generally more people who look at your TL since SV is more active that ah.com now. as ah.com further declines, more people are going to move to SV so its good to get on that early
Reds! Official Fanfiction Thread (Part Two)
- Thread starter Miss Teri
- Start date
generally more people who look at your TL since SV is more active that ah.com now. as ah.com further declines, more people are going to move to SV so its good to get on that early
Being on a forum with actually accountable and not overworked moderation that isn't dependent on the whims of a single person known for being extremely online about things he shouldn't be extremely online about in his capacity as an administrator.
Am I missing something? While I know there's been some nasty drama the site doesn't exactly strike me as dying.
not like dying from drama, just declining in membership numbers while SV and SLP are growing
Theodore Carter, Essay For Entry Into Debs College(By Bookmark1995)
Bookmark1995
Banned
After some discussions on the Discord server, here is a contribution it inspired.
When I was twelve years old, I went on a holiday to the FBU, believe it or not. You see, my mom's parents were from England, and they left because of a whole bunch of family drama I was never told about. That meant my family had cousins in the FBU. And my mom, after exchanging E-mails, discovered that they were pretty nice, if a bit anti-social people. After some nudging, my mom got my dad and I to go and visit England.
I didn't want to go, since I preferred to holiday with my flatmates, as we usually did. My parents had to drag me there. The tone of our travel to England set the tone for the rest of our three weeks in England: it was very lonely, since several families often went on holidays together. But more on that later.
The main focus of our trip was Torquay, also known as the English Riviera, where my mom's cousins owned their own private summer home. We did spend a few days in England exploring the sites there, but as a kid, I cared more about toys and beaches than I did about museums.
Anyways, we finally got to Torquay, we were greeted by my mom's cousins, who were dressed pretty lavishly for the summer (I thought they liked being hot), and their 10 year old son, Jonathan. What I noticed immediately was the size of the home. The house itself was bigger then our communal flat, which held at least ten other people. There was also, believe it or not, a large gate that surrounded it, and even a large private swimming pool, similar to the one in our neighborhood in Pittsburgh.
Jonathan's room also excited my 12 year old mind. It was the bigger then the room I shared with my comrades. He had more toys in his room, then I shared with my other comrades. But despite that, when I asked him to play, he never liked to share his toys. Whenever I tried to grab a really cool truck, he would slap my hand. I was surprised, since my comrades and I were always taught to share toys. Then I saw he had a game console-something from West Germany-with several controllers. He slapped my hand when I tried to grab one, and screamed that it was "his."
I was somewhat enraged by this behavior, because I simply wanted to befriend this kid. I wasn't at an age where I was taught to believe in Red v. Blue. Eventually, we got into a fight, that my parents and their cousins broke up. My mom's cousin screamed at him to share with me, which he did.
We did learn to share video games and share toys, but his somewhat self-centered attitude didn't really go away. When we played soldiers, he would always imagine himself conquering the world, whereas when I played soldiers with my friends, we would always be overthrowing "capitalism"-which, at the time, was just some boogeyman like thing that I never really understood.
I had to share a room with Jonathan, and that also led to arguments. I don't understand that either. I enjoyed living in the company of my flatmate, so why would Jonathan, to whom I was related to, distance himself from me?
But I noticed among British people, that this selfishness doesn't go away. Like when we left to go to the beach, I accidentally left the gate open, and my mom's cousin screamed at me for doing that.
"You leave that open," she bellowed, "and you'll invite the riffraff." My father, a somewhat less patient person, was a little nonplussed.
"You guys live in luxury," he asked, with frustrated confusion, "you've got a camera, who could possibly break in?"
"Here we don't coddle the poor, so they don't have to work," he said. "They think that they can just take." Eventually my mom, ever the mediator,
The conversation, at the time, didn't really hit me. Eventually, we got to the beach. There was a bit of hilarious awkwardness because my parents underestimated how much our bathing suits needed to cover. Let's just say that Jonathan got The Talk a couple of years before he was supposed to.
But, as I learned more about the world and matured, I began to see my trip to Torquay in a much broader context. That, more than any pedantic textbook, taught me about the difference between capitalism and socialism.
Kids like Jonathan may have more toys, but they have very few people to share with. Rich people have their pools, but they have few friends to share it with.
In the UASR, we have less toys, but our collective imagination allows us to make the most of it. Our lives are richer, because we learn to share what we have.
I've learned that while money is important, it is who you share it with that determines the joy in your life. In the UASR, we are taught to treasure that.
Theodore Carter, Essay For Entry Into Debs College, March 10, 2009
When I was twelve years old, I went on a holiday to the FBU, believe it or not. You see, my mom's parents were from England, and they left because of a whole bunch of family drama I was never told about. That meant my family had cousins in the FBU. And my mom, after exchanging E-mails, discovered that they were pretty nice, if a bit anti-social people. After some nudging, my mom got my dad and I to go and visit England.
I didn't want to go, since I preferred to holiday with my flatmates, as we usually did. My parents had to drag me there. The tone of our travel to England set the tone for the rest of our three weeks in England: it was very lonely, since several families often went on holidays together. But more on that later.
The main focus of our trip was Torquay, also known as the English Riviera, where my mom's cousins owned their own private summer home. We did spend a few days in England exploring the sites there, but as a kid, I cared more about toys and beaches than I did about museums.
Anyways, we finally got to Torquay, we were greeted by my mom's cousins, who were dressed pretty lavishly for the summer (I thought they liked being hot), and their 10 year old son, Jonathan. What I noticed immediately was the size of the home. The house itself was bigger then our communal flat, which held at least ten other people. There was also, believe it or not, a large gate that surrounded it, and even a large private swimming pool, similar to the one in our neighborhood in Pittsburgh.
Jonathan's room also excited my 12 year old mind. It was the bigger then the room I shared with my comrades. He had more toys in his room, then I shared with my other comrades. But despite that, when I asked him to play, he never liked to share his toys. Whenever I tried to grab a really cool truck, he would slap my hand. I was surprised, since my comrades and I were always taught to share toys. Then I saw he had a game console-something from West Germany-with several controllers. He slapped my hand when I tried to grab one, and screamed that it was "his."
I was somewhat enraged by this behavior, because I simply wanted to befriend this kid. I wasn't at an age where I was taught to believe in Red v. Blue. Eventually, we got into a fight, that my parents and their cousins broke up. My mom's cousin screamed at him to share with me, which he did.
We did learn to share video games and share toys, but his somewhat self-centered attitude didn't really go away. When we played soldiers, he would always imagine himself conquering the world, whereas when I played soldiers with my friends, we would always be overthrowing "capitalism"-which, at the time, was just some boogeyman like thing that I never really understood.
I had to share a room with Jonathan, and that also led to arguments. I don't understand that either. I enjoyed living in the company of my flatmate, so why would Jonathan, to whom I was related to, distance himself from me?
But I noticed among British people, that this selfishness doesn't go away. Like when we left to go to the beach, I accidentally left the gate open, and my mom's cousin screamed at me for doing that.
"You leave that open," she bellowed, "and you'll invite the riffraff." My father, a somewhat less patient person, was a little nonplussed.
"You guys live in luxury," he asked, with frustrated confusion, "you've got a camera, who could possibly break in?"
"Here we don't coddle the poor, so they don't have to work," he said. "They think that they can just take." Eventually my mom, ever the mediator,
The conversation, at the time, didn't really hit me. Eventually, we got to the beach. There was a bit of hilarious awkwardness because my parents underestimated how much our bathing suits needed to cover. Let's just say that Jonathan got The Talk a couple of years before he was supposed to.
But, as I learned more about the world and matured, I began to see my trip to Torquay in a much broader context. That, more than any pedantic textbook, taught me about the difference between capitalism and socialism.
Kids like Jonathan may have more toys, but they have very few people to share with. Rich people have their pools, but they have few friends to share it with.
In the UASR, we have less toys, but our collective imagination allows us to make the most of it. Our lives are richer, because we learn to share what we have.
I've learned that while money is important, it is who you share it with that determines the joy in your life. In the UASR, we are taught to treasure that.
Theodore Carter, Essay For Entry Into Debs College, March 10, 2009
Morty Mouse Communism (By Mr.E)
Commonpedia.org
Morty Mouse Communism
Morty Mouse Communism is a term referring to the proliferation of communist ideals through media exports, both within and without Comintern. Media exports include films, books, comics, music, and video games.
The term derives from the mascot of Hyperion Animation, Mortimer “Morty” Mouse, though much of the early examples which warranted the name starred Donald Duck. The term originates from Soviet historian Valery Sharikov, in his book The Morty Mouse Conspiracy.
During the 30’s, as part of the growing cooperation between the UASR, USSR, and the new Latin American republics, there was an extensive cultural exchange. American films became a common sight within cinema, and American books and comic strips were widely read, all very heavily drenched in social realistic narratives.
The post-war period saw this new American media starting its descent into the capitalist world. Though restricted following the collapse of the New World Consensus in the 50’s, media still managed to get through into the AFS, particularly comics. The most beloved overseas were the comics featuring Hyperion character Donald Duck, especially the works of artist Carl Barks. Barks wrote the story of Donald’s three nephews, Huey, Dewey and Louie, and their granduncle, ProgBourg adventurer Solomon McDuck[1].
The Barks stories quickly garnered success worldwide, with many different translations. However, these comics, along with other forms of American media, caused resentment in some conservative circles, believing that American culture was corrupting international communist societies through their focus on societal upheaval and more libertine norms.
The biggest advocate of this was Valery Sharikov, an opponent of the 197X movement and strong arch-conservative, who wrote The Morty Mouse Conspiracy, which alleged that American cultural exports (focusing on Hyperion films and comics based on their works) were promoting a “sanitized, utopian view of American culture, which, in effect, influenced the 7X’ers,” and this influence could be seen as a branch of “American social imperialism”, which was manipulating young people in the USSR.
The book, while routinely mocked and attacked in most of Comintern, found surprising currency in the AFS, especially when Conspiracy was translated into The Hyperion Agenda. Conservatives took Sharikov’s analysis, and turned it on its head, implying that Comintern was using exported media to brainwash people into accepting a Marxist lifestyle and subvert capitalism from within.
Ironically, the term has taken new form, from a negative context of secret Marxist and/or American indoctrination, to a legitimate means of spreading the message of socialism and economic justice among some theorists, though other concede this would not be enough for a full revolution. Some filmmakers actually increase their messaging for the purpose of appealing a working class audience abroad to communism.
[1] Named for King Solomon’s Mines , as Scrooge was named for A Christmas Carol
Morty Mouse Communism
Morty Mouse Communism is a term referring to the proliferation of communist ideals through media exports, both within and without Comintern. Media exports include films, books, comics, music, and video games.
The term derives from the mascot of Hyperion Animation, Mortimer “Morty” Mouse, though much of the early examples which warranted the name starred Donald Duck. The term originates from Soviet historian Valery Sharikov, in his book The Morty Mouse Conspiracy.
During the 30’s, as part of the growing cooperation between the UASR, USSR, and the new Latin American republics, there was an extensive cultural exchange. American films became a common sight within cinema, and American books and comic strips were widely read, all very heavily drenched in social realistic narratives.
The post-war period saw this new American media starting its descent into the capitalist world. Though restricted following the collapse of the New World Consensus in the 50’s, media still managed to get through into the AFS, particularly comics. The most beloved overseas were the comics featuring Hyperion character Donald Duck, especially the works of artist Carl Barks. Barks wrote the story of Donald’s three nephews, Huey, Dewey and Louie, and their granduncle, ProgBourg adventurer Solomon McDuck[1].
The Barks stories quickly garnered success worldwide, with many different translations. However, these comics, along with other forms of American media, caused resentment in some conservative circles, believing that American culture was corrupting international communist societies through their focus on societal upheaval and more libertine norms.
The biggest advocate of this was Valery Sharikov, an opponent of the 197X movement and strong arch-conservative, who wrote The Morty Mouse Conspiracy, which alleged that American cultural exports (focusing on Hyperion films and comics based on their works) were promoting a “sanitized, utopian view of American culture, which, in effect, influenced the 7X’ers,” and this influence could be seen as a branch of “American social imperialism”, which was manipulating young people in the USSR.
The book, while routinely mocked and attacked in most of Comintern, found surprising currency in the AFS, especially when Conspiracy was translated into The Hyperion Agenda. Conservatives took Sharikov’s analysis, and turned it on its head, implying that Comintern was using exported media to brainwash people into accepting a Marxist lifestyle and subvert capitalism from within.
Ironically, the term has taken new form, from a negative context of secret Marxist and/or American indoctrination, to a legitimate means of spreading the message of socialism and economic justice among some theorists, though other concede this would not be enough for a full revolution. Some filmmakers actually increase their messaging for the purpose of appealing a working class audience abroad to communism.
[1] Named for King Solomon’s Mines , as Scrooge was named for A Christmas Carol
Allie: The Red Princess S1, E1 (By Bookmark1995)
Bookmark1995
Banned
Inspired by some of the Discord discussions, here is the first installment of Princess Allie. I was disheartened by the initial lack of feedback, but I want to abolish my anxiety, build upon is more, and see where it goes.
Excerpt from Allie: The Red Princess Episode Guide.
Season 1, Episode 1, "Noble" Origins
Plot:
Princess Alliana, a vain, superhuman, and spoiled girl, learns she is to be married to her prince. When she expresses disgust at her fiancée, her father, King Georgeas, has her imprisoned in her room until the day of the wedding. However, after nearly being blown up with an Imperium bomb, she takes the opportunity to flee to France.
Synopsis
Princess Alliana arrives at for breakfast with her two acquaintances: Sylvia and Jolene, who gossip about their vapid interests. When a servant accidentally spills cream on her new dress, Princess Alliana uses her strength to throw the man against a wall.
While walking to her fighting lessons, she is approached by her kind, but somewhat physically handicapped brother Matthew, who greets her cheerfully. She coldly brushes him off, declaring him little more than a weakling and competition for her power, shoving him to the ground along the way.
At her fighting lessons with her instructor Byron, a man whose Dyson Gene has given him extreme durability, she is instructed to "never show mercy," and is shown to train her powers on prisoners of the Syroion people, who she physically attacks until they are beaten to a pulp.
After training, she is summoned by her father, King Mercias, a dour and oppressive man, who tells her she will be married in a month to a Prince.
At a ball, later that week, she is introduced to her fiancée, Prince Eric, another Dyson Human with powers over fire. He is revealed to be the descendent of American industrialists who were exiled from America after the 1933 Revolution, but whom were granted a royal title in Viribius, in exchange for investment and wealth. She also meets Commander Devrein, a charming and likable Viribian colonel, and Dr. Allen Gelenem, the taciturn Minister of Science.
Though handsome and powerful, and thus of interest to Alliana, Eric reveals himself to be a lecherous and temperamental tool. Alliana finally loses her patience and punches him across the room after he gropes her breasts during their dance.
King Mercias reprimands Alliana for her punch, but Alliana expresses disgust for Eric and does not want to marry him.
Princess Alliana: (annoyed) Father-
King Mercias: Silence! You disrespected the interests of our sacred kingdom.
Princess Alliana: (incredulous) Disrespected the kingdom? Father, he disrespected me, and grabbed my breast-
King Mercias: I'm sure after enough time in his marriage, Prince Eric will outgrow such...activities.
Princess Alliana: Father, I do not wish to marry that wretch!
King Mercias: Princess, his family has served our nation for generations. It is the wealth of the Leeman family that has given us so much. We must give him the throne in return.
Princess Alliana:But Father-
King Mercias: The Leeman family, since the time of your great-grandfather, has sought to destroy the corrupt and disrespectful Reds that stole their home. Through this marriage, we show the fools of Comintern that their days will be numbered. (He grins slyly). Also, Eric has the Dyson Gene. You two will produce offspring whose powers could destroy entire armies. Enough to put those Reds and their whores in their place.
Pricness Alliana: He is reckless.
King Mercias: He can be trained. Besides, your degenerate brother cannot provide the proper genes to make great children. Only Eric and you can serve as paragons.
Princess Alliana: He openly flirted with two of my friends, I will not stand for this. He openly disregards the rules of morality I've been taught.
King Mercias: He will learn them, in time. Now return to your quarters, we will not discuss this further.
Princess Alliana: But father-
(Mercias slaps Alliana to the floor, two superhuman guards drag Alliana up, as she barely chokes back a sob)
King Mercias (livid): You have shown tremendous disrespect toward me Alliana. My patience is at an end. You will learn respect for your station, and duty, even if I must use force to do so!
Alliana: But father-
(King Mercias slaps Allie again with an Imperium spear, which hurts her. Tears fall down her eyes)
King Mercias: Until you learn respect, you will know nothing but isolation. You are to be confined to your quarters until the wedding.
Alliana: But father-
(King Mercias raises his hand again, and Alliana shuts up)
King Mercias: I see you have some sense of your place, but that does not absolve you.
(He walks away as two guards carry Alliana to her room)
Alliana spends several days in her room crying and tearing apart her room, even refusing meals, and the affection of Matthew, and barred from being able to contact anyone.
However, while preparing to lie in her bed, an Imperium bomb destroys her and her room. She survives, albeit very injured. But when the guards start looking for her, she impulsively decides, in order to escape her arranged marriage, to hide, and comes up with a plan to escape her marriage. Disguising herself as a peasant using her destroyed clothing and soot from the blast, Alliana is escorted out of the palace, while everyone assumes her to be dead.
At the end of the episode, she asks herself, "What do I do now?" and looks down, realizing she never made any kind of plan.
Excerpt from Allie: The Red Princess Episode Guide.
Season 1, Episode 1, "Noble" Origins
Plot:
Princess Alliana, a vain, superhuman, and spoiled girl, learns she is to be married to her prince. When she expresses disgust at her fiancée, her father, King Georgeas, has her imprisoned in her room until the day of the wedding. However, after nearly being blown up with an Imperium bomb, she takes the opportunity to flee to France.
Synopsis
Princess Alliana arrives at for breakfast with her two acquaintances: Sylvia and Jolene, who gossip about their vapid interests. When a servant accidentally spills cream on her new dress, Princess Alliana uses her strength to throw the man against a wall.
While walking to her fighting lessons, she is approached by her kind, but somewhat physically handicapped brother Matthew, who greets her cheerfully. She coldly brushes him off, declaring him little more than a weakling and competition for her power, shoving him to the ground along the way.
At her fighting lessons with her instructor Byron, a man whose Dyson Gene has given him extreme durability, she is instructed to "never show mercy," and is shown to train her powers on prisoners of the Syroion people, who she physically attacks until they are beaten to a pulp.
After training, she is summoned by her father, King Mercias, a dour and oppressive man, who tells her she will be married in a month to a Prince.
At a ball, later that week, she is introduced to her fiancée, Prince Eric, another Dyson Human with powers over fire. He is revealed to be the descendent of American industrialists who were exiled from America after the 1933 Revolution, but whom were granted a royal title in Viribius, in exchange for investment and wealth. She also meets Commander Devrein, a charming and likable Viribian colonel, and Dr. Allen Gelenem, the taciturn Minister of Science.
Though handsome and powerful, and thus of interest to Alliana, Eric reveals himself to be a lecherous and temperamental tool. Alliana finally loses her patience and punches him across the room after he gropes her breasts during their dance.
King Mercias reprimands Alliana for her punch, but Alliana expresses disgust for Eric and does not want to marry him.
Princess Alliana: (annoyed) Father-
King Mercias: Silence! You disrespected the interests of our sacred kingdom.
Princess Alliana: (incredulous) Disrespected the kingdom? Father, he disrespected me, and grabbed my breast-
King Mercias: I'm sure after enough time in his marriage, Prince Eric will outgrow such...activities.
Princess Alliana: Father, I do not wish to marry that wretch!
King Mercias: Princess, his family has served our nation for generations. It is the wealth of the Leeman family that has given us so much. We must give him the throne in return.
Princess Alliana:But Father-
King Mercias: The Leeman family, since the time of your great-grandfather, has sought to destroy the corrupt and disrespectful Reds that stole their home. Through this marriage, we show the fools of Comintern that their days will be numbered. (He grins slyly). Also, Eric has the Dyson Gene. You two will produce offspring whose powers could destroy entire armies. Enough to put those Reds and their whores in their place.
Pricness Alliana: He is reckless.
King Mercias: He can be trained. Besides, your degenerate brother cannot provide the proper genes to make great children. Only Eric and you can serve as paragons.
Princess Alliana: He openly flirted with two of my friends, I will not stand for this. He openly disregards the rules of morality I've been taught.
King Mercias: He will learn them, in time. Now return to your quarters, we will not discuss this further.
Princess Alliana: But father-
(Mercias slaps Alliana to the floor, two superhuman guards drag Alliana up, as she barely chokes back a sob)
King Mercias (livid): You have shown tremendous disrespect toward me Alliana. My patience is at an end. You will learn respect for your station, and duty, even if I must use force to do so!
Alliana: But father-
(King Mercias slaps Allie again with an Imperium spear, which hurts her. Tears fall down her eyes)
King Mercias: Until you learn respect, you will know nothing but isolation. You are to be confined to your quarters until the wedding.
Alliana: But father-
(King Mercias raises his hand again, and Alliana shuts up)
King Mercias: I see you have some sense of your place, but that does not absolve you.
(He walks away as two guards carry Alliana to her room)
Alliana spends several days in her room crying and tearing apart her room, even refusing meals, and the affection of Matthew, and barred from being able to contact anyone.
However, while preparing to lie in her bed, an Imperium bomb destroys her and her room. She survives, albeit very injured. But when the guards start looking for her, she impulsively decides, in order to escape her arranged marriage, to hide, and comes up with a plan to escape her marriage. Disguising herself as a peasant using her destroyed clothing and soot from the blast, Alliana is escorted out of the palace, while everyone assumes her to be dead.
At the end of the episode, she asks herself, "What do I do now?" and looks down, realizing she never made any kind of plan.
Last edited:
The Larson Rules (By Bookmark1995)
Bookmark1995
Banned
This post was inspired by discussions on Discord, as well as reading about Norway's incredibly nice prison system. There is a more personal follow up post coming up.
Militaryrules.UASR
The Larson Rules: Rules Regarding POWs
The Comintern Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, aka. The Larson Rules [1]
Adopted March 10, 1954 at the Warsaw Convention
Preamble
The goal of the Comintern has been first and foremost: the future, the hope for a better tomorrow. To search for the future, one must abandon archaic notions of justice and vengeance that capitalist nations pursue to their moral stagnation. You and your comrades must rise above the dark desire to avenge, and must give your capitalist enemy the mercy he would not expect, nor would he feel deserve.
All comrades-in arms and those who pledge to defend the workers their their rights must adhere to these principles.
Article I
All Parties to conflicts that have ratified this undertake to respect the Convention in all Respects
Article II
All prisoners of war who surrender willingly are afforded protection under the Articles of Convention
Article III
The commanders of prisoners of war camps are responsible for the welfare of the prisoners.
Article IV
All prisoners of war are entitled to health care.
Article V
All prisoners of war are entitled to the opportunity to work for a living wage for their labor.
Article VI
All prisoners of war are entitled to education and historical knowledge. Any prisoner of war who wishes to learn about the values of Comintern must be permitted to do so.
Article VII
All prisoners of war are entitled to adequate food and water.
Article VIII
All prisoners who do not indulge in anti-social behavior are entitled to a limited hours of freedom of movement outside the camp
Article IX
All prisoners of war are entitled to uncensored news and communication with family members.
Article X
All prisoners of war cannot be coerced into performing acts that would constitute treason in their home nation.
Article XI
All prisoners of war are entitled protection against sexual discrimination, and coerced sexual acts. All forms of rape must be investigated and prosecuted.
Article XII
Those responsible for the welfare of prisoners of war found in violation of Articles IV-XI shall be found violation of Article III.
Article XIII
These protections shall not apply to those who are convicted of crimes against humanity, however, a prisoner of war accused shall hold these rights until properly convicted.
Article XIV
Prisoners of war who wish to defect to Comintern forces can be granted the ability to do so, pending judicial review.
[1] You'll learn about Larson in a follow up post.
Militaryrules.UASR
The Larson Rules: Rules Regarding POWs
The Comintern Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, aka. The Larson Rules [1]
Adopted March 10, 1954 at the Warsaw Convention
Preamble
The goal of the Comintern has been first and foremost: the future, the hope for a better tomorrow. To search for the future, one must abandon archaic notions of justice and vengeance that capitalist nations pursue to their moral stagnation. You and your comrades must rise above the dark desire to avenge, and must give your capitalist enemy the mercy he would not expect, nor would he feel deserve.
All comrades-in arms and those who pledge to defend the workers their their rights must adhere to these principles.
Article I
All Parties to conflicts that have ratified this undertake to respect the Convention in all Respects
Article II
All prisoners of war who surrender willingly are afforded protection under the Articles of Convention
Article III
The commanders of prisoners of war camps are responsible for the welfare of the prisoners.
Article IV
All prisoners of war are entitled to health care.
Article V
All prisoners of war are entitled to the opportunity to work for a living wage for their labor.
Article VI
All prisoners of war are entitled to education and historical knowledge. Any prisoner of war who wishes to learn about the values of Comintern must be permitted to do so.
Article VII
All prisoners of war are entitled to adequate food and water.
Article VIII
All prisoners who do not indulge in anti-social behavior are entitled to a limited hours of freedom of movement outside the camp
Article IX
All prisoners of war are entitled to uncensored news and communication with family members.
Article X
All prisoners of war cannot be coerced into performing acts that would constitute treason in their home nation.
Article XI
All prisoners of war are entitled protection against sexual discrimination, and coerced sexual acts. All forms of rape must be investigated and prosecuted.
Article XII
Those responsible for the welfare of prisoners of war found in violation of Articles IV-XI shall be found violation of Article III.
Article XIII
These protections shall not apply to those who are convicted of crimes against humanity, however, a prisoner of war accused shall hold these rights until properly convicted.
Article XIV
Prisoners of war who wish to defect to Comintern forces can be granted the ability to do so, pending judicial review.
[1] You'll learn about Larson in a follow up post.
Last edited:
A Short History of the Modern Political Makeup of the United States of America, now indefinitely in exile on a small island ninety miles from the Florida Keys. - Part I (By Caesar_33)
A Short History of the Modern Political Makeup of the United States of America, now indefinitely in exile on a small island ninety miles from the Florida Keys. - Part I
The modern nation of "Americuba" began in 1933, when the American bourgeoisie and the fascist conspirators of the MacArthur regime fled the American mainland as the victory of Communist forces became inevitable. Hopping on a small U.S Navy destroyer named Brumaire, President-For-Life Douglas MacArthur and his allies effectively abandoned the mantle of the United States to communism. To the National Salvation Government, this was a temporary exile; a short defeat before the great victory. In practice, it is difficult to imagine even the most radical fascist in the MacArthur regime seriously believed he would ever again step foot on American soil. For now, and perhaps for forever, the new government of Cuba would have to figure out how to run a country in the meantime. The local Cuban bourgeoisie were placated with promises of wealth from the wealthy fleeing from the Communist advance, and the Cuban people were placated by the tens of thousands of armed Americans arriving on their shores.
Soon, MacArthur would need to introduce systems of government, a way to rationalize the new existence of a fascist Cuban state. MacArthur's brand of "National Socialism," an ideology that attempted to bring together the divergent tasks of empowering the national bourgeoisie and appealing to an American population infatuated by communism would no longer be necessary, as he was no longer stationed in America. But every leader needs a power base, and MacArthur chose the White reactionaries that fled with him to Cuba, and the Cuban and American bourgeoisie that now occupied the country. The next twenty years, from 1933 to 1953, would be dominated by MacArthur's new oxymoronic ideology, "National Restorationism." The end of a necessity to appeal to a communistic American population, and the negative associations of National Socialism with Hitler's Germany (which Americuba was at war with from 1942 onwards) left National Socialism an unworkable ideology in modern Cuba. National Restorationism was decidedly different in rhetoric to National Socialism, but in practice it was almost exactly the same; centralizing power to the bourgeoisie, relentless attacks against communism, and white supremacy. Banking on the development of Cuba and a democratically-elected capitalist government to restore the United States of America to the American mainland, it hoped to work with counter-revolutionary elements within the U.A.S.R to cause a collapse of the unworkable socialist system, and with the assistance of the American populace eventually restore the Founding Fathers' Republic after a brief intermission.
Of course, this was propaganda, meant to keep the white exiles satisfied while MacArthur and his government languished in wealth from exports of cash crops to France and Britain. The excellent account of early Americuba "The President-For-Life in Havana," written entirely by Public Safety spies and Cuban Communists in the MacArthur government says that even before MacArthur deserted the coasts of Alabama to flee to Cuba, he had already given up hope of returning to America on his own accord. To him, the best solution would be working with an Anti-Communist alliance of France, Britain, Brazil, and Germany to invade America and install him as dictator. As time went on, he began to realize that such a fever dream would never come true. Exact dates are difficult to ascertain from a man who never wrote any memoirs, but between him fleeing to Cuba in December of 1933 and his declaration of war on Brazil on March 5th, 1942 he eventually realized that he would never return to America. His declaration of war against Brazil made it clear, that he had abandoned the last wild dreams of working with Nazi Germany, Britain and France to march into De Leon-Debs D.C and bring him back. He still frequently discussed his hopes of returning to America to his colleagues, but it never strayed beyond the realm of fantasy. Deep down, he must have come to the realization that the "Liberation" would never come.
To the Americans now living in Cuba, or as they are better known, "Americubans," they believed that in a few short years they would be back in their family homes, enjoying a splendid life with their friends by their side, and the Communist menace reduced to history. Through the 1930s, the propaganda machine went onwards. Wealthy American and Cuban families and their media companies churned out the same stories; that America was collapsing, that their people were turning against them, and that groups emerged from patriotic Americans who defeated the Communist policemen and were preparing for the Cuban army to begin the liberation. This same narrative was kept up for years, to keep the Americuban populace working, and kept the dream alive of an eventual return. There was only so long this could last. The native Cubans were told that the occupation was only temporary, that soon the Americans would return to their homes and that the Cuban people would be rewarded for their help in the liberation. Although the white Americans could be convinced for now, suspicion and hatred rose among the native Cubans. As soon as occupation began, groups of armed Cubans prepared for a liberation war not unlike the one being fought by the Sons of Liberty and Klu Klux Klan on the mainland.
Founded in early 1934 as "El Frente de liberacion del gente de Cuba" - The Front of Liberation of the People of Cuba, or more simply the Cuban Liberation Front (FLC), it would at first only involve a clandestine circle of a few native Cubans, committing relatively minor acts of terrorism to a sprawling umbrella group of Cuban guerrilla armies and eventually Cuba's most powerful Communist party.
The FLC's first terrorist attack was an attempted assassination of Douglas MacArthur, on August 14th of 1934. In retrospect, it was poorly planned, but it came to serve as a rallying cry for the Cuban resistance, and a defining moment in Cuban liberation. The "Attack on the Dictator" played a significant psychological role in the mind of Douglas MacArthur. It represented the hate he had garnered among the Cuban populace. When the attacker, Rafael Marti, was carried through the streets of Havana, the white population of the city called for his execution - but the Cubans cheered for him. The march was canceled as clashes broke out between white and native Cubans. Upon his execution, three thousand Cubans marched through Havana to honor his memory. The assassination failed, but it served as the beginning of a movement. The 14th of August today serves as a holiday for nationalist Cubans - if you travel to Havana you will see the Cuban people march through the streets waving the hammer and sickle of the FLC high, as the riot police move against them. It is a defining moment in Cuban history.
From that point onwards, the ranks of the FLC swelled, as Cubans who despised MacArthur joined forces. In student circles of wealthy families in Havana, to the isolated indigenous poor in the mountainous countryside, the banner of the FLC became a common sight. It also served as a pivotal moment for American interactions with Cuba. Seeing the instability brought on by the attack, the UASR government quickly moved to support the group, but establishing relations was difficult. The group had no official public structure, and relations were only established between small groups of native Cubans working for shipping companies who were able to transport supposedly British tea exports into the harbor and hand it off to FLC members. The only proof the UASR government had that the weapons were being put to good use was the occasional piece of evidence publicized by the Cuban government.
In practice, the FLC was ruled by a small council founded at its creation, the Council of Liberation, staffed by its four founding members: Roberto Agramonte, Blas Roca, Alfonso Bernal del Riesgo, and Julio Antonio Mella. This Council directed a small group of close friends, one of whom carried out the failed assassination, but after its rapid growth eventually was forced to change its structure. In 1935, the FLC proclaimed its single leader: Ruis Salazar. Ruis Salazar was not a real person, but instead functioned as pseudonym, a name to confuse the Cuban government and an icon for Cubans to rally around. His icon was distributed, of a strong man with brown skin, holding a rifle. The image quickly circulated - even the UASR government attempted to find out the true identity of Ruis Salazar. Salazar became the face of Cuban resistance. His worries, his age, his mannerisms, his history, and his ideology were drawn up by FLC propagandists and the ruling Council. Officially, he had no ideology. He was a man angered by the occupation of his country and the exploitation of his people, who would fight to see Cuba Libre.
The FLC would carry out a series of attacks. The Cuban Government cracked down hard, limiting shipments whenever possible. Mexican fishing vessels were searched for hours before being allowed to dock. Cuba feuded with its trade partners over their right to search sailors and their ships. By 1942, on the eve of the Cuban declaration of war on the Axis Powers, the Cuban nation was in a state of near civil war. Terrorist attacks became increasingly common. Despite the best efforts of the Cuban Government, it seemed like Cuba was on the verge of collapse. Then, MacArthur made the smartest move of his entire political career, and declared war on the Axis.
The modern nation of "Americuba" began in 1933, when the American bourgeoisie and the fascist conspirators of the MacArthur regime fled the American mainland as the victory of Communist forces became inevitable. Hopping on a small U.S Navy destroyer named Brumaire, President-For-Life Douglas MacArthur and his allies effectively abandoned the mantle of the United States to communism. To the National Salvation Government, this was a temporary exile; a short defeat before the great victory. In practice, it is difficult to imagine even the most radical fascist in the MacArthur regime seriously believed he would ever again step foot on American soil. For now, and perhaps for forever, the new government of Cuba would have to figure out how to run a country in the meantime. The local Cuban bourgeoisie were placated with promises of wealth from the wealthy fleeing from the Communist advance, and the Cuban people were placated by the tens of thousands of armed Americans arriving on their shores.
Soon, MacArthur would need to introduce systems of government, a way to rationalize the new existence of a fascist Cuban state. MacArthur's brand of "National Socialism," an ideology that attempted to bring together the divergent tasks of empowering the national bourgeoisie and appealing to an American population infatuated by communism would no longer be necessary, as he was no longer stationed in America. But every leader needs a power base, and MacArthur chose the White reactionaries that fled with him to Cuba, and the Cuban and American bourgeoisie that now occupied the country. The next twenty years, from 1933 to 1953, would be dominated by MacArthur's new oxymoronic ideology, "National Restorationism." The end of a necessity to appeal to a communistic American population, and the negative associations of National Socialism with Hitler's Germany (which Americuba was at war with from 1942 onwards) left National Socialism an unworkable ideology in modern Cuba. National Restorationism was decidedly different in rhetoric to National Socialism, but in practice it was almost exactly the same; centralizing power to the bourgeoisie, relentless attacks against communism, and white supremacy. Banking on the development of Cuba and a democratically-elected capitalist government to restore the United States of America to the American mainland, it hoped to work with counter-revolutionary elements within the U.A.S.R to cause a collapse of the unworkable socialist system, and with the assistance of the American populace eventually restore the Founding Fathers' Republic after a brief intermission.
Of course, this was propaganda, meant to keep the white exiles satisfied while MacArthur and his government languished in wealth from exports of cash crops to France and Britain. The excellent account of early Americuba "The President-For-Life in Havana," written entirely by Public Safety spies and Cuban Communists in the MacArthur government says that even before MacArthur deserted the coasts of Alabama to flee to Cuba, he had already given up hope of returning to America on his own accord. To him, the best solution would be working with an Anti-Communist alliance of France, Britain, Brazil, and Germany to invade America and install him as dictator. As time went on, he began to realize that such a fever dream would never come true. Exact dates are difficult to ascertain from a man who never wrote any memoirs, but between him fleeing to Cuba in December of 1933 and his declaration of war on Brazil on March 5th, 1942 he eventually realized that he would never return to America. His declaration of war against Brazil made it clear, that he had abandoned the last wild dreams of working with Nazi Germany, Britain and France to march into De Leon-Debs D.C and bring him back. He still frequently discussed his hopes of returning to America to his colleagues, but it never strayed beyond the realm of fantasy. Deep down, he must have come to the realization that the "Liberation" would never come.
To the Americans now living in Cuba, or as they are better known, "Americubans," they believed that in a few short years they would be back in their family homes, enjoying a splendid life with their friends by their side, and the Communist menace reduced to history. Through the 1930s, the propaganda machine went onwards. Wealthy American and Cuban families and their media companies churned out the same stories; that America was collapsing, that their people were turning against them, and that groups emerged from patriotic Americans who defeated the Communist policemen and were preparing for the Cuban army to begin the liberation. This same narrative was kept up for years, to keep the Americuban populace working, and kept the dream alive of an eventual return. There was only so long this could last. The native Cubans were told that the occupation was only temporary, that soon the Americans would return to their homes and that the Cuban people would be rewarded for their help in the liberation. Although the white Americans could be convinced for now, suspicion and hatred rose among the native Cubans. As soon as occupation began, groups of armed Cubans prepared for a liberation war not unlike the one being fought by the Sons of Liberty and Klu Klux Klan on the mainland.
Founded in early 1934 as "El Frente de liberacion del gente de Cuba" - The Front of Liberation of the People of Cuba, or more simply the Cuban Liberation Front (FLC), it would at first only involve a clandestine circle of a few native Cubans, committing relatively minor acts of terrorism to a sprawling umbrella group of Cuban guerrilla armies and eventually Cuba's most powerful Communist party.
The FLC's first terrorist attack was an attempted assassination of Douglas MacArthur, on August 14th of 1934. In retrospect, it was poorly planned, but it came to serve as a rallying cry for the Cuban resistance, and a defining moment in Cuban liberation. The "Attack on the Dictator" played a significant psychological role in the mind of Douglas MacArthur. It represented the hate he had garnered among the Cuban populace. When the attacker, Rafael Marti, was carried through the streets of Havana, the white population of the city called for his execution - but the Cubans cheered for him. The march was canceled as clashes broke out between white and native Cubans. Upon his execution, three thousand Cubans marched through Havana to honor his memory. The assassination failed, but it served as the beginning of a movement. The 14th of August today serves as a holiday for nationalist Cubans - if you travel to Havana you will see the Cuban people march through the streets waving the hammer and sickle of the FLC high, as the riot police move against them. It is a defining moment in Cuban history.
From that point onwards, the ranks of the FLC swelled, as Cubans who despised MacArthur joined forces. In student circles of wealthy families in Havana, to the isolated indigenous poor in the mountainous countryside, the banner of the FLC became a common sight. It also served as a pivotal moment for American interactions with Cuba. Seeing the instability brought on by the attack, the UASR government quickly moved to support the group, but establishing relations was difficult. The group had no official public structure, and relations were only established between small groups of native Cubans working for shipping companies who were able to transport supposedly British tea exports into the harbor and hand it off to FLC members. The only proof the UASR government had that the weapons were being put to good use was the occasional piece of evidence publicized by the Cuban government.
In practice, the FLC was ruled by a small council founded at its creation, the Council of Liberation, staffed by its four founding members: Roberto Agramonte, Blas Roca, Alfonso Bernal del Riesgo, and Julio Antonio Mella. This Council directed a small group of close friends, one of whom carried out the failed assassination, but after its rapid growth eventually was forced to change its structure. In 1935, the FLC proclaimed its single leader: Ruis Salazar. Ruis Salazar was not a real person, but instead functioned as pseudonym, a name to confuse the Cuban government and an icon for Cubans to rally around. His icon was distributed, of a strong man with brown skin, holding a rifle. The image quickly circulated - even the UASR government attempted to find out the true identity of Ruis Salazar. Salazar became the face of Cuban resistance. His worries, his age, his mannerisms, his history, and his ideology were drawn up by FLC propagandists and the ruling Council. Officially, he had no ideology. He was a man angered by the occupation of his country and the exploitation of his people, who would fight to see Cuba Libre.
The FLC would carry out a series of attacks. The Cuban Government cracked down hard, limiting shipments whenever possible. Mexican fishing vessels were searched for hours before being allowed to dock. Cuba feuded with its trade partners over their right to search sailors and their ships. By 1942, on the eve of the Cuban declaration of war on the Axis Powers, the Cuban nation was in a state of near civil war. Terrorist attacks became increasingly common. Despite the best efforts of the Cuban Government, it seemed like Cuba was on the verge of collapse. Then, MacArthur made the smartest move of his entire political career, and declared war on the Axis.
Bookmark1995
Banned
Good contribution, but I think in canon, a lot of Cuban resistance is crushed by 1937.
its definitely not going away just with crackdowns. just because macarthur suppresses riots doesn't mean the cuban liberation movement will cease to exist.
Bookmark1995
Banned
In one of my contributions, I imagined the most powerful resistance being a more religious nationalist movement that is somewhat more tolerated by the powers that be.
Bookmark1995
Banned
https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/reds-fanfic.341837/page-321#post-16274296
Here is the link, if you are interested.