The Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Scandal: The Scandal That Broke the Liberal Democratic Party
From the Asahi Shimbun, June 5th, 2018 (translated from the original Japanese)
Guest post by @ajm888 with assistance from Mr. Harris Syed
Introduction:
Central Government Building No.3, the former home of the Ministry of Construction in Kasumigaseki, Chiyoda Ward, Tokyo. Source Wikipedia
On April 15th, 1995 at 10:17 AM, a massive bomb devastated the Kasumigaseki district of Tokyo’s Chiyoda ward claiming the lives of 1,327 people. This was set off by terrorist cult group Aum Shinrikyo masterminded by Shoko Asahara. This bomb tore the heart out of Japan’s bureaucratic leadership. Despite being a Saturday, many senior bureaucrats were in Tokyo due to the threat of an attack, though many thought it would be on Shinjuku station. Numerous administrative vice ministers, the highest ranked bureaucratic position in a Japanese ministry, were either badly injured or killed. One of these severely wounded was Construction Administrative Vice Minister Shigeo Mochizuki. He was one of many hurt by flying glass. He would resign his position in hospital and after a bit he was replaced by somebody in the department no one thought they’d see again, Tatsuya Yamachi[1]. Tatsuya Yamachi was a man no one in the ministry thought they’d ever see again, and his return would not only shake up the Liberal Democratic Party but Japanese bureaucracy and society as a whole leading to what became known as the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Scandal.
“If they ask why I did it, I say why not? All that money and I am supposed to wait for Amakudari[2]? When I eventually retire? What use is power if I cannot use it for myself? For my benefit?” Tatsuya Yamachi in his confession letter.
Robert Moses, at one time the most powerful man in New York, he was brought down by many groups after his power was left unchecked for decades. Pictured at the opening of the Verrazzano-Narrows Bridge. An inspiration for Tatsuya Yamachi. Source: Wikipedia.
Who is Tatsuya Yamachi?:
Those who knew Tatsuya Yamachi know he was a man who started out in a middle class family where his father worked as engineer for Japan Government Railways in the 1930s and 1940s. He was in fact born in the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo in 1938. He was evacuated from Manchukuo before 1940 and grew up in Amori. He went to Tokyo University and would be recruited in college for the Ministry of Construction. As a young bureaucrat he went with a group that went to the 1964-1965 World’s Fair. There he saw Robert Moses, the man who built modern New York City. It was then Tatsuya Yamachi knew what he wanted to be.
Tatsuya wanted the power to be a builder like Moses. He would find it, but not in the Ministry of Construction initially. He would discover it in the Japan Housing Corporation (JHC), the Housing and Urban Development Corporation (
Jutokodan), and The Housing Land Development Public Corporation (
Takuchikaihatsukodan), The Housing Bureau of the Ministry of Construction, and Japan Railway Construction Public Corporation (JRCC). But he was really involved in the development of the new towns and
Danchi (Group Land). The population of Japan was still growing for many years after World War II and many businesses wanted to develop apartments as did local governments. There was so much money in it. And where there was money, Yamachi would find ways to skim, get gifts, and violate so many rules.
“When people want things done fast they expect it done fast. People should not worry about how it is made or how much it costs. All they want is a home that is their own. The end justifies the means in this case and many other cases.” Yamachi wrote in his confession.
Yamachi was an unlikely successor to Administrative Vice Minister Shigeo Mochizuki, he was not even mentioned in likely successors that was going to brought to the construction minister but in September 1995, with Construction Minister Yoshiro Mori briefly serving, Tatsuya Yamachi was selected to become the top civil servant in the construction ministry. He was appointed by the Kono Cabinet formally and would serve a two year term, two years that Yamachi was able to set up a massive network of graft.
“Yamachi was a man from another time it seemed, he was a man from the 1960s trapped in the 1990s. I remember him saying, ‘I would have been at home in the days of Ikeda and Sato, hell even Tanaka!’” said Yamachi’s close friend Jun Mino, a fellow bureaucrat in the former construction ministry. Yamachi had a large circle of friends but there were few he trusted closely, Mino was one of those few. “We were from differing backgrounds, I was from a much wealthier family. His family was Middle Class but not rich like mine was. But we were of similar disposition. He liked to drink and was a terrible drunk as was I but he hated the fact he felt his wife was cheating on him but Tatsuya could never prove it. He was so busy as a bureaucrat that his wife had numerous affairs.” Mino stated.
It was a surprise to everyone in the Ministry of Construction that Yamachi was selected to be promoted to such a position he had not been in the best position in the bureaucracy for the promotion but what he had were connections to construction companies and everyone else involved. Yamachi being tied to many of the New Towns and
Danchis was good at the time though now the name
Danchi is tarnished[3]. But they still had a decent reputation in the ministry, and Yamachi was able to use his ties to them to get his promotion as he was a senior figure in the ministry.
With the rebuilding of Kasmugaseki a major national project it made sense that the Ministry of Construction would lead the project while major firms would get massive contracts to rebuild the devastated district. Announced on November 13th, 1995, was the announcement of the creation of the special government corporation the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Group, a group that oversaw construction and the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Fund, a massive trust fund that would pay for the rebuilding.
“Hundreds or billions of Yen at our disposal, and you’d think we’d not steal?” Yamachi said in his confession, “I mean I made 23 million yen[4] a year as an administrative Vice Minister, but that’d be for two years. This? I could make a hundred million yen, maybe a billion yen. And I am thinking why not? I need to ensure me and my family have coverage as my son was born broken. Caring for a physically disabled son later by myself and my second wife was not cheap[5]. And as my one son is not hidden I have to keep up appearances by being driven around in chauffeured limousines, go to events for the ministry, and pay for my homes with taxpayer money, and so forth. ‘Of course that construction conference is vital. Yes I must stay in the best suite at this Singaporean hotel, it is to help promote Japanese industry after all.’ And I am not even the first one doing this[6]. But I just took the natural corruption that exists in the bureaucracy and stretched it to its utmost limits. I am not sure why it was never done before. I guess I know why.”
As explained by Yamachi he was the father of a son, Hiro, that had no left leg below the knee, in the pregnancy of his first wife Rumiko, there were complications. Likely due to the fact Rumiko was a serial cheater. The fact he had a disabled son threatened his position but unlike most people with disabled kids Tatsuya didn’t hide it. “I am not ashamed of Hiro. I am very proud of him, he is what I value the most in my private life.” Yamachi said in his confession.
The divorce was not cheap but it was fine after both parties made an agreement. It was not easy and for a few years graft was how Tatsuya supported himself and his son. “I remember him years ago,” Yukio Hatoyama told the press, “He was a hard worker, he was not obviously corrupt from that meeting we had with many bureaucrats in 1981 discussing New Towns.” Hatoyama recalled, “But he boasted about his boy. He was proud when Hiro was selected due to his running skills for the Paralympics in the American city of Atlanta in 1996.”
“It was unusual Yamachi-san was so proud of a disabled son. He loved the kids he adopted from his second marriage but Yamachi-san always did his best to make time for Hiro.” Hatoyama replied, “We assume it is because Hiro was always his favorite.”
Yamachi took a vacation around the time of the 1996 Paralympics and was a vocal supporter of Hiro clad in pictures of his son’s previous wins. “Dad was my biggest cheerleader. He flew to Atlanta on a private jet he borrowed from Sumitomo’s executives. He was so happy even if I only got the bronze he was crying tears of joy. Like most athletes and spectators, Yamachi was shocked at the news of a deadly terrorist bombing at the Centennial Olympic Park perpetrated by Eric Rudolph and the Christian fundamentalist group the Army of God, claiming the lives of over 30 people and injuring 121 others[7].
“Dad was so worried for me after the bombing. He was pounding on my hotel room door after the bombing happened. I had said I may go to the concert, he was talking to some folks in Atlanta to make closer business ties that night and when he found out his drunk ass[8] came to my room and he was scared for me.” Hiro remembered. “Even stone drunk, Dad worried about me.”
“I saw both sides of Tatsuya Yamachi,” Jun recalled, “He was a loving father for his kids and he was a scheming bastard when he wanted to be. I saw the switch get flipped on him many times. He would go from singing his son’s praises or being proud of his step-daughter to talking about how to get the uyoku dantai thugs to kick some ass on the foreign construction workers from South Korea, the Philippines, Vietnam, Taiwan and other countries that came with the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Group[9]. He was always like that but the KRG really pushed that dynamic to the most extremes. That one, only Yamachi would try a skim so massive!”
The Scheme:
The Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Project was a massive national prestige project that the Japanese government had to have done by 2001 at the latest. And if there was one man who could get the project done on time, Yamachi was the best choice, so long as you didn’t ask about the overages. But no one would care as Yamachi figured.
“As terrible as it is, I saw a great way to make so much money. I know I was not the only one, but I played ball better than my rivals for the position of Administrative Vice Minister of Construction. You think the LDP types were thinking about just prestige? No! They wondered how to get rich off of 4/15. They needed me! Without me there would be no skim on a project this of massive size, no funds for weddings, mansions, golf courses, luxury cars, and so forth. They owe it all to me. I went to every ministry, agency, and bureau to ensure that this project was going to cost 167.5 billion yen. Though in reality, it was going to be 130 billion yen. I made that extra 37 billion and a half appear. It was a task worthy of the gods[10] and I made it happen. 37.5 billion yen which is roughly 250 million US dollars. That was a lot of money. And I had to make everyone happy. And for a while I made everyone happy.”
Yamachi funneled billions of yen to individuals, companies, political factions, and figures in right-wing politics such as former Minister of Transport Shintaro Ishihara or the Greater Japan Patriotic Party[11]. The scheme went on as it was immensely profitable and made an additional five billion yen for all involved. As 1996 became 1997 there was no evidence that this plot would be found out. Everyone who complained got their money. This deal was a windfall for hundreds of leading figures in Japan as they were able to benefit from not just the money but could operate this scheme without impunity or risk of arrest. For Yamachi, he was ensuring that the quota of the project was done on time and on the budget he and his many co-conspirators made. Yamachi was able to set financial accounts up for Hiro and his step daughters, Hikari and Karin. “I am the patriarch, despite my help I knew Hiro would struggle finding work, not his fault but discrimination against the handicapped, and Hikari and Karin are vocally politically liberal; so I set up sizable nest eggs out of reach of tax authorities in Japan. I got into business with a firm in Panama, Mossack Fonseca, and they helped me with that money for me, my wife, and my kids. My ex-wife was not a part of the deal, due to her untimely death in a drunk driving accident in 1981.”
But Yamachi did list people and companies he paid in his yet to published confession letter. A list of groups and person involved include:
- The five big “super general contractors” (suupaa zenekon) in Japan. This includes Taisei Corporation, Kajima Corporation, Shimizu Corporation, Takenaka Corporation, and Obayashi Corporation.
- Numerous smaller contractors such as Heiwa Real Estate and Maeda Corporation
- Real estate firms like the giant Mitsui Fudosan, Sumitomo Realty & Development, and Mitsubishi Estate.
- Prime Ministers Kono and Hashimoto, former Prime Minister Nakasone, leading LDP politicians, some New Frontier politicians, and others.
- Bosses at the Bank of Japan.
- Leading executives and board members at the banks like the Industrial Bank of Japan, Fuji Bank, The Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi, Sakura Bank, Sumitomo Bank, and others.
- Half the administrative vice ministers in government from 1995 to 1998 got skim money.
- Executives at KDD and NTT got money or gifts.
- High ranking officers in police departments around Tokyo.
- The CEO of JR East.
- Executives of Kawasaki Steel and Nippon Steel
- Executives at the Komatsu, Tadano, and Hitachi construction machine companies.
- The management of the Tokyo subways, both subway systems.
- Bureaucrats in the government of Tokyo.
- Politicians in Tokyo from city hall to Ward mayors. No evidence he paid the governor.
- Members of the Tokyo Prosecutor’s office.
- Senior leaders in the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department.
- Mayors in the cities of Chiba, Kawasaki, Yokohama, and Yokosuka, as well as their deputies.
- Executives in the newspapers Yomiuri Shimbun and The Nikkei
- Railway rolling stock makers like Kawasaki Railcar, Fuji Heavy Industries, and Nippon Sharyo executives all received money.
Yamachi explained how he was able to organize the scheme with his co-conspirators in his confession. “How was I able to do it? Simply put, I had so many partners that they were my protection, that it would make no sense for any of this to go wrong. Even when Ozawa and New Frontier got elected in October 1996, the scheme went on. Even as Ozawa’s new cabinet was unaware of the scheme we made a killing. And for years no one knew.”.
The scheme would remain undiscovered and everything was working out so well for the conspirators going into 1997. By then, Yamachi became the president of the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Group after retiring from the Ministry of Construction. Then things fell apart when Yamachi went in to publish the confession letter himself in 1998.
Fallout:
First, Yamachi would go to the
Asahi Shimbun and gave us the confession letter. He wanted the letter to be a big front page story but the
Shimbun wanted it to be a second or third page story which initially frustrated him. “I always regretted listening to that moron of a mayor in Chiba, his deputy mayor was an utter idiot as the story that opened was small but it everything began to fall apart because of the story where the Chiba City Deputy Mayor had gotten a very nice new house, a house well out of his pay range. The Deputy Mayor that moron had to be flashy and had to buy that Porsche, then he also bought a plane, a Cessna Skyhawk. So the Asahi Shimbun wants to run a little story on the scheme. Not even a big story. They weren’t interested in what I had to say and preferred covering the Imperial House of Japan or the Nippon Professional Baseball (NPB). I should have said no, I had said no before but I decided it was worth the risk. Gods, what a farce. I had been loyal and this is how I was going to be rewarded? They forgot one thing, I was the hub of this whole thing, this whole plot was my idea. They really think I am gonna get pushed out quietly? The other problem was running such a massive scheme was exhausting, I had to make sure the guys got their money or they’d raise holy hell. I had to make sure they got their monthly payment. It was getting impossible to keep it up, this monster I made grew massively and it was still growing when I wrote my letter. I knew I would go to jail because of this. Still, I wrote the letter. It was a long letter but I wrote it, it felt good to reveal all of it.” Yamachi wrote in his autobiography,
The Man Who Sold Japan.
Yamachi then took his story to the
Mainichi Shimbun who agreed to publish his confession letter and notes as a front page story on June 5th, 1998. The consequences of
Mainichi publishing the confession letter and notes on the corruption within the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Group were massive as the story would capture the attention of many Japanese citizens thanks in part to the number of parties and individuals involved in the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Scheme which made many furious about the corruption and negligence within the highest corners of Japanese society. Soon, the
Mainichi Shimbun and other newspapers including
Asahi was receiving letters from its readership demanding accountability from the KRG and other organizations for funneling money into their pockets rather than rebuilding Kasumigaseki. The story would eventually become national news with Japanese papers reprinting Yamachi’s confession letter as the scheme became public knowledge. The Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Scandal would be the largest corruption scandal in Japanese history. This was bigger than the Recruit Scandal, bigger than the Lockheed Scandal, the shipbuilding scandal of the 1950s.This was utterly massive. When the politicians, businessmen, and others profited from Recruit Cosmos going public in 1988 they made 1.1 billion yen, this was thirty times bigger than anything before. Yamachi had kept extensive notes, ledgers, and day planners. The political ramifications from the Kasumigaseki scandal resulted in massive backlash against numerous Japanese political parties and corporations with many executives or influential politicians resigning or being arrested by the National Police Agency. The Kasumigaseki scheme would later be intrinsically tied to the Hoshino Reform Wave as Kenichi Hoshino and his supporters would protest governmental and corporate corruption within Japanese society[12]. However, Yamachi did serve a few years in prison for his part in the scheme but it was after prison that he released everything he had aside from the confession letter.
“You really think I was going to be a part of that adventure without some insurance?” Yamachi would say in an interview that besides his records he had tapes. “I kept Mino at a distance on his true knowledge of the scheme so he could be used for my storage of recordings of politicians, businessmen, and others. First it was audio but later it was video, cameras got small enough to hide them. God the things those men wanted most is what was expected but some of them made my skin crawl.”
The recordings would send more politicians, businessmen, and officials to prison. This fueled the rebellions against the LDP in particular among Japanese youth who were increasingly dissatisfied with the party for its inability to adapt its policies to the ever-worsening economic crisis of the 1990s or stopping Aum Shinrikyo from killing thousands . While there were tapes of Shintaro Ishihara he had done nothing illegal on any of them and therefore prosecutors did not make charges against him. However, the fragmentation of the LDP factions would lead to Ishihara’s creation of a new party with right wingers and ultranationalists like himself known as the Japan Self-Determination Party or Nijiketsu for short[13]..
Shintaro Ishihara at the top and below is Yukio Mishima, on their publisher's roof in 1956. Mishima tried a coup against the Japanese government in 1970. Both were authors and both were ultranationalists.
The Kasmugaseki Redevelopment Scandal drove more moderate and liberal members of the LDP to the newly-formed Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) led by Naoto Kan in 1998 and would have their first proper party conference. The DPJ were confident as the New Frontier Party was fragmenting. The New Frontier Party was falling apart more in fact due to the internal conflicts ex-Komeito[14] members had with the increase in defense spending and the reworking of Article 9 of the post-war Constitution after 4/15.
In May 1999, Prime Minister Ichiro Ozawa[15] called for an election in the House of Representatives in June. This election is called by many the ‘Hoshino-Kasumigaseki Election’, much like the ‘Lockheed elections’ of 1976 and 1983. With Ozawa’s party and control weakening the 1999 General Election held on June 25th, 1999 was one time where none of the papers were sure if it would be a coalition of parties governing, if one of the new parties like the DPJ would win or would somehow the LDP be returned to power. To the shock of everyone the Democratic Party of Japan and a few smaller parties won 254 seats in the National Diet thanks to the LDP’s tainted reputation among Japanese voters. The left-wing parties and factions were buoyed by the surprise electoral support and later would merge into the DPJ (New Conservatives, Liberal League, Liberals). Naoto Kan would be elected the new Prime Minister of Japan, the first to be from the DPJ. A major reason for why the DPJ and Kan did so well in the elections was that the LDP had ignored the results of the House of Councilors election in 1998 and acted like it was a fluke. They had won in 1995 but in 1998 they had ignored all the corruption that had come out in May of 1998 and still thought that they could win. This would lead to LDP leadership shakeup and the eventual loss of that was even more devastating than the 1999 election which led to Taro Aso being ousted as party leader in favor of Koizumi. The 1999 election would lead to the LDP winning only 107 seats with the DPJ winning 254 seats (more seats would be gained in party mergers after 1999) and a near total wipeout of New Frontier from the Japanese political landscape.
Kan’s Premiership was vastly different thanks to political changes brought about by his predecessor, Ichiro Ozawa. The position of Chief of Staff was added under Ozawa and Kan kept it as Kan agreed the Prime Minister needed his own staff not bureaucrats seconded from the various ministries. He would also be dealing with three scandals that got revealed from the finance ministry one was an unrelated bribery scandal to the KRG[16], another involved Ministry of Finance elites going to to a no pan shabu-shabu restaurant[17], the final scandal was a group of finance bureaucrats going to a fashion health clinic and getting “special massages'' and charging it to companies or the taxpayers[18]. A later scandal at the Bank of Japan revealed an official with over four hundred pairs of panties of women who had reported it stolen. Kan would order investigations into the Ministry of Finance and the Bank of Japan for illegal activities resulting in numerous arrests. Kan would also enhance the Civil Service reform that began under Ozawa in response to the scandals. A full special section of the Ministry of Finance was set up to deal with the vast amount of government and corporate embezzlement, along with counterparts in the National Police Agency, local police and Ministry of Justice. The Bank of Japan was thoroughly investigated as many of the pro-Reform Wave and anti-Kasumigaseki reformers in the Ministry of Finance had to fight the Bank of Japan which had been a power unto its own within the Japanese government, to ensure the BoJ was properly investigated, the DPJ’s deputy leader Katsuya Okada was appointed as Finance Minister.
Yukio Hatoyama, a former LDP member and grandson of Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama would be leading a task only a few short years prior that was considered impossible, to reform the Japanese civil service. How he did this was to have outsiders brought into the service and put into senior positions. Meanwhile the DPJ would force public committees on corruption in both houses of the Diet. The Speaker of the House in the Diet was former Prime Minister Toshiko Kaifu, who had switched parties in the late 1990s. Helping with the reform was a new LDP leader, Junichiro Koizumi.
Koizumi had long been against the vast power of the bureaucratic elites, and despite being more conservative he felt that the power should belong to the elected representatives. Koizumi’s election as LDP leader was controversial, due to the fact Koizumi was a major advocate for postal privatization. Koizumi had been influenced heavily by some of his colleagues and especially the Hoshino Reform Wave. Koizumi was a member of the faction called Shinseiki but dubbed by the press as YKK, named after the leaders of the faction; Taku Yamasaki, Koichi Kato, and Koizumi himself, and also because it was similar to the zipper maker YKK[19].Koizumi got into the leadership of the LDP due to Hashimoto being tainted by the Kasumigaseki scandal, Keizo Obuchi stood down as leader due to a minor stroke, Taro Aso had dropped out in the leadership election due to anti-Burakumin comments he said about his rival for the leadership Hiromu Nonaka being made public[20], and the other members of YKK did not have enough support in the Diet. Koizumi did have support and would win a tumultuous leadership election. The LDP would be in opposition, and Koizumi would be able to shape the reformation of the party to remove corrupt members. He also put in age limits to keep older party members from holding seats forever, after age seventy they would have to retire, it was the same rule for judges in the Supreme Court of Japan[21]. Koizumi’s only real scandal was the fact his grandfather was a tattooed minister with some Yakuza ties but this happened prewar when it was a far weaker group. Koizumi is still rated very highly among many Japanese citizens and with his close ties to the Fukuda faction he was able to get his position secured.
Aftermath:
In the wake of the scandal, the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Project was put under close scrutiny and monitored heavily by new bureaucrats, politicians, and the media. And despite the corruption, all buildings were completed by 2001. The Kasumigaseki Station was reopened in 1999 due to the tireless efforts of the workers on the subway. The companies involved did not go out of business though most did have a change of leadership. The companies that were no longer around also did not go out of business but underwent mergers, as with many banks involved in the schemes, or underwent rebranding but most of those were due to unrelated issues to Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Scandal. But the one group that the scars are still visible on is in the LDP, as that scandal, the Hoshino Reform Wave and the Kasumigaseki Scandal damaged public faith in the party[22], As Former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone said, “We were rained on but now the sun is out and we’re dry.” Which a comedian responded with, “Yeah but you’re now caked in dried pig shit.” The LDP would eventually return to power but it took a long time for that return to power to occur. The scandal also shook the apathy many voters in Japan had. These scandals finally made many voters realize that they had to be more involved and more aware of what the politicians they elected did and what the people who ran the civil service did as well. The cultural impact of the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Scandal was political and societal for Japanese media in the same way that the 4/15 attacks or the Assassination of Shoko Asahara. For instance, a memorable line came from an episode of a
Lupin III series released in the early 2000s where the titular character was annoyed that “the greatest thieves now were bankers and bureaucrats”. But the cultural impact from the Kasumigaseki scandal was not as big as 4/15 or the Asahara assassination, while transformative politically it was more boring compared to those events though plots involving government corruption in J-dramas did become more popular in Japan. Overall, Kasumigaseki was more likely to be covered in media centered around 4/15 and the Asahara assassination than as a standalone event though it's impact was never forgotten[23].
After serving four years in prison, Tatsuya Yamachi would be released and became the President of the Initiative for Transparent Government (TSTI). Yamachi befriended Kenichi Hoshino and the two men continue to campaign for anti-corruption causes to this very day under the TSTI. In an exclusive interview with the
Asahi Shimbun, Yamachi said that he was glad he brought down “the corrupt bureaucrats who ruined the Kasumigaseki project” and forging a friendship with “the brave Hoshino-san” for his anti-corruption activism. Yamachi also said that he’s looking forward to “more collaborations with Hoshino” in the near future[24].
“We must strive towards more accountability from governments and corporations that don’t always represent our best interests” said Yamachi looking back on the published confession letter, notes and recordings that exposed the corruption within the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Group.
[1] Another fictional personage like Kenichi Hoshino but most real folks I could use are mostly boring bureaucrats.
[2] Amakudari in Japanese means “Descent from Heaven'. To many non-Japanese readers of the timeline, it’s essentially a Japanese form of revolving door politics. The Civil Service (
Komuin) is viewed in this as Heaven in the polytheistic and animistic beliefs of Shinto, the national religion of Japan. There are variations of this where a bureaucrat moves into a government corporation and is called
yokosuberi (sideslip) or becomes a politician.
[3] Much like many post-war housing developments around the world,
Danchis were started with good intentions at least initially. Like many public housing it was viewed early on with amazement, and wonder at the “Three Treasures” in these apartments like a refrigerator, a washing machine, and a black and white television but as time marched on people viewed them as shabby, ugly, and not safe (more not able to stand up against big earthquakes in Japan but crime as well). Many older Danchis have been torn down as it is cheaper than retrofitting them to meet modern safety standards. Also as the population of Japan shrinks, they’re not needed.
[4] Roughly $154,000 dollars.
[5] Japan has had a long and troubled history with the treatment of physically and mentally disabled people with conformity being a big part of Japanese society which can also be said of Burakumin, Ainu, Rykuyuans, Koreans, Chinese and other groups. Well it is hard for those who cannot conform due to physical or mental disability aside from being non-Japanese. Even after World War II and the Tokyo Tribunal, the Japanese had a law that would castrate the mentally and physically disabled, while most were done with consent of the guardians and family of the disabled person an estimated 16,000 were castrated against their will. In fact, this practice was so commonplace that it only stopped in 1996! Also many families feel a disabled person brings shame upon them and hides them or gives them up to the state. Sadly this can lead to people wishing to euthanize the disabled in Japan, example being the
Sagamihara stabbings.
[6] Corruption is a way of doing business in Japan especially among corporations and political parties. Want to make a deal happen with the Japan Highway Public Corporation? Take bureaucrats from there and the Ministry of Transport and take them to a big golf course and steer the contract your way with money and gifts. Most scandals often had the politicians take the blame and ministry bureaucrats in whatever ministry often left untouched. Also for many years elite bureaucrats got better perks than the ministers they worked under. An Administrative Vice Minister may get a private jet from a large company while the minister flies JAL in business class. More common was a minister may get a taxi or if a car driven by anyone a business car with one security man. An Administrative Vice Minister? They get a limo or a Toyota Century luxury car to drive them to important meetings.
[7] Do keep in mind that while the American government is ramping up it’s anti-terrorism efforts against Militant White Nationalist Organizations (MWNOs) and religious fundamentalist groups even stopping potential terror plots after the J. Edgar Hoover Federal Building bombing in Washington DC there are some that did manage to slip through the cracks and carry out deadly attacks including the Atlanta bombing. In OTL, the Atlanta bombing claimed the lives of only 2 people one of which was from a heart attack thanks to Rudolph thinking it was a good idea to make two 911 calls to the FBI about it along with the efforts of Richard Jewell who discovered the pipe bomb and prevented any more casualties along with Rudolph himself telling the FBI about it. Here, Rudolph doesn’t tell the FBI about the pipe bombs due to greater scrutiny on white nationalist and religious fundamentalist groups after Washington and other related incidents hence why Jewell and the guards don’t discover the bomb in time to prevent claiming more lives than OTL. Moreover, there is a wave of domestic terrorism in America in the mid to late 1990s which is why TTL’s Olympic Park more or less fits the destructive trend of far-right militant white nationalists and fundamentalists launching violent attacks across the country. The upside is that Rudolph is caught much sooner due to the increased focus on domestic terrorism by the Gore administration coupled with a tip from two Sandy Springs residents which resulted in his arrest before he could carry out other attacks on the local abortion clinic and a lesbian bar in the Atlanta Metro in OTL.
[8] Social drinking is a common practice in Japan and often the subordinate or guest must drink as much as their boss or the host. It has been losing popularity in recent years as effort to curb DUI and alcoholism in Japan have been slowly working, still a long way to go in OTL
[9].Keep in mind that some uyoku dantai groups have ties to the Yakuza as noted earlier in the Aum on Trial post hence why you see some of them attacking non-Japanese construction workers.
[10] The gods that Tatsuya is talking about are the Amatsukami, the most powerful beings in Shinto and Japanese folklore comprised of Amaterasu (important sun goddess), Susanoo (sea and storm god), Tsukuyomi (moon god), Ame-no-Uzume (meditation and recreation goddess), Inari (genderless fertility and agriculture god), Takemikazuchi (sumo and war god) and other deities. They are extremely important in Japanese culture to the point where the Imperial House of Japan are officially considered to be the descendants of the Amatsukami and Tatsuya is deliberately invoking them when discussing the Kasumigaseki scheme.
[11] Ishihara in OTL later became the Governor of Tokyo. He was on the extreme side of uyoku dantai ultranationalists in that he spouted racial slurs to Koreans, Chinese and foreigners in addition to denying Japan’s WWII war crimes such as the Nanking Massacre or the rape of non-Japanese “comfort women” and his close friendship with ultranationalist author turned coup plotter Yukio Mishima. Western readers, imagine a German neo-Nazi politician as mayor of Berlin who openly denied the Holocaust or a Ukrainian Stalin apologist becoming mayor of Kiev and denying the Holodomor both of whom supported extremist authors and would be coup leaders. The Greater Japan Patriotic Party are on the opposite side of the spectrum in that they are somewhat more moderate in that they are pro-American and pro-South Korean in addition to being anti-communist but they’re also the same party that had Otoya Yamaguchi kill Inejiro Asanuma in 1960 but nonetheless still exist to this very day. In the case of Ishihara in TTL, he will not become Governor of Tokyo in 1999 as that position will go to Kunio Hatayama, the brother of Yukio Hatoyama and the grandson of Ichiro Hatoyama.
[12] Recall that Kenichi Hoshino became an influential anti-corruption activist after the famous Takeshi Kitano interview.
[13] Ishihara also left the LDP but never formed his own party. Here, he creates an uyoku dantai party with him and other Japanese ultranationalists. In terms of Diet presence, it’s larger than the Communists with 20 members in the House of Councilors and 30 members in the House of Representatives.
[14] The Komeito Party was opposed and is still opposed to removing Article 9 of the post-war Constitution in OTL and TTL.
[15] To elaborate: The Socialist led LDP government was left holding the bag for the Great Hanshin Earthquake, the Tokyo Subway Sarin Attack, and 4/15; the scandals of Yoshiro Mori, Green Cross (a medical company that had HIV tainted blood), nursing home bribery scandal, along with a bad economy that 4/15 brought with it (think like the post 9/11 economy in the US in OTL) resulted in Ozawa’s New Frontier winning in October 1996 and Ozawa himself becoming Prime Minister. During his tenure, Ozawa reformed and strengthened the Kantei (Prime Minister’s Office/Residence) while the top advisor and head of cabinet under the PM would be the chief of staff instead of the Chief Cabinet secretary being the top advisor and head of cabinet under the PM, while still politically it was not typically occupied by a representative. Ozawa would start a heavier reformation of the Japanese civil service.
[16] This scandal is a minor one from our world but gets more attention as it involves two banking regulators getting bribes from banks they were supposed to regulate coupled with the Hoshino Reform Wave.
[17] This one is also borrowed from our world. No pan shabu shabu is a variation of the no pan kissa (no panties cafe) where the waitresses wore no panties (some had mirrored floors), this one they wore mini-skirts. The scandal here is that Ministry of Finance officials here made banks pay for meetings at cafes like this in Kabukicho.. Much like many fads in Japan it faded away by the mid 2000s and it will fade much sooner here due to the aforementioned scandal.
[18] This is inspired by more recent scandals in Japanese business but some fashion health clinics give customers “happy endings.”
[19] YKK stands for
Yoshida
Kōgyō
Kabushiki gaisha (Yoshida Manufacturing Corporation)
[20] Aso’s comments about Nonaka were in relation to Nonaka’s Burakumin heritage and background, "We are not going to let someone from the buraku become the prime minister, are we?" Which is borrowed from reality. Though here Nonaka gets a swipe at Aso for being a Catholic “Isn’t that right Francisco?” which is Aso’s Catholic name.
[21] The Supreme Court of Japan has a mandatory retirement age of Japan and in OTL the LDP tried a similar rule that after age seventy they would not be able to run in the next general election but it was reversed later. Here, since the Kasumigaseki scandal and the Hoshino Reform Wave led to many officials and corporate executives getting exposed for misconduct coupled with the DPJ’s victory, this rule is permanent.
[22] The LDP dominates Japanese elections against opposition parties and has been in power for much of it’s history except 1993-1994 and 2009-2012 respectively. Here, the Reform Wave and scandals will cause numerous Japanese citizens to switch to other parties and elections won’t be mostly dominated by the LDP.
[23] Essentially,TTL’s Japanese history has 4/15 as 9/11, the assassination of Shoko Asahara as the assassination of John F. Kennedy and the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Scandal as the Enron scandal though only the second one still occurred while first and third are up in the air and may or may not happen in this timeline.
[24] Given that Yamachi exposed the Kasumigaseki Redevelopment Scandal and Hoshino is leading a wave of anti-corruption activism, the two men would naturally meet and become friends.