Chapter 47: Terrorism in the Russian Empire, part VI: Terror without theory: radical Anarchists
Terrorism in the Russian Empire, part VI:
Terror without theory: radical Anarchists


11314381475_1f8c02e4de_z.jpg


As the Russian authorities struck hard against the Social-Revolutionaries and Social Democrats, terrorism in Russia begun to enter a new phase and take new forms. The rise of new kind of terrorists happened initially as a result of breakdown of even the weakest Empire-wide contacts between various local illegal party organizations and revolutionary cells. Left to their own devices, the surviving handfuls of disaffected SR and SD supporters united into small cells that formed loose federations, plunging into radical activity of every sort. Alienated from the intellectual exiled leaders who were unable to control or help their cause in any meaningful way, many revolutionaries drifted towards a radical ideology that had prophets and visionaries who preached an even harder creed than the Marxist and Neo-Populist revolutionaries. No compromises with the bourgeoisie, no concrete demands. Total war against all laws and courts, all private property owners, all religions and churches and every aspect of the old traditions and customs. To completely liberate man from all artificial restraints, one had to conduct a social revolution through direct action that aimed to totally destroy all state institutions. The Russian state had declared war on terror - and these terrorist cells were willing to escalate this conflict into a total war, slashing against the entire contemporary society and culture which they considered corrupt to the core. These were not the educated intellectual dissidents of former eras. The radical Anarchists were by and large poorly educated, and they often disregarded theoretical questions almost entirely.

To the most passionate and idealistic radical revolutionaries - the young students, craftsmen and the rootless drifters of the Russian underworld, theories mattered little as long as one had “boevaia zhilka” or “combat in his blood.” These reckless and frustrated youths were satisfying their desire of excitement and self-affirmation by fully immersing them to the world of revolutionary terror. To their kind every act of violence against political oppression in Russia was justified by the oppressive nature of the autocracy. This was an universal conflict between rebellious slaves and cruel masters, and as the liberators of an oppressed people these terrorists saw no need to justify their actions and methods to anyone. They waged an arbitrary war against the existing reality with pride, labelling calling their acts of violence “bezmotivnyi”, “motiveless” terror conducted in the spirit of “boevizm”, “total militancy.”

It did not matter that random and senseless their acts of violence appeared to be in the eyes of the bystanding Russian public. The Anarchists were willing to kill randomly and in large numbers and engaged to acts of terror that were repugnant to many non-Anarchist terrorist groups. Anyone wearing an uniform, all defenders of the tsarist regime deserved the death penalty. It was the duty of every Anarchist to fight against these political oppressors, and be just as ruthless and uncompromising in the struggle against the economic repression brought along by the very existence of private property. Their war against the old world included ideas. Clergy and “reactionary” intellectuals and thinkers were legitimate targets, just like the physical manifestations of the “spiritual enslavement” - statues and church buildings - were legitimate targets for destructions. Capitalists, industrialists, factory owners and managers were also all just agents of exploitation of the toiling masses of Russia. Everyone who supported the existing order actively was an enemy to be killed.

And thus all terrorist acts would contribute to the destruction of the bourgeois world in their own way, and the conflict between the authorities and the radicals was taken to its logical extreme - to the act of self-sacrifice.

The central SR doctrinal idea of the terrorist as an avenging martyr propagated by Gershuni had by 1905 spread through Russian revolutionary circles[1], but it had the most impact along the ranks of the most radical Anarchists. Initially the acts of “self-sacrificial terrorism” were just instances where terrorists opposing house searches or arrests first shot and threw bombs at the policemen and soldiers attempting to arrest them, finally ending their resistance by choosing to end their own lives with the last bullet rather than falling into the hands of the authorities. Expressing fanatical personal courage in the willingness to sacrifice their lives for the revolutionary cause soon became a notorious trademark of the most radical Anarchist terrorist cells. According to the murderous logic of these anarchist terrorists, individual terrorism was clearly incapable of defeating the autocracy. Thus the logical next step was “sensational mass assassination” of the forces of autocracy. By the virtue of contempt for organized political formations and because of their primary interest in the “unrestricted development of the individual”, these bezmotivniki initiated their attacks on personal initiative, suddenly and on whim. Isolated and broken away from the framework of any illegal political formation, these individuals banded together in small, loosely organized gangs of like-minded extremists. Initially ignored by the authorities as bandits and rabble, it was these clandestine groups that would soon transform the face of terrorism in Russia and rest of the world forever. The anarchist bezmotivniki were many things, but they were not afraid to die. And with dynamite and other modern explosives at their disposal, they now had entirely new means to throw their lives away and take others with them. The time of suicide attacks was about to begin.


1: Since Gershuni himself is still alive and free, he has much greater influence to the theoretical discussions within the revolutionary circles than in OTL.
 
Last edited:
Good, good...
These fearless terrorists make it easy to justify measures against the liberal intelligentsia and other sympathisers and delegitimatize these groups.
The attitude of these poor terrorists reminds me of the recent Palestinian terror wave. It is a sign of desperation, of weakness (of the established militant oppositionists).
 
Good, good...
These fearless terrorists make it easy to justify measures against the liberal intelligentsia and other sympathisers and delegitimatize these groups.
The attitude of these poor terrorists reminds me of the recent Palestinian terror wave. It is a sign of desperation, of weakness (of the established militant oppositionists).

What kind of measures to you envision and for which groups? This intelligentsia you talk about is fairly broad and heterogeneous (if quite small in absolute numbers).

Siberian deportation, the long tested tool, never really worked, as the katorga became more and more of a seminar for leftist intellectuals. Execution makes too many headlines and lengthy court process, especially if it was to be used on the liberal intelligentsia in large. Exiling them didn't really work either.

It will be very hard for the elite to squash these sentiments by attacking all of the intelligentsia. They need, to survive, a broader intellectual support than just the reactionary court politics of the Russian aristocracy.

As long as all the state is doing is defending the shackles binding a vast amount of Russians, extract taxes, force its population to serve in the military, and doing all this, while giving nothing back, it is a state slowly eroding.


I agree though that this terror tactics makes it easier to strike against the left. However such a strike can only function in the field of ideology and popular discourse, as the decentralized and spontaneous structure of the groups makes it very hard to crush them completely. However as long as the state has nothing else to offer to the common man, nor the intelligentsia, this ideological fight cannot be won by the state. Instead it would leave a broad opening for other leftist thoughts that repudiate terror, but also the state. Those, perhaps slightly more democratic forces, might find an area to grow on, between the reactionary regime and the fatalistic left.
 
What kind of measures to you envision and for which groups? This intelligentsia you talk about is fairly broad and heterogeneous (if quite small in absolute numbers).

Decrease their influence and punish them for any support of the militants.

Siberian deportation, the long tested tool, never really worked, as the katorga became more and more of a seminar for leftist intellectuals. Execution makes too many headlines and lengthy court process, especially if it was to be used on the liberal intelligentsia in large. Exiling them didn't really work either.

It "became more and more of a seminar for leftist intellectuals" because it did not remove them from their political scene.
That has to be fixed.

It will be very hard for the elite to squash these sentiments by attacking all of the intelligentsia. They need, to survive, a broader intellectual support than just the reactionary court politics of the Russian aristocracy.

They need broader intellectual support, but it should be the right intellectual support.
The intelligentsia has to be shaped more.
Only then it should be allowed to shape the state.

As long as all the state is doing is defending the shackles binding a vast amount of Russians, extract taxes, force its population to serve in the military, and doing all this, while giving nothing back, it is a state slowly eroding.

Of course, that is why land reform is necessary.

I agree though that this terror tactics makes it easier to strike against the left. However such a strike can only function in the field of ideology and popular discourse, as the decentralized and spontaneous structure of the groups makes it very hard to crush them completely. However as long as the state has nothing else to offer to the common man, nor the intelligentsia, this ideological fight cannot be won by the state. Instead it would leave a broad opening for other leftist thoughts that repudiate terror, but also the state. Those, perhaps slightly more democratic forces, might find an area to grow on, between the reactionary regime and the fatalistic left.

And the proponents of these other leftist thoughts will be targeted and isolated as well and then they become militants in response, restarting the cycle.
 
Decrease their influence and punish them for any support of the militants.
Some support is arguably legal, even in Russia, such as monetary support during trials.
It "became more and more of a seminar for leftist intellectuals" because it did not remove them from their political scene.
That has to be fixed.
The "leaking" katorga made it indeed quite ineffectual, and I think the state can succeed somewhat. A large problem however is that intellectuals surprisingly often found support within the system and could smuggle letters etcetera. However, with more widespread a chaotic terror such support might decrease.

They need broader intellectual support, but it should be the right intellectual support.
The intelligentsia has to be shaped more.
Only then it should be allowed to shape the state.
I think this is a key difference in our view of the events, based on our ideological posturing. I argue that such an authoritarian view of its people is what caused the Tsar-based empire to fall. The state lack the ideological power to keep its population in line, instead the state must accept the idea, if it is to survive, that it has to give concessions to, at least part of the people. However, such concessions are viewed as an impossibility, so nothing will happen.
Of course, that is why land reform is necessary.
Indeed it is. But land reform is a direct action against the regime and its aristocratic base. An alliance between peasant and aristocracy cannot work, when the wealth and power of the aristocrat is directly based on said peasant. The word "land reform" is often thrown out as a catch all solution to Russia's problem, and it had potential, but the reason it very seldom happened, and most always happened too late, was that the elite would lose power.

And the proponents of these other leftist thoughts will be targeted and isolated as well and then they become militants in response, restarting the cycle.
Agreed, that is a probable outcome. Hence the need, if the Russian elite wants to stay in power, to give a small area for opposition. Closing all the valves only brings one closer to an explosion, or for that matter a revolution.
 
I wonder what factors drive the bezmotivniki to give up everything and essentially act like modern day school shooters. Is Tasrist society really that hopeless in their view?
 
The promise and problems of Russian Empire
I wonder what factors drive the bezmotivniki to give up everything and essentially act like modern day school shooters. Is Tsarist society really that hopeless in their view?

Yes. These small groups of extremists really see no hope of a peaceful reform at all, for various reasons. Some of them were Jews, who felt that cases like the Beilis trial and pogroms showed that they had no future and rights under the Czarist system. Others came from the ranks of the peasants or urban poor.

The key thing to understand about early 20th Century Russia was that it was a country that was diplomatically and internationally in decline, but at the same that had huge potential.

The key thing to the future of Russia was her pre-war population growth. In OTL Minister Mendeleev predicted in 1906 that the total population of the empire would grow from the predicted 155 million people in 1910 to 282 million by 1950, and to almost 600 million by 2000!

These kind of excessive predictions were not uncommon, and it was generally accepted fact that the population would keep growing at an enormous rate. And this put a tremendous strain to the Czarist bureaucracy. By 1900 the population growth was already making land a scarce resource in the countryside, leading to the steady rise of land rents, much to the resentment of the peasants. If and when harvests were poor, the result of the lack of land and inefficiency of Russian agriculture was often a local famine, and tensions between the land-owning elite and peasantry were high. Chernigov, Kharkov, Poltava, Ekaterinoslav - the region people now refer as eastern Ukraine/"New Russia" - were the ones worst affected by this overpopulation problem.

Growing cities were little better, since urban population growth was tremendous and housing construction was utterly inadequate to provide the new city-dwellers with good-quality habitats. And it's hard to blame them, since the growth rates were so enormous:

In the OTL (and TTL) timespan from 1811 to 1914 the major Russian cities grew by the following rates:

St. Petersburg 631%, from 335,6k to 2118,5k

Moscow 652% from 270,2k to 1762k

Riga 1743% from 32k to 558k

Vil'no 362% from 56,3k to 203,8k

Kiev 2234% from 23,3k to 520,5k

Odessa 4540% from 11k to 499,5k

Saratov 881% from 26,7k to 235,3k

Ekaterinoslav 2455% from 8,6k to 211,1k


In theory there was a solution in the form of internal migration. Unlike Britain, Germany, Italy and Austria-Hungary, Russia had a huge unsettled internal landmass territory in Siberia. But peasants wishing to migrate there or elsewhere in the empire had to seek permission from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and that of State Domains, and the bilet system they (and the Jews, and every other non-noble subject of the Empire) were subjected to was slow, corrupt and overtly bureaucratic.

Thus the resulting problem with the population growth rates was that Russia lacked the means (and in the case of ruling elites also the will to do so in the first place) accommodate the new working class in the industrial cities, as well as ways to turn the growing peasant population of the agricultural heartland provinces into "new Russians" through education. With a ratio of teachers being just 1,2 per 1000 people, Russia was the education backwater of Europe and even worse off than Italy (2,2%). To make matters even worse from the Czarist point of view, the middle-class teachers were often the individuals most frustrated by the lack of reform, and harbored revolutionary sympathies.

This reality mixed poorly with the worldview of the Moscow-oriented Slavophile elite - the view that the country only needed a firm hand, that only autocracy could hold the Empire together and ensure the survival of Russia truly committed to the values and principles of her unique civilization.

The old upper class saw themselves as a warrior elite, being the grandsons of the noble officers who had defeated Napoleon a century ago. Educated in military schools, they viewed the glory, power and prestige of Russian Empire in a near-holy status, and had little sympathy or understanding to demands of reform.

Mix this with a frustrated and disillusioned middle class, revolutionary exile community and the general hollow feeling that while the old Orthodox worldview was no longer enough for the new world, there was no general guiding principle readily available, apply it into an autocratic dictatorship were people are treated as subjects, not as citizens, and you'll have a mix that did turn a small number of desperate individuals into new kind of terrorists both in TTL and OTL. It didin't help the matter at all that the intelligentsia often idolized the anti-autocracy terrorists:

'Revolution may take the exterior forms of anarchy, of disintegration, of
chaos. But these are only the exterior forms. Our peasants and moujiks
who burn properties, blindly massacre animals, destroy machines or
precious works of art, are not men transformed into beasts, but beasts at
the moment of their ascension to human beings…They do not fall, but are
elevated…They are too oppressed to fall. It is birth, it is not death; but in
their exterior manifestations, birth and death are equally painful and
extraordinary.
'
 
How is the situation in Poland? Does it follow the same trajectory as Russia proper (and Little Russia/Ukraine) or have it taken another road? I guess separatist feelings are becoming more and more common, but those could be linked to anarchist terrorism too.


Also how has PPS positioned itself in the terror question?
 
How is the situation in Poland? Does it follow the same trajectory as Russia proper (and Little Russia/Ukraine) or have it taken another road? I guess separatist feelings are becoming more and more common, but those could be linked to anarchist terrorism too. Also how has PPS positioned itself in the terror question?

The PSS aims to destabilize Russian authority in Poland, and has authorized the formation of an SR-inspired "special combat section" called Bojowka. At the moment the party is recruiting among the peasants, encouraging them to form village detachments to conduct assaults against the lives and property of wealthy landowners. PPS has even opened an underground combat school to Krakow to train the new cadres. Russian-styled "expropriations" to gain funds have also become common.

Because of the lack of OTL concessions from the part of the autocracy, internal dissent against the practice of terror is not the kind of issue it was historically. Thus the party is more united. The hardliners and proponents of more excessive use of terror have mostly joined to the only TTL splinter group of the PPS, the "Proletariat" - the proponents of of a tactic of systematic terror that aims to bring about an all-Russian revolution, where Poland would achieve a status of a separate republic within the new federal Russian state. After the PPS itself has approved the terror-oriented strategy, the Proletariat has proven itself unable to match the organization and popularity of the PPS and many active members have returned to PPS fold.

Polish Social Democrats have followed a really similar route than the Russian SDs. In order to compete with the PPS, they have created a Combat Organization of their own in the form of the Organisacia Bojowa, aimed to organize the terrorist activities and to subject them to strict discipline under SD leadership. A certain aspiring young fellow is part of the OB as well:

tumblr_mnqc4nW0v51s4sgxno1_500.jpg


That's...really fascinating, and also makes it much easier to understand the appeal of the Bolsheviks IOTL. It'll be interesting to see what comes to pass in Russia in the coming years.

As I've covered the internal situation of Russia, it's time to return to global diplomacy and take a look at the ways world has changed since the first attempt to storm the Taku Forts.
 
Last edited:
The PSS aims to destabilize Russian authority in Poland, and has authorized the formation of an SR-inspired "special combat section" called Bojowka. At the moment the party is recruiting among the peasants, encouraging them to form village detachments to conduct assaults against the lives and property of wealthy landowners. PSS has even opened an underground combat school to Krakow to train the new cadres. Russian-styled "expropriations" to gain funds have also become common.

Because of the lack of OTL concessions from the part of the autocracy, internal dissent against the practice of terror is not the kind of issue it was historically. Thus the party is more united. The hardliners and proponents of more excessive use of terror have mostly joined to the only TTL splinter group of the PSS, the "Proletariat" - the proponents of of a tactic of systematic terror that aims to bring about an all-Russian revolution, where Poland would achieve a status of a separate republic within the new federal Russian state. After the PSS itself has approved the terror-oriented strategy, the Proletariat has proven itself unable to match the organization and popularity of the PSS and many active members have returned to PSS fold.

Polish Social Democrats have followed a really similar route than the Russian SDs. In order to compete with the PSS, they have created a Combat Organization of their own in the form of the Organisacia Bojowa, aimed to organize the terrorist activities and to subject them to strict discipline under SD leadership. A certain aspiring young fellow is part of the OB as well:
Interesting. I wouldn't be surprised if Felix Dzerzhinsky change affiliation at a critical moment though, given how late he joined the Bolshevik faction IOTL.

Also, if the splinter group of 'Proletariat' is losing power, how is the national question handled in Poland and PPS? (also, I don't recognize the abbreviation PSS, care to elaborate?) If I don't misremember PPS had as an explicit goal of an independent Poland before 1905. This would most likely not change. However, if the national question is downplayed compared to OTL, they might gain a larger support from the Jewish community and the Bund.

I assume that Endecja follows a similar trajectory as OTL with more and more anti-semitism. I wonder however, if the increased terror activities on the left might give them some room to attract former leftist intellectuals.

As I've covered the internal situation of Russia, it's time to return to global diplomacy and take a look at the ways world has changed since the first attempt to storm the Taku Forts.
Looking forward to it.
 
Last edited:
(also, I don't recognize the abbreviation PSS, care to elaborate?)
Autocorrect sabotage, the text is now fixed and the guilty wreckers have been dealt with.

Interesting. I wouldn't be surprised if Felix Dzerzhinsky change affiliation at a critical moment though, given how late he joined the Bolshevik faction IOTL.

The was certainly principled in his own twisted way, but also ruthlessly pragmatic as well. He'll see where the wind is blowing and adjust his sails and course accordingly.

If I don't misremember PPS had as an explicit goal of an independent Poland before 1905. This would most likely not change. However, if the national question is downplayed compared to OTL, they might gain a larger support from the Jewish community and the Bund.
Then again holding fast to the idea of Polish independence is one of the rallying cries for a wide base of popular support. The Bund is an interesting force in itself, though, and will get more attention in the TL later on.
 
Then again holding fast to the idea of Polish independence is one of the rallying cries for a wide base of popular support. The Bund is an interesting force in itself, though, and will get more attention in the TL later on.

Indeed it was. It will also be one of the key identity markers to differ SD supporters from PPS:ers, as their methods blend more and more. If the Russian SD fail to find a solution (or rather accept a solution) for the nationality question, PPS and similar nationalist tinted parties within Russia will find a larger and larger source for support. Especially if Endecja sitting in Paris for most of the time fails to gain a large support on the ground.
 
Chapter 48: Terrorism in the Russian Empire, part VII: The Black Hundreds and the rise of the URP
Terrorism in the Russian Empire, part VII:
The Black Hundreds and the rise of the URP

11302177953_e6987d9542_z.jpg


Beat the damned traitors everywhere and all over, whereever you find them and with whatever you can! Beat the Yids, destroyers of the Czardom, beat the bloodthirsty zemstva robbers, beat the instigators of the seditions and strikes! Beat the school youth, even your son, brother, or relative - all the same he's a traitor! Beat him, he's a complete wretch, destroyer of the people and the Russian land! The more we destroy, the better for Russia and the Russian people! The more of of them we kill, the less sedition there will be in Russia and the quicker Russia will return to the path to redemption!

Russian conservative leadership had traditionally shunned mass politics as disreputable and subversive activity, but the rising tide of terrorism in the Empire had brought some key high-ranking officials to see the need for a grassroots counterweight to the rising tide of liberal reformist and socialist revolutionary activity. As usual, initially the czarist officialdom lacked a unified policy and was divided into opposing factions, with parts of the administration opposing all kinds of political organizations and others supporting the idea of a counter-movement against terrorism. The formation of the new right-wing leagues was therefore first and foremost a semi-official attempt to organize and channel the spontaneous actions of the masses towards new directions. The organization known as the Russkoye Sobraniye, the Russian Assembly, found in 1900 Prince D.P.Golytsin was little more than a cultural club for like-minded nobility. Officially it was solely dedicated to cultural pursuits - Russian literature, poetry readings, theatrical productions and the like. It mostly comprised nobles, government and court officials and military officers, including P.D. Sviatopolk-Mirskii. The Russian Assembly was the place where these men established new connections and discussed their ideas about the possibilities of ultrarightist populism. They were laying the groundwork for later manifestations of political forces that defined themselves as patriotic supporters of the autocracy in the struggle against the rising tide of left-wing terrorism. United in their contempt of the Russian intelligentsia they held responsible for spreading "foreign" liberal and revolutionary socialist ideas among the Russian people, these men were determined to attempt a new approach to the terror problem. They acted with a growing sense of urgency, as labor strife and social chaos convulsed Russia as many parts of the country descended into a state of lawlessness caused by the declaration of martial law and military control. A campaign of assassinations aimed at police and government officials by Socialist Revolutionaries and other socialist and anarchist parties and groupings was inflicting shocking defeats to the government; official statistics showed that at least 1,588 people were assassinated in 1906 alone. As chaos caused by terrorism shook the Empire, many Russians from all walks of life yearned for law and order. Parts of the Russian public reacted to the new situation and the rise of left-wing terrorism with rapid anti-Semitism and paranoid and defensive nationalism.

The ethnic minorities were seen as the main perpetrators of revolutionary terrorism, and the message of the new conservative counter-revolutionary groups was thus profoundly anti-Semitic and anti-Polish. Most groups initiated their activities by doing little more than printing and distributing pogromist flyers. Filled with violent calls to arms, the leaflets were exhorting Russians to defend Russia, its people and the Czar by attacking revolutionaries. The flyers denounced Jews, the intelligentsia and students, liberals, Poles, Finns and Caucasians. Central Police Department Director Kovalenskii acknowledged that the flyers could spark serious unrest, but ordered his subordinates merely to discover who printed and distributed them, and await further instructions on how to deal with these groups. In essence he thus ordered the police not to prosecute or detain the leaders of admittedly illegal, unregistered organizations involved in inciting pogroms against entire sectors of society perceived as sympathetic to the revolution. As governors hailed the new groups as potentially useful counterweight to revolutionary organizations, the Ministry of Internal Affairs allowed the local officials a great deal of latitude in setting policy towards the rightist groups. As the agitation was allowed to continue, the turmoil in the Russian borderlands soon took new forms. The violence perpetrated by the right-wing groups began with clashes between leftist and rightist workers, especially those employed in factories and in the railroads, in the summer of 1905 in St. Petersburg, Moscow, and other cities. These were usually street brawls, but they sometimes escalated into firefights as both sides were increasingly often carrying illegal firearms "for self-defense." By the winter mobs begun to attack Jews and suspected revolutionaries in cities and countryside, and several prominent opposition figures were assassinated. Just like terrorism and peasant unrest, their activities focused to the South, Ukraine and White Russia, since their anti-Semitic rhetoric had broader appeal around the traditional Jewish pale of settlement. Here the demands to stop the conspiracy of the Zhidomasonstvo (Jew-Masons) from ruining Mother Russia met a receptive audience. The new paramilitary groups responsible for these actions took names like The White Flag, The People's Union, For Czar and Order, the Fatherland Union, and the Union of the Archangel Michael. The largest and best organized of these was the Soyuz Russkogo Naroda, the Union of the Russian People, formed by a nobleman trained as an engineer, Alexander Iosifovich Trishatny with the support of a former assistant to the interior minister, V.M. Pruskevich, in November 1905.[1] Calling for "formation of fighting detachments to quell the revolution", the URP and similar organizations formed thousands of loosely knit branch organizations across Russia during the winter of 1905.

Trishatny stressed that the "Union of Russian People was not a political party,"for a party refers to the separation of the whole into parts, whereas the Union, by contrast, connects the disparate parts into a whole." The organizational structure he introduced to the new anti-revolutionary Boevye druzhiny was a paramilitary network that mimicked the organization of ancient Slavic military formations and the various terrorist organizations operating in Russia. A group of 10 activists composed a primary unit, desyatka ("ten"), led by a desyatnik. Ten desyatkas constituted a sotnya ("hundred"), commanded by a tosotnik, and ten "hundreds" formed a tysyacha ("thousand") subordinated to tysyachnik. With a clear organizational structure, the URP paramilitary groups soon spread through the Russian capitol. Separate druzhiny were assigned to different parts of the city, while "branches" quickly spread out to Moscow, Odessa, Kiev, Nizhny-Novgorod and other cities. In St. Petersburg members of the URP could obtain weapons-carrying permits if their organizations’ leaders applied in the members’ name to City Mayor V. F. Von der-Launitz. The city mayor’s office approved weapons-carrying permits for 120 members by January 25, 1906. What’s more, the city mayor, with the permission of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, doled out one hundred revolvers from police supplies to URP members on January 5 and 6, 1906. Armed with the revolvers obtained from St.Petersburg City Governor-General von der Launitz, Brownings that retired provincial secretary N.M. Iuskevich-Kraskovskii smuggled into the city from the Grand Duchy of Finland, and bombs manufactured by their own bomb-factories, the St. Petersburg druzhiny of the URP quickly turned into a formidable clandestine paramilitary force.

The URP leadership offered their new secret militia to the service of the authorities of St. Petersburg as security detail that would help the police and soldiers defend various locations if revolutionaries attacked them. During the spring of 1906 the police dispatched URP druzhiny throughout the city to help defend public buildings, commercial centers, and printing presses. This kind of close police cooperation with the URP soon became a regular activity, as the police approved voluntary security details composed of URP members to protect official parades and other official activities. Trishatny set out the tasks of his new group and secured its funding, while Iuskevich-Kraskovskii organized the day-to-day activities. With assurances from authorities that he could use his political connections to ensure the immunity of druzhiny members from prosecution (or, in a worst case scenario, that they would be found not guilty at trial), druzhiny members aimed to fight the URP’s political enemies using all means, including murders and open street violence. Their supporters in the government perceived in the URP a beneficent group that could buttress the autocracy and channel the lower classes’ passions against the revolutionaries. But the government sponsors of the URP also realized that they could not always control the URP’s propensity for violence. Furthermore, from its inception, the URP’s incessant denunciations of the government and the bureaucracy for their allegedly timorous fight against the revolutionaries discomfited some ministers and other high officials. The government’s initial ambivalence about the organization resulted in a lack of a clear policy toward the URP. This inconsistency mimicked the government’s reaction to the Pan-Slavs several decades earlier. The government clearly hoped to keep the URP as a “chained dog” to be let loose when necessary against Russia’s enemies.

blackhundreds.jpeg


The initial approval and decisive support for the entire program came from the Czar; the monetary support that URP begun to receive in 1906 originated from his secret fund, and he personally approved the overall level of funding. With a philosophy extolling the sanctity of the Czar’s every word and deed, the URP soon enjoyed the public support of Nicholas II despite the harm done to his reputation from associating himself with vulgar anti-Semites. The Czar’s public proclamations of support for the URP reinforced the perception that the URP enjoyed official connections that could benefit its members. These included messages sent to the organization declaring “Unite Russian people, I am counting on you” and I believe that with your help the Russian people and I will succeed in defeating the enemies of Russia. Moreover, he held regular private audiences with Trishatny and provincial URP leaders that were not arranged through the regular official channels, but rather through the intervention of URP supporters at the court. The Czar did not share the ambivalence toward the organization felt by his top officials; often distrustful of his Prime Minister, Witte, Nicholas II was untroubled by the URP which virtually never extended to criticism of the autocrat himself. The Czar’s affinity for the URP helped to create an environment in which an attitude of outward sympathy for the URP soon became de rigueur within the upper echelons of Russian officialdom. Even officials who opposed the URP soon felt obliged to sprinkle their criticism of the organization with praise for the group’s principles. With illicit funding from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the unlawful paramilitary formations that cooperated with local police forces, and members who included convicted criminals and even killers pardoned by the Czar, the URP became a "terror of terrorists" with generous state support in the struggle against the revolutionary forces. Ministries, governors, and police agencies received and conveyed the message that laws could be circumvented in order to assist the URP. Local as well as national government officials resorted to this policy in hopes of augmenting the empire’s undermanned police force in the face of an immediate threat from the revolutionaries. But this action bound the government to the URP in a conspiracy that could not be easily undone. Once the precedent had been established of illegally assisting the URP, the government found it difficult to extricate itself from the organization. The government, for better or worse, had forged a surreptitious, permanent alliance with the URP.

1: Trishatny becomes the leader of the URP since Dr. Dubrovin has died during a random expropriation robbery in September 1905 - in TTL his death is one of the reasons his friends and associates decide to establish the URP in the first place.
 
Last edited:
Chapter 49: Terrorism in the Russian Empire, part VIII: Oprichniki of Nicholas II and the The Protocols of the Elders of Zion
Terrorism in the Russian Empire, part VIII:
Oprichniki of Nicholas II and the The Protocols of the Elders of Zion


380px-1905_2fnl_Velikoe_v_malom_i_antikhrist.jpg


"The people became enraged by the insolence and audacity of the revolutionaries and socialists, and because nine-tenths of them are Yids, the people's whole wrath has turned against them."

When Pyotr Ivanovich Rachkovskii, chief of the Foreign Agentura of Okhrana was summoned home from Paris to lead and reform the entire organization in his new role as Special Commissioner in the MVD in 1902[1], the old plotter and veteran counter-revolutionary brought along with him a small pamphlet. Soon the court printers at Czarskoye Selo and the print shop of Troitsa-Sergeyeva Lavra monastery were all chewing out a book created by a drivenly fanatical monk, Serge Nilus. The book, "Great within the Small" contained the pamphlet that had been concocted by Rachkovskii, Matvei Golovinski and other Czarist secret police officials in order to encourage public resistance to all efforts of radical reform against the autocratic system. The existence and effects of the pamphlet became a lasting testament to Rachkovskii's sinister skills in propaganda and manipulation. The original creator of the document had been a man called Elie de Cyon, a talented physiologist and political journalist of Russian-Jewish descent. He was a critic and opponent of Prime Minister Sergei Witte, the political master and patron of Rachkovskii.

After Rachkovskii had ordered a more throughout investigation of the plans and affairs of Elie de Cyon in 1897, he and his associates had burgled the villa owned by de Cyon in Switzerland, discovering quantities of papers. Among them was a political pamphlet that de Cyon had created by the means of plagiarism from Maurice Joly's Dialogue aux Enfers by altering the original context of dialogues between Machiavelli and Montesquieu by removing their names from the text, and ascribing all of the monologues and passages on the exercise of unlimited power to Witte alone. Rachkovskii was quick to realize the potential propaganda value of the document. Using the text as a basis, he and his aides deleted every single reference to Witte, replacing them with references to mysterious "Elders of Zion." Rachkovskii did not even see the need to alter the order of the original chapters of the new document he edited, and his largest change to the text was a new chapter copied from Biarritz, an older anti-Semitic novel written by Hermann Goedsche that had been translated into Russian in 1872.

In an earlier report from Paris to his superiors in Russia, Rachkovskii had correctly predicted that the revolutionary movements were preparing to launch a powerful offensive against the government. Arguing that the revolutionaries had become self-assured and adventurous while the political policing agents had become stagnant and incapable of dealing with what Rachkovskii believed would be the forthcoming unified revolutionary action against Stardom. "New times - new problems...the sooner we reorganize the Okhrana the better." Minister Sipiagin, Director of the Deparment of Police Zvolianskii and Chief of the Special Section Rataev had all initially lacked the courage and ability to take up the challenge to reorganize the Okhrana and embark in the battle against subversion with renewed vigour and new methods, but in April 1902 the situation finally changed as the SRs managed to assassinate Zvolianskii[2], alarming the officials and the Czar himself enough to recall one of their most trusted and veteran Okhrana commanders back to Russia. Upon his arrival to St. Petersburg, Rashkovskii wasted no time in utilizing his extensive contact networks in the Czarist court camarilla to ensure that the newly printed book was presented to the Czar and the Empress. At the same time the he ensured that the "The Protocols of the Sessions of the "World Alliance of Freemasons and of the Sages of Zion" were widely printed in the right-wing flyers and pamphlets and handed out to the URP tea-rooms throughout Russia. The tearooms were meeting places stocked with patriotic literature that would be conducive to rightwing political discussions and the recruitment of new URP members. The pamphlet had the desired effect: it convinced many ordinary Russians about the existence of a Jewish revolutionary conspiracy that aimed to enslave Russia and the whole world. Among the list of people who became convinced of the lies of the pamphlet was the Czar himself. Nicholas II was ultimately a gullible man, and since the pamphlet was in harmony with his earlier anti-Semitic opinion, both the Czar himself and his wife, the Empress Alexandra Fedorovna soon truly believed in the authenticity of the pamphlet.[3]

The new Oprichniki - the worldview of the URP druzhiny

Encouraged by authorities and agitated with the Protocols, the Black Hundreds emerged from the Russian society with an ideology focused on defeating the revolutionaries, preserving the autocracy, and privileging ethnic Russians throughout the empire. The movement’s outlook was vaguely anti-modern and outwardly anti-Western in the principled rejection of modern things like the gold standard, parliamentarism, rapid industrialization, the governmental bureaucracy, the international banking system, foreign investment in Russia, and all things associated with modern financial capitalism in general. For many rank-and-file members of the secret combat sotnyas, the prospect of engaging in organized violence had represented a final incentive for joining the URP. The organization quickly earned notoriety for carrying out assaults, robberies, and murders in the name of the counterrevolutionary and anti-Semitic struggle against "enemies of holy Russia." Members of the URP’s various paramilitary groups exploited their positions to earn money through robberies and extortion schemes, particularly aimed at Jews. They regularly engaged in robberies and extortion rackets, especially the blackmailing of Jewish communities with threats of pogroms. Threats of mass beatings of Jews featured prominently in many URP flyers, whose dissemination frequently sparked widespread fears of the possibility of pogroms and large-scale Jewish flight from the localities where URP made their threats. The generally poor character of many local-level Black Hundred leaders resulted in widespread corruption, the alienation of private donors and financial problems, making the movement more and more reliant of government support.[4]

Paradoxically these problems only further agitated the URP activists, who by 1907 were spreading their own illegal newspapers and pamphlets to promote their vision for the future of Russia - just like the revolutionary groups they were fighting against. These URP publications called for placing all of Russia under martial law; legalizing the paramilitary druzhiny of the URP, banning Jews from service in the military, state service, and the legal profession, limiting their participation in trade and industry, and boycotting Jewish enterprises in areas where Jews supported the revolutionaries. Jewish students were to be segregated into their own separate schools where they would be taught by Russian teachers under strict state supervision. All schools and universities were to be closed temporarily and reopened only after all revolutionary professors and students had been expelled. All private schools were to be banned entirely. Workers were to be allowed to unite in patriotic mutual aid unions that could help them to establish schools, stores and lending funds to members in need. The Czar should also convene a new Zemskii Sobor, comprised of devout Orthodox Christians and Old Believers of all social classes, to solve the problem of land reform in a way that preserved the traditional Russian peasant obschina as the ideal social organization.

The situation in Russian domestic politics was thus in a state of paradox upon the rise of the URP. The Black Hundreds were fervent supporters of absolutism, but at the same time viewed the state bureaucracy as an enemy, an impediment on the way to unity of Czar and nation. Upholding the national idea as they saw it, they made calls for land reform and improved working conditions for the "toiling masses of Russia", supporting the formation of a new consultative Zemsky Sobor, Assembly of the Land, to institutionalize the bond between the Czar and the nation. Isolationist and anti-capitalist, they renounced both "Jewish capital" and "Jewish radicalism" as woes of Russia. The force conjured to fight radical left-wing populists had by now taken a shape of radical right-wing populist organization, that had at the same time made itself indispensably valuable to the autocracy. The URP had turned into a two-headed beast, criticizing and defending the administration at the same time while being increasingly dependent of clandestine government funding.

To the URP supporters, the situation was far from paradoxical. The Russian nation was pure and noble, holy land given to ethnic Russians by no one else than God Himself. The Russian Empire was thus the body of Christ, fusing the holy Orthodox Church and state into one entity, the City of God and the Third and final Rome on this Earth. United under the leadership of the Czar and the auspices of the URP, the Russian nation would inaugurate the Kingdom of God on Earth by spreading justice, goodness, faith and love through the Empire. The only things hindering this development were the enemies of URP and autocracy. "The system of officials has hidden the bright face of the Czar from the people", the URP propaganda stated, and concluded that by reconvening the traditional Zemsky Sobor the Czar and the people could finally be truly re-united. The same logic dictated that the enemies of this sacred entity and divine plan were nothing less than spawns of Satan, demonic subhuman agents of the anti-Christ. Many high-ranking church hierarchs supported this religious message of "these patriotic sons of Russia", with Metropolitan Antony of St. Petersburg being among the few clergymen who openly denounced the violence committed by the Black Hundreds. Faced upon the liberal criticism of their power in the country and the radical leftist violence against churches and priests, the majority of the church's leadership gave the URP their silent and tacit approval.

Biting the feeding hand

The URP supporters grew quickly agitated by the slow progress of their political agenda, and despite his attempts to root out corruption and keep the organization in control, Trishatny soon lost the ability to control the most radical members of the Boevye druzhiny. One radical member, A.E. Kazantsev, soon decided to take the matters into his own hands. He successfully duped two leftists from St.Petersburg - tailor A.S. Stepanov and unemployed Vasilii Fedorov into cooperating with him. Presenting himself as an anarchist, Kazantsev convinced the two men to help him out in a grand conspiracy. Having convinced his dupes to aid him, Kazantsev conceived an elaborate plot. On January 29th, 1907, Stepanov and Fedorov lowered time-bombs into the chimneys of the apartment of Prime Minister Witte. Despised because of his unwavering opposition to URP-instigated pogroms, support for industrialization, the gold standards and his attempts of easing restrictions on Jews, the Black Hundreds despised and loathed Witte like poison. And now Kazantsev had decided that by using a proxy, he would rid the autocracy of this internal enemy and foe of Mother Russia for good. One of the bombs was a dud, but the other exploded in the chimney as planned during the early evening hours, fatally wounding Witte.[5]

The assassins were quickly tracked down, but only Stepanov was present in their hideout when the Okhrana raided the apartment. Stepanov had a revolver and he resisted capture, and was thus quickly gunned down and killed by Okhrana agents. Fedorov had gone underground, but he was discovered a week later when the Moscow police begun to study an odd murder case. According to Okhrana internal reports, an URP activist named Kazantsev had lived in Moscow for a time with a stolen passport bearing the name “Oleiko.” Police officials later discovered this passport during the arrest of another man and turned it over to the Moscow Okhrana, which sent it to its rightful owner. The real Oleiko, however, had by then obtained a duplicate copy, so he had returned the original passport to the Moscow Okhrana. This had been the end of the issue—until the passport had now mysteriously turned up on Kazantsev’s body after his dupe, Fedorov, had killed him. An internal investigation could not determine how the passport found its way from the Moscow Okhrana back to Kazantsev; a Moscow Okhrana official could only speculate that Okhrana employees stole the passport from the Okhrana office. Moreover, although Kazantsev apparently was not an Okhrana agent, a report on him from the head of the Moscow Okhrana speculated that Kazantsev may have had connections with Okhrana agents in either Moscow or St. Petersburg. As Fedorov also resisted arrest and committed suicide after a short firefight at his hideout apartment in Moscow two days after he had killed Kazantsev, the Okhrana report to Nicholas II concluded that Kazantsev must have had attempted to infiltrate this terrorist cell without having any prior knowledge of their assassination plans, and that he had been killed when he had tried to reach out to the authorities. The Czar, having already grown uneasy of the growing power of his ambitious Prime Minister, accepted the official explanation, and the case was closed soon after the grand state funeral of Witte in February 1907.

1:Three years earlier than OTL - without the Russo-Japanese war and with a different administration and worse terror situation, the authorities feel the need to recall him quicker than historically.
2: Instead of Sipiagin himself like in OTL.
3: In OTL Stolypin managed to convince Nicholas II of the fact that the pamphlet was a forgery, but the Empress remained a "true believer" until her death.
4: The difference of leadership ITTL does not prevent the corruption of URP, as people join in for personal benefit, and former criminals utilize their new-found power among the ranks of the URP for racketeering and "expropriations" - the abyss did indeed gaze back to these counter-revolutionaries who had originally banded together to stop revolutionary terrorists from conducting these very same activities, just like in OTL.
5: All per OTL, except that in OTL both bombs were duds. The URP really tried to assassinate Witte, and elements linked to Okhrana were most likely involved at least in some level in the background.
 
Last edited:
Now then, time for another poll. More updates about Russia, German domestic politics, or the international situation between the Major Powers?
 
Now then, time for another poll. More updates about Russia, German domestic politics, or the international situation between the Major Powers?

I'm honestly hard-pressed to say what interests me more in this TL, while you've got me hooked with Russia ... I'm now forced to wonder what black, amazing sorcery you will unleash upon Germany.

Damnit, choices.

Aw, hell with it, I'll vote Russia, it's too interesting a ride to get off now.

Well, regardless of which option wins, I find this TL amazing (indeed, amazing enough to get out of lurking, however momentarily, to post).
 
The Protocols (such an absurd piece of propaganda) with even more official support than OTL - that does not bode well.


As for the next update, I'm getting very interested in the German domestic situation to provide some contrast to the Russian updates.
 
I think stick with Russia for a bit- it doesn't feel like a natural break point has been reached for the chapter, as with the Ottomans or China.
 
I think stick with Russia for a bit- it doesn't feel like a natural break point has been reached for the chapter, as with the Ottomans or China.

I tend to agree - there's still quite a bit to cover from the domestic situation of the Empire. I just wanted to check whether people are already fed up with Russia, but it seems that this is not the case.
 
Top