the youth vote and have them cut their hair to look presentable to rural county-folk and suburbanites, he could use them to go door-to-door to advocate for his policies. The tactic worked quite well: volunteers canvassed the state, while a media blitz was organized by McCarthy's new Campaign Organizer (and Johnson's former Special Assistant to the President) Richard N. Goodwin at the same time Gene's wife, Abigail, launched a mailing campaign. McCarthy himself was an inconsistent campaigner who often missed his own events and didn't schedule any events in the morning because he said he "was not really a morning person." This lacklustre performance was alleviated by the fact that McCarthy was the only active campaigner in the state.


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In New Hampshire, McCarthy not only ran in the Democratic primary, but ran a write-in campaign in the Republican primary. Most anti-war Republicans ultimately supported New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller over McCarthy.

As the New Hampshire primary approached, the McCarthy campaign had put in a spirited, if disorganized, effort. Optimistic estimates expected around twenty percent of the vote, at most.

But luck had little to do with it.

Johnson had critically underestimated his unpopularity, not just amongst anti-war voters, but among hawkish voters who no longer had confidence in Johnson after the Tet Offensive. Doves wanted the war to end, hawks wanted to invade North Vietnam, and Johnson was doing neither. McCarthy’s calm, deliberate, and straightforward mannerisms had endeared him to the more conservative-minded people of New Hampshire, while the Johnson campaign (organized by New Hampshire Governor John King) appeared completely out-of-touch, with Johnson's character being described as anywhere between “exuberant” and “hyperthyroid.”

When the polls closed and the votes were counted on the cold night of March 12th, 1968, Eugene McCarthy had won forty-two percent of the vote to Johnson’s forty-nine, coming within two-hundred and fifty votes of winning the state. An incredibly close margin for an obscure challenger against a sitting President.

There was blood in the water, and everyone could smell it.

Just days after, Robert Kennedy announced his candidacy for the Democratic nomination in what many saw as an opportunistic move. To put salt on the wound, McCarthy's Campaign Organizer, Richard Goodwin jumped shipped to the Kennedy campaign. Flush with his victory-in-defeat and stung by the new split in support, McCarthy denounced Kennedy’s entry, going back on his intention to step down if Kennedy entered the race.

As for the President himself, he had had enough.

Facing failing health and a brutal power struggle within his own party, Lyndon Baines Johnson declared to a shocked nation that he would not seek re-election as President of the United States of America.

The battle for the nomination had begun.


“In 1964, I had every right to think Johnson would pick me as his Vice President. All the signals I was getting were very positive. Without any notice to me, it was Humphrey. I vowed I would get that son of a bitch, and I did.”

  • President-Elect Eugene McCarthy on running for the Democratic nomination for President, 1968

[1] As LBJ feared, Martin Luther King Jr. endorsed Eugene McCarthy before his death. King's endorsement was used in radio advertisements by McCarthy in the New Hampshire Democratic Primary.
 
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There you have it, the first full-length chapter of McCarthy. All the main chapters will be approximately this length, though the supplemental chapters coming later on will vary.
 
Good TL and waiting for more; interesting TL, it seems, about someone who doesn't appear in a major role in many TLs...
 
Chapter Two - Ain't No Mountain High Enough
“You are one helluva guy.”

  • Senator Hubert Humphrey to Senator Eugene McCarthy, 1960


With President Johnson not running for re-election, the race for the Democratic nomination blew wide open. Robert Kennedy scrambled to set up the infrastructure for a campaign, and, shortly after, Vice President Hubert Humphrey declared his candidacy as a continuation of Johnson’s policies. Humphrey missed the deadline for entering the primaries, and instead relied on unpledged delegates and an alliance of favourite son stand-ins to clinch the nomination.

While some states, such as New Hampshire, held a primary (a ‘mini-election’ between candidates of the same party to determine who that state’s delegates would vote for at the party’s National Convention and therefore who would become the party’s Presidential nominee), most states still used delegate slates appointed by the party elite of their own state. McCarthy and Kennedy were both relying on the former to push forward their candidacies, while Humphrey was relying on the latter.

All the while, Eugene McCarthy plodded along, with his organizers in a state of absolute chaos.

The McCarthy campaign had always intended to face off against Lyndon Johnson, fight the good fight, then lose. Now, thanks to Johnson dropping out, they had three states under their belt (Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin) and no plan whatsoever to campaign against Hubert Humphrey or 'Bobby’ Kennedy. With McCarthy's Campaign Organizer, Richard N. Goodwin, jumping ship to work for the Kennedy campaign, McCarthy's Chief of Staff, Blair Clark, took on most organizational responsibilities along with Allard Lowenstein. As for Kennedy becoming his primary primary opponent, McCarthy had to do an about-face on his campaign trail dialogue. Initially campaigning on a return to pre-Johnson policies, instead McCarthy found himself denouncing John Kennedy as the root of the Vietnam War. A change that came naturally to McCarthy due to his long-running animosity towards the Kennedy clan.


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Saint Gene and the Dragon: a political cartoon circulated during the 1968 Democratic primaries, showing McCarthy as classical hero, doing battle with the fire-breathing dragon of the Senate, Lyndon B. Johnson.

In 1960, Eugene McCarthy had supported Adlai Stevenson for the Democratic nomination, despite the former Illinois governor’s electoral losses to Dwight Eisenhower as the Democratic Presidential nominee in 1952 and 1956. In fact, his keynote speech in favour of Stevenson at the 1960 Democratic convention was what put Gene McCarthy on the map, although the Democratic Party was cautious to draw from the same well three times, with three-time Democratic Presidential loser William Jennings Bryan still in living memory.

McCarthy had been swept into the House of Representatives in 1948 on President Harry Truman’s coattails during the last hurrah of the holdovers of the Roosevelt administration. Because of that, McCarthy felt a certain debt of loyalty to Stevenson, whom Truman had endorsed in 1952. In his 1960 speech, chock full of Biblical references, McCarthy declared that Adlai Stevenson was the best choice for President, as, like George Washington, he had always been a man who had been brought to the doors of the White House by the will of the people to make him their candidate, rather than an active search for power; a none-too-subtle jab at the ambitions of John Kennedy. Stevenson was seen by McCarthy and others as the perfect example of an educated, dignified, issues-orientated politician. Indeed, throughout the early parts of his campaign in 1968, McCarthy mentioned Adlai Stevenson in nearly every speech he made.


(McCarthy's Speech at 3:07)​


He supported Stevenson for those reasons. That, and the fact that he hated JFK with every fiber of his being.

McCarthy was vehemently opposed to the idea of John Kennedy as the nominee, as he had convinced himself that he was destined to be the first Catholic President. He thought of Kennedy as a limp-wristed, playboy, Catholic-in-name-only, born with a silver spoon in his mouth, who didn’t deserve the accolade of “First Catholic President.”

As McCarthy was quoted as saying at the 1960 Convention, “I’m twice as Catholic as John Kennedy and twice as liberal as Hubert Humphrey.”

He was also twice as humble.

Because of this fixation, McCarthy, at one point or another, backed every candidate for the Democratic nomination in 1960 except for the eventual winner. Running the gamut from Adlai Stevenson of Illinois, to Stuart Symington of Missouri, to Wayne Morse of Oregon, and Lyndon Johnson of Texas, changing camps whenever a candidate became likely to lose, McCarthy launched diatribes and threw insults at the Kennedy family – on a political and personal basis – whenever he had the chance. The result was being shut out of any meaningful government position in the Kennedy administration when his fellow Catholic won the nomination, and later, the Presidency. The only upside for McCarthy was that at the same time he completely alienated himself from Kennedy, he endeared himself to Lyndon Johnson, the Democratic runner-up and new Vice President. Johnson, not a fan of Kennedy himself, had appreciated McCarthy’s acerbic wit during the primaries. Johnson maintained a back-channel patronage for McCarthy during the Kennedy years, and they became personal friends until their split in 1964 over the Vice Presidency. McCarthy’s spitefulness against the Kennedy clan continued well into the Johnson Administration, with McCarthy often voting against or abstaining on legislation put forward by John’s brothers, Senators Bobby and Edward ‘Ted’ Kennedy, even if he agreed with what it would accomplish.


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McCarthy with his political idol and mentor, Adlai Stevenson, shortly before the latter's death in 1965.


As for Hubert Humphrey, he was an entirely different challenge compared to Bobby Kennedy. Both being from Minnesota, McCarthy became a divisive figure in his own state. Many of the local politicians felt that McCarthy should step aside for the well known, more experienced, Humphrey. McCarthy also polled consistently behind Humphrey in their home state, an embarrassment he wouldn’t shake until the Democratic Convention. Many in Minnesota felt that McCarthy had betrayed Humphrey, considering that he (and Lyndon Johnson) had ensured McCarthy’s election to the House of Representatives in 1948, and to the Senate in 1958. This sentiment wasn’t exclusive to Minnesota: many of the Democratic Party’s higher ups preferred Humphrey as a known factor compared to the unpredictable McCarthy, and many ran as favourite son candidates in support of the Vice President. As a result, Ohio’s Stephen Young and Florida’s George Smathers beat out both McCarthy and Kennedy in their state’s primaries, transferring their delegates to Humphrey. If McCarthy wanted to claim the nomination, he would have to find a way to divert the delegates of non-primary states towards his campaign.

In short order, different voting blocs had formed around the candidates. Hubert Humphrey had the backing of the remaining Johnson supporters, the unions, the Democrat’s political machines, as well as many of the delegates and state governors. Eugene McCarthy was supported by the “New Left,” a coalition of suburban liberals, activist entertainers, anti-war protestors, college students, intellectuals, and “Stevensonians,” the (surprisingly numerous) remaining supporters of Adlai Stevenson. Bobby Kennedy, for his part, was supported by Catholics, African Americans, ethnic minorities, non-unionized workers, plenty of Average Joe white middle class families, and JFK true believers looking to reclaim Camelot.


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McCarthy with Hubert Humphrey and Ted Kennedy. McCarthy typically refused to meet with Bobby Kennedy; Ted acted as a go-between when a 'face-to-face' meeting was necessary.

As the Democratic Primaries went on, Kennedy and McCarthy continued to trade blows: McCarthy had won the Pennsylvania Primary due to Kennedy only being available as a write-in, but Kennedy won the Indiana Primary, mostly due to overwhelming support in his favour by the African American community.

Ironically, from a practical point of view, each of the candidate’s supporters should have gone for the other man. McCarthy’s support for quickly ending the Vietnam War even at the cost of allowing Communists into the South Vietnamese government, creating expansive (and expensive) new welfare programs, and bolstering civil rights, would have greatly benefited the poor and minority voters that carried the Kennedy banner, while Robert Kennedy’s support for increased cooperation between government and private enterprise, moderate welfare reform, and a slow-but-steady removal from Vietnam would, in theory, be more palatable to the upper-middle class McCarthy voters. It was a perplexing situation, made more perplexing by the fact that McCarthy, the least popular candidate amongst Democrats, was polling nationally as the most likely to defeat Richard Nixon in the upcoming election. Mere days after that poll was released, Kennedy won the Nebraska primary.

Meanwhile, Richard Nixon seemed certain to win the Republican nomination. The liberal-leaning moderate Governor of Michigan, George Romney, known as “the Republican Gene McCarthy,” had dropped out. He had been replaced in the primaries by the Governor of New York, Nelson Rockefeller, as the liberal Republican’s choice for President. The conservative Republican’s choice, Governor Ronald Reagan of California, wasn’t even officially running for President. It was a near impossibility that Nixon would lose the Republican primaries, but there was chance that if Nixon failed to shore up his flanks that the Republican Convention could go to a second ballot, and possibly throwing it to Rockefeller or Reagan as a more unlikely candidate. Some held out the vain hope that a "dream ticket" of Rockefeller/Reagan ticket would emerge to stop Nixon.

As the Democratic primaries moved further and further to the west, both campaigns were eyeing California, each hoping a victory there would legitimize their campaign. Despite Kennedy starting to pull ahead, the McCarthy campaign stayed in the race by a hair’s width by winning the Oregon primary. With Bobby Kennedy stating that he would drop out of the campaign if he lost California, it seemed the fate of the peace movement, and possibly the Democratic party at large, would soon be decided.


“He fooled me for a long time. As I’ve said many times, the only tender a politician has to offer is his word and Gene’s currency is devalued even in Washington. He’s a strange man.”

  • Vice President Hubert Humphrey to Edgar Berman on Democratic Nominee Eugene McCarthy, 1968
 
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