"And so I leave you with this. Imagine now, a group of about thirty, hanging, each with an identical placard around its neck bearing a printed legend; "I betrayed my country and race". That is the future. That is our victory." - William Luther Pierce, Chairman of the Freedom Party - American National Vanguard Alliance (FP-ANVA), self-proclaimed "President of the Confederate States of America", in his address claiming response for the "Red Thursday" attacks
Late American Imperial Politics (1972-1991)
Part 3 - The 1980 U.S. Presidential Election
Two events of great significance occurred as the 1970s came to an end. The Pro-US government in Venezuela was overthrown by a popular German-backed coup, leading to a direct American intervention in the oil-rich country, and on Thursday, January 10th, 1980, a previously little known neo-Freedomite group; the Freedom Party - American National Vanguard Alliance (FP-ANVA), itself a split from an older, more "moderate" group, staged the largest single coordinated terror attack in American history. In New York City, Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington DC, and Los Angeles, over 200 were killed by a coordinated series of shootings, bombings of various types, and arson attacks that culminated in an attempted shootout at the US Capitol, stopped by the intervention of military police.
The attacks had a great impact on the American psyche, even beyond the enormous and tragic loss of life. The fundamental question of the success of integrating the former CSA was brought into full focus, even as American intelligence estimated that the FP-ANVA had exhausted over half of its ready manpower in the attack. In the aftermath, the general public, including the great majority of the south and Canada, including even the crypto-secessionist Canadian National Party and its leader, Alec Pomeroy, rallied around President Joshua Blackford, who promised to bring the FP-ANVA, in particular its now infamous and hated leader, William Luther Pierce, to justice.
Blackford himself was still considering his political future. A popular two term President, having in his mind redeemed the failed legacy of his father, dealing with the emerging crisis and bringing Pierce to justice would cement his legacy and allow him to retire from political life on a high note. Many had already declared their candidacy for the Socialist nomination, including Blackford's Vice President, George McGovern. At this stage, the possibility of a third term wasn't under huge consideration by Blackford, but the unfolding events of the next month, in addition to learning more about the activities of the FP-ANVA, would change the President's perspective.
A week after the attacks, on January 17th, the President met with the General Staff, as well as other high-ranking officers, most notably Generals Collin Powell and Boris Lavochkin, who would come to represent the two main visions for dealing with the "Pierceite" threat. Previous reports of the FP-ANVA exhausting its manpower were revealed to be...incomplete. While Blackford's economic reforms had brought prosperity and full employment to the American Core (pre-FGW US territory), the South was largely left behind, with rampant unemployment and poverty. As such, when Pierce became a household name but a week prior, the FP-ANVA had already probably recuperated its numbers. This growth was obviously extremely alarming, to say the least. As such, Powell and Lavochkin had each designed a long-term strategy for stopping the now growing threat.
Powell's goal was restricting further radicalisation and economically bringing up the south, preventing and restricting FP-ANVA growth over a long period of time, where it would fizzle out. As well as this, Pierce specifically would be targeted for capture, as Powell (correctly) believed he was holding the new "party" together.
Lavochkin's plan was different to say the least. It was more blunt, calling for the location and systematic destruction of every terrorist cell in the country. The United States would remind the sympathising southerners who had beaten them thirty-six years prior, and the scourge of such sympathies and support would be represses wherever possible. This was controversial, to say the least.
Blackford leaned towards Powell's proposal, though he agreed with Lavochkin that aggressive pursuit of FP-ANVA cells was required. More importantly though he realised that the Pierceites would be a long-term problem, and began seriously contemplating running for a third term.
Vice President McGovern's policy announcement after the attacks in support of a softer line on the south further pushed Blackford to run, and he was ultimately convinced by his wife of nearly 30 years, Mildred, according to the President's autobiography.
And so, on February 2nd, the President called a press conference, and announced that, in light of the recent tragedy and ongoing war in Venezuela, he would seek re-election to a third term.
Immediately, most other candidates for the Socialist nomination stepped aside, bar one. Vice President McGovern, though informed of the President's decision personally before the announcement, remained in the race. McGovern was adamant that the national crisis was not so great as to disregard one of the most important traditions of American democracy. Though the subsequent primary campaign was not fought bitterly, as McGovern and Blackford remained friends, it was hard fought, with Blackford only becoming presumptive nominee after winning, rather pointedly, Dakota, McGovern's home state and that of Blackford's father.
At the convention, McGovern told Blackford he refused to continue to be on the Socialist ticket. Blackford plucked ageing Secretary of Defence and former Vice President Henry M. Jackson for his new Running mate, but thought little of McGovern's refusal - for a week.
Few people were as shocked as Blackford when McGovern appeared at the Republican convention, having resigned his Socialist Party membership. The Republicans, the only party to still not have Primaries, were able to switch easily to nominate McGovern for the Presidency, with Charles Percy returning once again as the Vice Presidential nominee.
McGovern's shock nomination overshadowed the otherwise spectacular Democratic convention, which nominated Senator from Ohio and the first man in Space, John Glenn, for President. The choice of John Anderson for Vice President indicated the Democrats were moving ever further to the left, meaning all three parties had nominated candidates from their left wings.
The campaign quickly became a contest between Blackford and McGovern, as the otherwise exciting Glenn was left to the wayside in a campaign focused on which Socialist would lead for the next four years. McGovern made quite transparent the fact that he would govern "as a Socialist, as a Republican" if elected, which became a more and more present possibility as he climbed and climbed in the polls. His height in September, within three points of Blackford, was finally blunted by Blackford's performance in the debates, which pushed McGovern back to the point where most were safely expecting a Blackford victory come November. That, combined with the intervention of former President and SGW hero Irving Morrell, Blackford's father-in-law, sealed McGovern's fate.
And so, on November 4, 1980, Joshua Blackford made history, once again.
Pres. Joshua Blackford (S/PA)/Sec. Henry M. Jackson (S/WA): 369 electoral votes
VP. George S. McGovern (R/DA)/Rep. Charles H. Percy (R/IL): 126 electoral votes
Sen. John Glenn (D/OH)/Rep. John Anderson (D/IL): 81 electoral votes
Side note: McGovern's extremely narrow victory in Dakota (less than 1000 votes) somewhat spoiled the mood for the victorious Blackford, to whom victory in Dakota was a matter of personal pride.