Part 10: Clash of Empires
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    Europe and the Mediterranean in 800

    The first decade of the ninth century would come to be defined by a conflict that would later be known as the Second Lombard War. The first Lombard War had ended over half a century prior when Desiderius flew the Lombard banner over Ravenna. It was under Desiderius that Italy was unified once more, and it was under Desiderius that the Lombards continued the legacy of Rome- in their own eyes, if in no one else's. But the existence of the Western Roman Empire was an inherently shaky prospect. Desiderius had based his claim on three factors- the defeat of the Eastern Romans throughout Italy, the capture of Carthage and the blessing of the Pope. His son Adelchis, though crowned by the Pope, had neither held Carthage nor defeated the Eastern Romans. But the iconodule revolts in Sicily and Malta provided an opportunity. The rebuilding of the empire had begun with the conquest of Corsica, Sardinia and the Balearics, leaving Sicily as the only major island west of the Adriatic that did not answer to Rome. The iconodules of Sicily had even extended their pleas to the Lombard emperor, requesting that he protect them from the tyranny of Constantinople. A decade and a half ago Sicily had revolted, and in the uneasy peace that followed only about half the island had truly returned to the Eastern Empire's rule. The northern portion of the island remained loyal to Adelchis, to an extant at least, and Italy had swiftly become the new home for iconodule priests throughout the east. Many of these priests had ingratiated themselves to the Lombard elite by becoming tutors and spiritual guides. And through their influence on the emperor, the priests pushed Adelchis on as he made plans to take the rest of Sicily. In the summer of 800 the Lombards began their invasion of Sicily. The first phase of the conquest was to drive out the Ghafiqid pirates who had made their home base in Trapani. The Strategos of Sicily protested the action, claiming it a violation of Constantinople's right to rule the island, but his cries fell on deaf ears. By then, most of the soldiers sent to pacify the island had returned home. Further complicating matters was a deep-held resentment of the Greeks by the Sicilians for their brutal crushing of Tarasios' rebellion. The result was a messy system of disloyal soldiers and militias that fell quickly to the forces of Grimoald, duke of Benevento.

    As soon as news of Grimoald's success reached Rome, another, more ambitious expedition was planned. Adelchis desired control of all of old Dalmatia, the richest areas of which were still under the control of the Eastern Empire. At the same time, the Eastern Empire was still recovering from Tarasios' rebellion and a civil war between Constantine VI and his great-uncle Nikephoros. In 801 Adelchis and Zodan led an invasion force into lower Dalmatia. It was the first time that the Lombards had fought the Eastern Roman Empire on their home turf. The casualties were greater than any of the fights against the Italian Exarchates, but the Lombards nevertheless emerged triumphant. However, it would soon become clear that the defenses the Lombards had overrun were nowhere near the true extent of Constantinople's power.

    Though era-defining, the Second Lombard war was not the only conflict to occur in the opening years of the new century. At the same time, the pagan expansions in the north were continuing. In the far northern reaches of civilization, the Gaels of Dal Riata and the Picts of Pictland faced two viking invasions. The first, Fortirland, had existed for some time in uneasy peace with their Christian neighbors, fueled by raids. Just when Picts had become used to the new status quo though, another force arrived. Orm Hafrsson, the son of one of the conquerors of the Hebrides, arrived in Cait in the north of Britain, and swiftly established his own conqueror kingdom- Kaitland. Further south Grimr Haraldson was once again on a warpath against Anjou. The viking's forces went straight for the capitol of Anjou, in the process killing the Merovingian pretender. In a desperate bid for survival, Lothar ceded the northern coast of Anjou to the viking warlord, and began a frantic search for a replacement king. The third viking invasion that was occurring at the time was that of Einar Alfsson, who had wandered the north sea for years gathering a band of conquerors and raiders. In the winter of 801 his army made landfall in Jaliqiyah, and began their war against the northernmost Jund of what was once al-Gharb. Conquering the northern coast of the Jund, Einar proclaimed his new realm Sturland.

    That is not to say that Christendom did not make any inroads during this time. Guillaume of Autun managed to push back against Saxon raids, reclaiming some of the land conquered by Widukind and his son Theodoric.

    Nor is it accurate to say that the first decade of the ninth century was a time preoccupied only with war. The iconodules who arrived in Italy brought with them Greek ideals about religion, government and philosophy, which they passed on to their Lombard patrons and students. The greatest minds of the iconodules were brought directly to Rome to serve the Imperial government. This move by Adelchis seemed to cement the Lombard Pope's claim to power with Greek support. What was more, the fact that so many priests had abandoned the Eastern Roman Empire for the Western Roman Empire seemed to signal that the west was indeed Roman. During the opening years of the war, when the fortunes of the Lombards were high, the priests were sent to Lower Moravia to proselytize. This inevitably led to conflicts with the Bavarian missionaries, but none that boiled into actual bloodshed. Bavaria's push eastward had been halted for the time being, at least a far as borders went. Missionaries still went east to proselytize, but the attention of the Pope and King were set steadily on pacifying and Christianizing the regions of Moravia they had already conquered. In the west, Bavarian knights assisted Gullaume in his defense against the Saxons. In Brittany, the wars of expansion against the Franks ended with Judoc's death in 798, and his successor Morman attempted to appeal to his Frankish subjects through his marriage to Joveta, daughter of Dagobert IV. Morman's reign also saw the integration of Frankish nobility into the Brittany, through marriage or as fellow members of warbands. Warbands were also being formed in Akituniyya. The Kharijite ideal of universal Jihad was being put into practice, as men and women alike were urged by their spiritual leaders to take up the sword against the Norsemen, the Syrians, the Andalusians and the Aquitanians.

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    The Mediterranean world in 803.

    The first battles of the Second Lombard War were won by the Lombards. But the fortunes of the west would soon falter. By 803 the Eastern Roman Empire had managed to disentangle itself from the mess of civil wars and Arab incursions that had kept their forces preoccupied. Later that year the Eastern Roman navy successfully assaulted Malta, returning the rebellious island chain to Constantinople's control. Soon afterwards the Eastern Romans made their second attack on Sicily in as many decades. With the bulk of the Lombard forces in Pannonia and Dalmatia, the island fell quickly, many residents more than happy to return to the east's rule. At the same time, a deal was made to the Bulgar khan Krum. Gold from Constantinople, in return for Bulgar attacks on the Lombards and Avars. Krum was more than happy to oblige this request. While the Bulgars attacked from the east, the southern flank of the Lombard army was left open to the Roman cataphracts, whilst Greek ships burned the Dalmatian coast. The Lombard navy, though powerful, was no match for the discipline of eastern sailors, nor the Greek Fire they carried aboard their ships. Within the year the ERE had not only recaptured its lost territory, but had extended its reach north to threaten Tergestum (modern Trieste). It was only in the mountains of Carantania that the Greek advance slowed. By 806 it was clear that a stalemate had been reached. The Lombards could not advance against the Greeks, but neither could the Greeks touch the Lombards. A mountain attack would be far too costly, and a disastrous attempt to land in Calabria had resulted only in dead Greeks and burning ships. Constantine VI offered Adelchis a peace, on the condition that Sicily and Dalmatia be returned, and that the title of emperor be abandoned by the Lombards. These were terms that Adelchis was unwilling to acquiesce to however, and he continued to defend the core of his empire, waiting for a lucky break in the Eastern Roman forces.

    Other wars were occurring at this time as well. In Iberia the Sturlanders continued to push south. The feuding Junds were more than willing to allow the Norsemen to do as they pleased to a rival, but when the Sturlanders fully defeated Jaliqiyah, their eyes turned elsewhere, still hungry for plunder and conquest. In 804 Einar attempted to attack Akituniyya, only to find the combination of zealous inhabitants and mountainous terrain made the region far less appealing than it had initially appeared. However, the actions of Einar had not gone unnoticed in Cordoba. Hisham al-Reda called upon the leaders of Toledo and Lisbunah, trying to force an alliance between the two. It was only after both had lost land to Einar's army that the generals agreed to cooperate against the invader. Hisham also saw the war that had engulfed the Lombards and thought it a opportunity to unite his two realms. The Balearic islands had long been a thorn in his side, harassing trade and travel between Iberia and the Maghreb, and capturing them would alleviate quite a bit of trouble. At the same time, Lupo of Aquitaine launched an attack on Provence. Minor gains were made before Lupo died. His successor Chorso decided to quit while the Aquitanians were ahead, and left the war with only minor territorial changes. In Britain, changes were coming as well. Wulf's death saw Fryskenland divided between his son. To Wulf II was given the east, while Popo was given the west, under the new name of Fryskensax. And in the far north of the island, Kaitland expanded once more.

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    Europe in 807
     
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    Part 11: Khans and Kings
  • The eighth century in Europe and the Mediterranean was a period defined by near constant warfare, rebellion and invasion. The upending of the status quo that was Frankish hegemony unleashed a wave of would-be empires and kingdoms, many of which disappeared as quickly as they had formed. By the turn of the ninth century, stability was still an ideal rather than a reality, as the Lombard Western Roman Empire tested their might against the venerable Eastern Roman Empire, and northern Europe still suffered from migrating Germanic warbands. However, this is not to say that all developments in this time were focused on warfare, nor to imply that the more subtle changes in Europe and the Mediterranean's cultural spheres were any less important than military endeavors.

    Francia was perhaps the east fortunate kingdom of the eighth century. From a position of uncontested power in 700, by 800 the Franks were a divided people, with multiple warlords propping up their own puppet kings. Faced with unruly nobles, invading barbarians, upstart Lombards, raiding Arabs and pretender kings, the Frankish states were a battleground not only for armies, but for ideas as well. Many looked to the Merovingian dynasty to guide them through these troubled times. This was especially true in Autun, where Guillaume kept the nobility in line by preaching of their duty to the royal line of Merovech. Guillaume emphasized the Merovingian dynasty, and especially his role as caretaker of the dynasty when addressing the nobles of his realm. The idealization of the Merovingian dynasty was also seen in songs and poems from the time, glorifying the early days of Francia, when Merovech, Childeric and Clovis had ruled over western Europe. The Romance of Clovis was written in the 780s in Autun, under the patronage of Guillaume. The poem's subject matter was the life of the first king of the Franks, and what survived the ages told of Clovis' war to 'overthrow the heavy Roman Yoke', his fight against the Riprurians, Alemanni, Burgundians and Visigoths. A special emphasis was placed on Clovis' conversion to Christianity and the pagan and heretical kingdoms he drove from Gaul (that Clovis himself was pagan for much of his conquests is ignored by the author). In addition to idolizing Clovis and his descendants, the poem also rallied the Franks in a time when their 'kingdom' was under siege by pagans once more. The anonymous author of the Romance called upon his countrymen to once more stand tall against the invaders, and presented a tale of Frankish victory in a time when such things were sorely lacking.


    In the year 807, the Lombards were in a precarious position. In the east the forces of the Eastern Roman Empire drove the Lombards from the shores of the Balkans and set their sights on the Italian mainland. In Constantinople rumors swirled throughout the city, excitedly predicting that Constantine VI was soon to embark on a campaign of reconquest unseen since the days of Justinian. In the west, the Umayyads and Ghafiqids eyed the upstart Western Roman Empire's island holdings as bases from which to assert their dominance over Mediterranean piracy. In the north, Grifo of Bavaria and Guillaume of Autun looked hungrily at the Gaulish and Carantanian domains of Adelchis. Throughout the peninsula the Lombard nobility began to whisper of conspiracy against their emperor, whose actions seemed poised to bring ruin to their lands. And in Rome, Adelchis himself consulted with his generals, his scholars and the pope of the Roman church, seeking a miracle to bring him to victory. Such a miracle would indeed come, but from a very unlikely source.

    The Eastern Roman empire, in contrast to the barbarian west, was enjoying a position of power. Having finally emerged from the religious strife that wracked the empire for much of the eighth century, Constantinople was once again proving its strength- the strength of Rome. As victory against the Lombards seemed a likelier prospect by the day, Constantine VI dismissed his Bulgar 'allies'. Perhaps it was hubris, perhaps it was disgust at the idea of using pagans to conquer Rome's homeland, perhaps it was shame at the need to use barbarians to fight barbarians or perhaps it was a simple need for the treasure that had been sent to Pliska in return for Krum's loyalty. Whatever the cause was, in 808 Constantine VI halted his payments to the Bulgars. The message reached Krum shortly after a failed assault on the Lombard fortress near Tergeste (modern Trieste). Perhaps it was anger over seeing the Bulgars' sacrifices discarded so callously, perhaps it was fear that a powerful Eastern Roman Empire would turn against Bulgaria, perhaps it was simple opportunism, or perhaps Krum had always planned to betray his 'allies'. Soon after Krum heard of the broken agreement, he rallied his men, dispatched his own messengers, and turned his horde on his former comrades. Surprised and surrounded, the Eastern Roman forces in Pannonia fell swiftly, though the rough terrain of the Balkan mountains kept Dalmatia under Greek control. Faced with Krum's invasion, Constantine VI was forced to recall his forces from Carantania. The Bulgars were hungry for treasure and revenge, hardened in battle over the past decade and seeking to regain the glory their empire lost under Krum's predecessor.

    But while pagan conquerors targeted the Balkans, in Francia the long run of pagan luck was finally running out, at least for Wuchodol and Theodoringia. For over a quarter of a century the Franks had been divided, easy pickings for Germanic and Slavic adventurers. But by 810 the Frankish Warring States period was drawing to a close. In 802, Seineland invaded Anjou, gaining control of Neustria. The Merovingian king of Anjou, Clovis V, was headstrong and stubborn. Unlike his predecessors and contemporaries, he was unwilling to sit in his castle while invaders ravaged his lands. On his insistence and against the advice of the ailing Majordomo Lothar, Clovis V took up arms and personally led an army against Grimr's forces. Though the coast was ultimately lost, the core regions of Anjou remained under the control of the Franks. In truth, the coast was really all the Seinelanders sought, but that fact did not dissuade Frankish celebrations of victory. The victory was accompanied by a series of hurried negotiations between Lothar and Guillaume. The two Majordomos had long had a complicated relationship as both friends and rivals. But with Lothar's health failing, the future of Anjou was in doubt. Eventually a plan for Francia's future was agreed upon by the two men, and soon afterwards, in 804, Lothar died. The Autunian king Dagobert IV was tonsured and sent to a monastery in southern Autun, and Lothar and Guillaume's plan went into motion. With his king gone, Guillaume swiftly recognized Clovis V as the rightful monarch, and traded Autnian land to the nobility of Anjou in return for their support of him as Clovis V's new Majordomo. Though impulsive and glory-seeking, Clovis V had little interest in actually ruling, a situation that suited Guillaume fine.

    In 808 Theorodic, son of Widukind, died, throwing the inheritance of Theodoringia into question. Taking advantage of the situation, Guillaume attacked. The Reconquest of the Rhine, as it became known, was a sort war, lasting only two years. However, it's consequences would reach far beyond that time frame. Much like the war against Seineland, Clovis V insisted on leading his troops into battle. However, unlike the war against Seineland, Clovis V did not survive the Reconquest of the Rhine. Legend and songs would later say that the Merovingian died fighting Theodoric to a standstill, or sacrificed himself to hold off a Saxon horde. In truth, it was likely a stray arrowshot or an axeblade from a Saxon with no idea who they had just killed. When news of Clovis' death reached Paris, Dagobert IV was recalled from his monastery and reinstated as king. With the Rhine under their control, Guillaume and his colleagues crowned Dagobert not simply king of Autun or king of the Franks, but King of all Francia. The last stand of Clovis V was already being immortalized in tales and told by nobles and peasants alike, with the Majordomo giving patronage to many a poet or chronicler to record the king's last battle. The Merovingians, long viewed as obsolete, were once again seen as the saviors of the Franks. Though still puppets, there was a sense of respect for the dynasty throughout the kingdom- and a respect for the dynasty's Majordomo as well. Guillaume was the uncontested power behind the throne. No Frank had wielded such authority over his countrymen since the days of Charles Martel. Francia was reborn, but whether the rebirth could last in a changed world was a different question.

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    Europe and the Mediterranean, 812
     
    Part 12: The Peace of Dalmatia
  • The knife may save what the sword has lost -Eastern Roman Proverb

    In the autumn of 812 a shroud hung over Constantinople. The fall of Epirus had shocked the empire and Constantine VI, Basileus of the Roman Empire, was swiftly becoming a very unpopular man. Accusations that the emperor had ‘snatched defeat from the jaws of victory’ ran through the imperial elites’ circles. And while the common populace may not have fully understood the ramifications of their emperor’s actions, there could be no denying the refugees fleeing the Bulgar hordes, nor the ever-increasing price of goods or the constant chants from Theodosian walls as the priests prayed for victory. In the Sacred Palace, Constantine VI descended into cruelty and madness, alternating between lashing out in anger and refusing to accept the reality of his blunders. For everyone outside of the imperial family, it seemed that the writing was on the wall for the Isaurians. Still, finding the emperor in a pool of his own blood, his throat slit, was a surprise. The palace eunuchs and imperial patricians were understandably shocked and appalled. So shocked and appalled that they waited a full day before appointing Nikephoros Genik the new Basileus Rhomaion.

    A man with a mind for numbers and a heart for war, Nikephoros had spent the last decade tending to the Empire’s finances, watching as the treasury of Constantinople was sunk to the bottom of the Adriatic, trampled in the Pannonian plains or thrown from the mountains of Cilicia. While it can never be proven that Nikephoros had a hand in the death of Constantine VI, it can also not be disproven, nor discounted. Nikephoros inherited a dismal situation, facing enemies on all his borders. But one did not get away with (possibly) assassinating an emperor by being timid. The next spring Nikephoros departed Constantinople, with every available soldier in tow. A campaign of cruelty and slaughter followed. Villages were ‘liberated’ from the Bulgars, which often meant being wiped off the face of the earth for their ‘treachery’ bending the knee to Krum.

    The initial campaign went well and by summer the war had turned from one of reconquest to simple conquest. For the next few months, the Eastern Romans marched across Bulgaria proper, encountering surprisingly little resistance. By July the army had decimated Preslav and threatened Pliska. With the Eastern Roman troops in spitting distance of his capital, Krum dispatched a messenger, begging for peace. Word had reached Krum of the atrocities Nikephoros had committed against Krum’s people, as well as his own, and Krum hoped to spare Pliska the destruction visited upon so much of southern Bulgaria. Unfortunately, Nikephoros was confident in his ability to destroy the Bulgars once and for all and set off for Pliska soon after the messenger was dismissed. Though the Bulgars in Pliska put up a fierce fight, the numbers were simply not in their favor. Soon enough, Pliska was a smoldering ruin, looted and ransacked, its inhabitants maimed, killed or enslaved. And yet Krum was nowhere to be seen. And of the ferocious horde that had menaced the Roman Empire, not many more than ten thousand men were counted among the casualties. The reason for this would become tragically clear soon afterwards, as the Roman soldiers passed through the Balkans on their way home. In the narrow mountain passes, Krum’s ambush was put into action, trapping the Roman army and attacking from both sides. The end result was a slaughter, and only a fraction of Nikephoros’ forces survived the battle.

    The disaster at Pliska was a terrible blow to the Eastern Roman Empire. Nikephoros, along with most of his entourage, had been slain in the ambush. The army returned to the capital in disgrace to find another surprise waiting for them- a new emperor. With Nikephoros gone, Bardanes, the leader of the Roman armies in Anatolia, marched into the capital and claimed the throne for himself. Nikephoros’ army was tired, ragged and not exactly happy with their former commander’s refusal to accept the Bulgarian surrender, and didn’t put up much of a fight against the coup.

    For his part, Bardanes acted with a much cooler head than his predecessors. Greek historians would later note the bitter irony that Bardanes, a soldier whose life had been spent at war, was more willing to find diplomatic solutions than Nikephoros, a bureaucrat who had never seen battle before his campaign against the Bulgarians. The tribute that the Isaurians had been sending to the Abbasids had been ended by Nikephoros during the latter’s brief reign, and this was proving troublesome for the empire’s eastern border. To alleviate the issue and secure Anatolia and Armenia, Bardanes renewed the flow of treasure to the Arabs, and called for a peace with Krum and the Western Roman Empire at the same time.

    The negotiations between the Eastern and Western Roman Empires occurred over the next two years, during which time an uneasy peace reigned in the Adriatic. Both empires were exhausted from the fight and simply wanted an end to the war. The resulting treaty, the Peace of Damatia, set the boundary between the empires in the Adriatic. Eastern Roman control of Venice was, in theory, reaffirmed, although the Doge still reigned supreme in the Republic. Dalmatia, Pannonia and Sicily were confirmed to be under the rule of the East, while Sardinia and Corsica were given to the West. In terms of titles, Adelchis was granted the title of emperor- though Bardanes remained unwavering in his refusal to add ‘Roman’ to the title.

    The Lombards had proven willing to negotiate with Bardanes, but the Bulgars were not so open to diplomacy. Rage at the destruction of Pliska and a feeling of invincibility from slaying Nikephoros combined into a potent mixture of emotions that called the Bulgar hordes to war. In 814 Krum laid siege to Constantinople. For three months the Bulgars waited outside of the Roman capital. However, with no navy the siege was doomed to failure- though it did not break naturally. It took a sortie led by Bardanes himself to drive the Bulgars back to the Thracian countryside. No peace was to be reached with the Bulgars, though the return of the armies in Sicily allowed the Romans to reassert control over Epirus-though Pannonia remained a step too far for the war-weary empire. In what would become known as the Oath of Shumen, Krum repudiated the Romans’ offers of armistice, famously vowing that no peace would exist until Pliska had been rebuilt by the stones and hands of the Roman Empire. For the remainder of his reign, Krum offered a sizable reward for Roman artisans abducted during raids, as well as Roman statues or other loot taken from the Eastern Romans. The next decade saw this policy continued, and a cycle of raids and retaliation between the Bulgars and the Eastern Roman Empire.

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    Europe and the Mediterranean in 823 AD, 10 years after the Roman War ended and two years after the death of Emperor Adelchis
     
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