A Short History of the Modern Political Makeup of the United States of America, now indefinitely in exile on a small island ninety miles from the Florida Keys. - Part I
The modern nation of "Americuba" began in 1933, when the American bourgeoisie and the fascist conspirators of the MacArthur regime fled the American mainland as the victory of Communist forces became inevitable. Hopping on a small U.S Navy destroyer named Brumaire, President-For-Life Douglas MacArthur and his allies effectively abandoned the mantle of the United States to communism. To the National Salvation Government, this was a temporary exile; a short defeat before the great victory. In practice, it is difficult to imagine even the most radical fascist in the MacArthur regime seriously believed he would ever again step foot on American soil. For now, and perhaps for forever, the new government of Cuba would have to figure out how to run a country in the meantime. The local Cuban bourgeoisie were placated with promises of wealth from the wealthy fleeing from the Communist advance, and the Cuban people were placated by the tens of thousands of armed Americans arriving on their shores.
Soon, MacArthur would need to introduce systems of government, a way to rationalize the new existence of a fascist Cuban state. MacArthur's brand of "National Socialism," an ideology that attempted to bring together the divergent tasks of empowering the national bourgeoisie and appealing to an American population infatuated by communism would no longer be necessary, as he was no longer stationed in America. But every leader needs a power base, and MacArthur chose the White reactionaries that fled with him to Cuba, and the Cuban and American bourgeoisie that now occupied the country. The next twenty years, from 1933 to 1953, would be dominated by MacArthur's new oxymoronic ideology, "National Restorationism." The end of a necessity to appeal to a communistic American population, and the negative associations of National Socialism with Hitler's Germany (which Americuba was at war with from 1942 onwards) left National Socialism an unworkable ideology in modern Cuba. National Restorationism was decidedly different in rhetoric to National Socialism, but in practice it was almost exactly the same; centralizing power to the bourgeoisie, relentless attacks against communism, and white supremacy. Banking on the development of Cuba and a democratically-elected capitalist government to restore the United States of America to the American mainland, it hoped to work with counter-revolutionary elements within the U.A.S.R to cause a collapse of the unworkable socialist system, and with the assistance of the American populace eventually restore the Founding Fathers' Republic after a brief intermission.
Of course, this was propaganda, meant to keep the white exiles satisfied while MacArthur and his government languished in wealth from exports of cash crops to France and Britain. The excellent account of early Americuba "The President-For-Life in Havana," written entirely by Public Safety spies and Cuban Communists in the MacArthur government says that even before MacArthur deserted the coasts of Alabama to flee to Cuba, he had already given up hope of returning to America on his own accord. To him, the best solution would be working with an Anti-Communist alliance of France, Britain, Brazil, and Germany to invade America and install him as dictator. As time went on, he began to realize that such a fever dream would never come true. Exact dates are difficult to ascertain from a man who never wrote any memoirs, but between him fleeing to Cuba in December of 1933 and his declaration of war on Brazil on March 5th, 1942 he eventually realized that he would never return to America. His declaration of war against Brazil made it clear, that he had abandoned the last wild dreams of working with Nazi Germany, Britain and France to march into De Leon-Debs D.C and bring him back. He still frequently discussed his hopes of returning to America to his colleagues, but it never strayed beyond the realm of fantasy. Deep down, he must have come to the realization that the "Liberation" would never come.
To the Americans now living in Cuba, or as they are better known, "Americubans," they believed that in a few short years they would be back in their family homes, enjoying a splendid life with their friends by their side, and the Communist menace reduced to history. Through the 1930s, the propaganda machine went onwards. Wealthy American and Cuban families and their media companies churned out the same stories; that America was collapsing, that their people were turning against them, and that groups emerged from patriotic Americans who defeated the Communist policemen and were preparing for the Cuban army to begin the liberation. This same narrative was kept up for years, to keep the Americuban populace working, and kept the dream alive of an eventual return. There was only so long this could last. The native Cubans were told that the occupation was only temporary, that soon the Americans would return to their homes and that the Cuban people would be rewarded for their help in the liberation. Although the white Americans could be convinced for now, suspicion and hatred rose among the native Cubans. As soon as occupation began, groups of armed Cubans prepared for a liberation war not unlike the one being fought by the Sons of Liberty and Klu Klux Klan on the mainland.
Founded in early 1934 as "El Frente de liberacion del gente de Cuba" - The Front of Liberation of the People of Cuba, or more simply the Cuban Liberation Front (FLC), it would at first only involve a clandestine circle of a few native Cubans, committing relatively minor acts of terrorism to a sprawling umbrella group of Cuban guerrilla armies and eventually Cuba's most powerful Communist party.
The FLC's first terrorist attack was an attempted assassination of Douglas MacArthur, on August 14th of 1934. In retrospect, it was poorly planned, but it came to serve as a rallying cry for the Cuban resistance, and a defining moment in Cuban liberation. The "Attack on the Dictator" played a significant psychological role in the mind of Douglas MacArthur. It represented the hate he had garnered among the Cuban populace. When the attacker, Rafael Marti, was carried through the streets of Havana, the white population of the city called for his execution - but the Cubans cheered for him. The march was canceled as clashes broke out between white and native Cubans. Upon his execution, three thousand Cubans marched through Havana to honor his memory. The assassination failed, but it served as the beginning of a movement. The 14th of August today serves as a holiday for nationalist Cubans - if you travel to Havana you will see the Cuban people march through the streets waving the hammer and sickle of the FLC high, as the riot police move against them. It is a defining moment in Cuban history.
From that point onwards, the ranks of the FLC swelled, as Cubans who despised MacArthur joined forces. In student circles of wealthy families in Havana, to the isolated indigenous poor in the mountainous countryside, the banner of the FLC became a common sight. It also served as a pivotal moment for American interactions with Cuba. Seeing the instability brought on by the attack, the UASR government quickly moved to support the group, but establishing relations was difficult. The group had no official public structure, and relations were only established between small groups of native Cubans working for shipping companies who were able to transport supposedly British tea exports into the harbor and hand it off to FLC members. The only proof the UASR government had that the weapons were being put to good use was the occasional piece of evidence publicized by the Cuban government.
In practice, the FLC was ruled by a small council founded at its creation, the Council of Liberation, staffed by its four founding members: Roberto Agramonte, Blas Roca, Alfonso Bernal del Riesgo, and Julio Antonio Mella. This Council directed a small group of close friends, one of whom carried out the failed assassination, but after its rapid growth eventually was forced to change its structure. In 1935, the FLC proclaimed its single leader: Ruis Salazar. Ruis Salazar was not a real person, but instead functioned as pseudonym, a name to confuse the Cuban government and an icon for Cubans to rally around. His icon was distributed, of a strong man with brown skin, holding a rifle. The image quickly circulated - even the UASR government attempted to find out the true identity of Ruis Salazar. Salazar became the face of Cuban resistance. His worries, his age, his mannerisms, his history, and his ideology were drawn up by FLC propagandists and the ruling Council. Officially, he had no ideology. He was a man angered by the occupation of his country and the exploitation of his people, who would fight to see Cuba Libre.
The FLC would carry out a series of attacks. The Cuban Government cracked down hard, limiting shipments whenever possible. Mexican fishing vessels were searched for hours before being allowed to dock. Cuba feuded with its trade partners over their right to search sailors and their ships. By 1942, on the eve of the Cuban declaration of war on the Axis Powers, the Cuban nation was in a state of near civil war. Terrorist attacks became increasingly common. Despite the best efforts of the Cuban Government, it seemed like Cuba was on the verge of collapse. Then, MacArthur made the smartest move of his entire political career, and declared war on the Axis.