???
As I understand it, what are normally called 'clans' in Engish are society wide constructs, not purely local things. So if you're a Bear Clan member, and you travel, the local Bear Clan would host you, etc.
Now maybe I'm conflating different cultures, or maybe your 'doodem' is a different concept.

My thought would be to introduce a new level, maybe 'septs' subdivisions of a Clan, so you could have multiple longhouse of the same Clan in one village?

Maybe I didn't explain it well in the update but when someone is part of the Bear Claw Clan then they are also considered part of the Bear Clan. So there are various clans that are society wide and each longhouse has a specific sub-clan housed in it. So, your "sept" idea is essentially what I tried and failed to explain. Though they don't have different words for the different levels.

There will be a whole update on how the clan system will work. For obvious reasons, agriculture and sedentary living will deeply change algonkian culture, including the clan system.

BTW, d8d you know that Longfellow's epic poem The Song of Hiawatha is actually wildly misnamed, and is actually about Nanabozho?
I did know that it was misnamed, though I hadn't looked into it too closely. Annoyingly, most of the things named after Hiawatha are named after Longfellow's poem rather than the mythological/historical person.
 
Regarding the animal domestications, I'm curious as to why you selected the wapiti as the lone megafauna domesticate. Most of the other animals seem to have either a clear Eurasian analogue or have had a case made for domestication via the paddy system (very clever, by the way, as a domestication solution for cottontails to trap them on islands in paddies). Why the wapiti and not the whitetail? Why the wapiti at all?*

I do hope that we'll also see reindeer domestication down the line, though given how late they were domesticated in Eurasia I understand it will be a while (if ever) that we see it.


*Because it works for the story I want to tell is a perfectly acceptable answer, of course ;-) I was just curious if there was more to it.
 
Regarding the animal domestications, I'm curious as to why you selected the wapiti as the lone megafauna domesticate. Most of the other animals seem to have either a clear Eurasian analogue or have had a case made for domestication via the paddy system (very clever, by the way, as a domestication solution for cottontails to trap them on islands in paddies). Why the wapiti and not the whitetail? Why the wapiti at all?*

I do hope that we'll also see reindeer domestication down the line, though given how late they were domesticated in Eurasia I understand it will be a while (if ever) that we see it.
The short version is that large animals are hard to domesticate. Bison are migratory, very big, and mean. They are probably easier to hunt rather than wrangle, at least for the time being. White tails are even harder to enclose than elk and fill the same niche. Caribou are a little too far north and fill the same niche . Modern scientists have tried to domesticate moose and it didn't really work. etc.

Wapiti elk are just the only ones I found that were domesticable and had a compelling reason to be domesticated.

And it works for the story I want to tell, of course. :p

EDIT: As for the rabbits enclosures, that wasn't my idea. Look up pillow mounds or follow the link in the footnotes. It was a thing in medieval Europe. Definitely one of the weirder things I've come across while doing research for this story.
 
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The short version is that large animals are hard to domesticate. Bison are migratory, very big, and mean. They are probably easier to hunt rather than wrangle, at least for the time being. White tails are even harder to enclose than elk and fill the same niche. Caribou are a little too far north and fill the same niche . Modern scientists have tried to domesticate moose and it didn't really work. etc.

Wapiti elk are just the only ones I found that were domesticable and had a compelling reason to be domesticated.

And it works for the story I want to tell, of course. :p

EDIT: As for the rabbits enclosures, that wasn't my idea. Look up pillow mounds or follow the link in the footnotes. It was a thing in medieval Europe. Definitely one of the weirder things I've come across while doing research for this story.
For what its worth, early animal domestication was very much a product of hunting rather than enclosure:
Larson and Fuller said:
Although the early stages of the commensal pathway are necessarily not dependent upon human intentionality, the prey pathway does begin with human action. The primary human motive was not to domesticate, however, but to increase the efficiency of resource management. Animals that followed this path were medium to large herbivores targeted as prey. Thus, they were always wary of humans and would never have been attracted to the waste products generated as part of the human niche. Instead, humans likely altered their hunting strategies to maximize the availability of the prey. In so doing, the selection pressures for traits such as docility would have been significant as people moved from game management to herd management, to more complete control over the animals’ diet and reproduction.
The aurochs too was big, dangerous, and migratory, so that isn't necessarily an impediment either. Of course, if they don't fit the story you're telling that's entirely understandable, I too am debating the merits of bison in my own timeline, but I don't think you need to feel constrained by those traits either. With regards to the geese and ducks, I don't know that you need to be breaking their wings to achieve what you're going for, as both of them are rather attracted to human settlements today, and many Canada Geese are permanent residents in places like Chicago.

Just some thoughts, do with them what you will. I'm enjoying what you've written so far, keep it up, and I look forward to more!

Larson, G. & Fuller, D. Q. The Evolution of Animal Domestication. Annu. Rev. Ecol. Evol. Syst. 45, 115–136 (2014). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-ecolsys-110512-135813
 
For what its worth, early animal domestication was very much a product of hunting rather than enclosure:

The aurochs too was big, dangerous, and migratory, so that isn't necessarily an impediment either. Of course, if they don't fit the story you're telling that's entirely understandable, I too am debating the merits of bison in my own timeline, but I don't think you need to feel constrained by those traits either. With regards to the geese and ducks, I don't know that you need to be breaking their wings to achieve what you're going for, as both of them are rather attracted to human settlements today, and many Canada Geese are permanent residents in places like Chicago.

Just some thoughts, do with them what you will. I'm enjoying what you've written so far, keep it up, and I look forward to more!

Larson, G. & Fuller, D. Q. The Evolution of Animal Domestication. Annu. Rev. Ecol. Evol. Syst. 45, 115–136 (2014). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-ecolsys-110512-135813

Regarding bison, my personal suspicion is that what really differentiates them from the aurochs for domestication is not temperament but mobility. They can run 35 miles an hour for an extended time, jump 6 feet high, and turn on a dime. I've seen some pretty nasty camargueais bulls take people down and break through fencing, but even enraged they don't seem able to match the acrobatics attributed to bison. So basically, it comes down to bison being as a whole too difficult to fence to be worth farming, even if the odd individual can be tamed.
 


Wapiti Elk were the last and mostly slowly domesticated animal of the Mishigami. As the human population rose, herds of wapiti were depleted. Hunters began selectively culling the remainder for desirable traits. Slowly, the wapiti became friendlier to humans.

Over time, humans began feeding the elk, especially during the winter when food became scarce. They would also restrict the range of a herd by building obstacles.

At first elk were primarily used for their meat, hide, velvet and antlers. The antlers were consumed as medicine, made into tools, and even used as chew toys for dogs. Velvet was a highly sought after fabric for its softness. Elk leather was used for clothing. In many ways it is superior to cowhide.

Elk were rarely milked. Culturally, this was seen as stealing from the calves. More importantly, milk sickness made the Menominee weary of milk. Milk sickness is caused by the death milk plant [white snakeweed], which is not toxic to elk when eaten directly but poisons their milk for humans and calves alike.[4] Although the Menominee quickly recognized the source of the sickness and would remove the death milk plant from pastures when possible, they remained wary of any untested milk.

Even so, wapiti milk was sometimes used by the Menominee. If a child was born and the mother died or did not produce milk and no wet nurse could be found then wapiti milk would be used. Better to take the chance of poisoning than the certainty of starvation. This reduced infant mortality.

Eventually, wapiti would be used as beasts of burden. Wapiti elk pulling travois became a common site in the Mishigami. They were not commonly ridden due to their antlers and weak backs.


View attachment 821152
Before the horse came over from Europe, the elk was used[5]

Next time, we will take a look at a single Menominee longhouse.
Sadly as metal as it would be it appears we will not be getting Elk Calvary
 
Regarding bison, my personal suspicion is that what really differentiates them from the aurochs for domestication is not temperament but mobility. They can run 35 miles an hour for an extended time, jump 6 feet high, and turn on a dime. I've seen some pretty nasty camargueais bulls take people down and break through fencing, but even enraged they don't seem able to match the acrobatics attributed to bison. So basically, it comes down to bison being as a whole too difficult to fence to be worth farming, even if the odd individual can be tamed.
That isn't particularly unique to Bison though, as many Bos species are noted for their speed, strength, and agiligy. The Gaur for example can weigh in at up to 3,000 lbs, or 50% more than the American Bison, and is similarly noted to be able to move up to 35 mph and jump fence up to 6 feet high, but is today the ancestral stock of the domesticated Gayal. The wild yak is also capable of similar feats. Historic descriptions of the Aurochs similarly note their speed, strength, and agility, and were likely similar in capability to their surviving cousins.

The bigger takeaway is that fencing simply isn't necessary: "[H]umans likely altered their hunting strategies to maximize the availability of the prey. In so doing, the selection pressures for traits such as docility would have been significant as people moved from game management to herd management." That's done by selectively culling males, particularly aggressive ones, and creating a female biased population. No need to tame, no need to fence, and ultimately no need to intentionally domesticate, but over time it leads to more docile, domesticated animals.
 
The bigger takeaway is that fencing simply isn't necessary: "[H]umans likely altered their hunting strategies to maximize the availability of the prey. In so doing, the selection pressures for traits such as docility would have been significant as people moved from game management to herd management." That's done by selectively culling males, particularly aggressive ones, and creating a female biased population. No need to tame, no need to fence, and ultimately no need to intentionally domesticate, but over time it leads to more docile, domesticated animals.
Interestingly, from the earliest historic observation of Spanish conquistadors in the southwest through the 19th century, outside observers noted that the Plains Indians typically targeted young female bison-easier to process the hides, but probably not so good for getting domestication started.
 
Chapter 5: The Year on a Turtle's Back
Chapter 5: The Year on a Turtle’s Back

The Menominee split the year into 13 giizis, literally “moon” but also meaning month, counting from new moon to new moon. As they became increasingly agricultural, the Menominee no longer tracked giizis by the phase of the moon. Instead giizis were standardized so as to always have 28 days. This accounted for 13*28=364 days. The extra day or two necessary for an accurate solar calendar were added at midsummer.

Many species of turtle have thirteen large scutes on top. For this reason, the Menominee used turtle shells to count the thirteen months of the year. They were used to mark the months in the fashion seen below. It should be noted that no species of turtle has exactly 28 scutes around the side. Turtles are considered symbols of wisdom and time-keeping to this day.


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The Year on a Turtle’s Back[1]

While this is one type of simple calendar, there were many others in Menominee society. The most elaborate and famous is that of the Kisewa, or solar wheel.

A Kisewa is a timber (and later stone) circle made with 12 (or a multiple of 12) poles, with a viewing platform (sometimes carved into the shape of a turtle) at the center. On equinoxes and solstices the sun would rise behind predetermined poles. In this way, an informed observer would know the exact day of the equinox or solstice. If the calendar was off, extra days were added to the year at Midsummer to account for the drift.

Even relatively small villages had a Kisewa, though those found in larger cities were much more elaborate.[2]

The poles of the Kisewa, first wood and later stone, were carved with beautiful and intricate imagery. Some poles depicted would depict mythological events, family history, or patron gods. The most important figures were placed at eye level.


1681130976493.png

Workers erecting the poles of a Kisewa[3]

The year begins with the spring equinox. This starts the Sugar Moon which was when maple trees were tapped for their sap. Any winter crops were harvested. Waabishki dogs were sheered for their wool. Eggs were gathered from geese, ducks, and turkeys as they were laid.

Then begins the Flower Moon or Planting Moon, the time that flowers begin to bloom and the fields are tilled. Before the use of elk as draft animals, all tilling was done using dig sticks and hoes.

Human and animals manure, fish guts, egg shells and straw were packed in pots and stirred daily throughout the year. The resulting fertilized was spread on the fields in spring. Manoomin seeds were planted into the freshly dug and fertilized earth. Once this was done, the fields were flooded. Tilling and planting enough land to feed the village would have been the work of many days.

During the following Strawberry Moon, Raspberry Moon, and Blueberry Moon, the fields were tended. Few weeds grew due to the cycle of flooding and drying. Fish and crayfish were caught in the canals and rice bogs. As the name of the months suggest, berries were gathered as they became ripe. Berries and sunroot [Jerusalem artichoke] were used to make sweet summer soups and stews.

Most of this work was done by women. For men this was a time for hunting, war, and trade. They were often away from home for long periods of time.


1681130998920.png

The Year on a Spreadsheet[4]

Manoominike giizis, the harvest moon was next. Elk would be culled or castrated prior to rutting. The flax would be cut and retted in the irrigation canals, only being turned about once a week for between three and six weeks.

In the mean time, wapato was harvested while the fields were still flooded. The tubers were dug up by an adult. They would float to the surface where they were picked up and placed into baskets by children.

At last, the manoomin fields would be drained. Any stranded fish would be eaten or preserved for winter.

After about two weeks to allow the field to dry, the manoomin was harvested using a wagikomaan, a sickle made of stone, bone, or copper. It was then threshed using a bawa’iganaak, a type of simple flail or knocker. The stalks were dried for use as straw.

The grain was parched. The seed coat or chaff was broken by stepping on the grains. This was called “dancing the rice”. Then it was winnowed by shaking it in shallow baskets and blowing away the chaff.

While most agricultural work was done by women, the entire community would come together and work from sunup to sundown for weeks in order to bring the harvest in.

Once processed, manoomin is shelf stable, meaning it can be stored for long periods with no other precautions. It was stored in ceramics, baskets, fawn skin bags, silos, and pits. The unprocessed seed grain was stored in fawn skin bags placed underwater in the irrigation ditches to keep it viable for the next spring.[5]. A fawn skin bag was a well known unit of measure to trade manoomin.

Compared to Asian rice, manoomin has a shorter growing season, is more cold tolerant, requires less water, and is more nutritious. It does not require nursery fields or replanting. However, it has a lower yield and is not planted multiple times in a single year due to the shorter growing season of the Mishigami.

Harvesting would continue through the Bright Leaves Moon. Bede and biscuitroot would be dug up before the ground froze. The flax would have its stalks separated from fibers using the same bawa’iganaak knockers used to thresh the manoomin. The women would then use spindle whorls to spin the fiber into cloth.

Once the harvest was brought in, winter crops like Minisian barley would be sown. Preparations would be made for winter during the Falling Leaves Moon.

The Freezing Moon, Little Spirit Moon, and Great Spirit Moon were times to stay in the warm longhouse and tell stories. Snowshoes and heavy fur coats were requirements for going outside. Snow was packed up on all sides of the longhouse for insulation.

Ice fishing was common during the Suckerfish Moon and Bear Moon. The year ended and began anew.

Next time, we will explore a single farming village within the Mishigami during the pre-classical period.



[1]Taken from: https://www.ontarioparks.com/parksblog/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/turtle.png
[2] This is based on the Wood Henge at Cahokia. https://web.archive.org/web/20171222051732/http://greatriverroad.com/somadco/collins/woodhenge.htm
[3] Taken from: https://cahokiamounds.org/explore/#tab-id-4 It is a drawing of the Wood Henge at Cahokia
[4] I made this one myself. With help from https://ojibwe.net/projects/months-moons/ and other places.
[5] An actual technique used by commercial wild rice farmers, although they don’t use fawn skin.

Comments? Questions?
 
I've decided to do a little retconning and/or editing to make things more clear.

Each longhouse was home to a separate doodem, or clan, usually represented by an animal (real or mythical). When a doodem grew too numerous a new longhouse would be built. Those who moved to the new house would add a feature to their doodem name. For example, members of makwa doodem (“Bear Clan”) might form the makoganzh doodem (“Bear Claw Clan”) in the new longhouse. We will discuss the clan system of the Mishigami in more detail later.
should now read:
Each longhouse was home to a separate doodem, or clan, usually represented by an animal (real or mythical). When a doodem grew too numerous a new longhouse would be built. Those who moved to the new house would form a new endaad, or sub-clan, by adding a feature to their doodem name. For example, members of makwa doodem (“Bear Clan”) might form the makoganzh endaad (“Bear Claw sub-clan”) in the new longhouse. We will discuss the clan system of the Mishigami in more detail later.

The word endaad is derived from the Ojibwe word for house or dwelling.

I have finished the next update. It will be published tomorrow morning on schedule. The next one after that will be on the clan system, hence the retconning/editing.
 
Chapter 6: The Good Place
Chapter 6: The Good Place

About sixty-five miles south of Lake Gichigami [Lake Superior], flows the Namekagon River, a tributary of the Jiibayaatigo River [St. Croix River], a tributary of the Mishi River [Mississippi River]. Four thousand years ago, a canal was dug so that the water from the Namekagon River would flood the nearby fields. For several hundred years, it was the center of life for the few thousand people who lived nearby. Today, this place is known as Minong, which is an Anishinaabe word meaning “Good Place”.[1]

Near the head of the canal, there were three large platform mounds. The largest mound was about twenty five feet tall. On its tallest level, a huge longhouse was built. That longhouse belonged to the Sagamos, the lord or chief of the village. His endaad, the ruling endaad of Minong, lived with him.

Over the centuries, numerous bodies were buried in this mound. One of them was buried with a copper plate pounded into the shape of a lynx. We can gather from this that the Sagamos of Minong likely belonged to the Peshu doodem, or Lynx clan. In life, he would have been referred to as Mishi-Peshu, the Great Lynx.

1681735948068.png


A recreation of Minong[2]

All that remains of the longhouse of the Mishi-Peshu today is the mound upon which it sat and the stone foundation of the building. The rest was made of wood and rotted away. Even so, the foundation tells of a great structure that overlooked the rest of Minong. It was three hundred feet long and had 13 separate apartments. The rear apartment was the largest and was likely the living quarters for the Sagamos.

The next mound, about twenty feet tall and just to the north of the Mishi-Peshu’s longhouse, held another large and impressive building. The stone foundation shows not a longhouse but instead a large, open temple. Instead of being split into many apartments, most of the temple was a single open room. It was here that symbols of Manidoo and other gods were housed. There, they could be worshipped and venerated by everyone in Minong. Incense and offerings could be burned as a sacrifice.

In the back of the temple there were the living quarters for the priest and his family. In Minong, these living quarters were large (and likely ornately decorated) but not as large as the space for the Sagamos. In other villages, the person of the Sagamos and the Mide would be combined. This was more likely to be true in the smallest settlements.

The third and final mound was not as tall as the other two. A longhouse sat on top. It was about one hundred feet long, not that different from others in Minong. Its purpose is unclear. It was closer to the Sagamos’s mound and may have contained housing for his more distant relatives. It may also have been used to house visiting dignitaries or another high ranking family of Minong. We simply don’t know.

Between the three mounds and the rest of Minong, there was a large open space. This was likely a courtyard or marketplace. It was here that business was conducted and large public ceremonies were performed. It may have also been used as a ball court to play a primitive version of stickball [lacrosse-ish].

Near the river was a sweat lodge. Rocks were heated until they glowed. Then water from the river was poured over the rocks to create steam. Men and women both would spend time in the sweat lodge just to relax, similar to a sauna. It was also used for religious ceremonies.

Less ornate longhouses clustered along the primary and secondary canals that irrigated the fields surrounding them. In between the rice bogs, vegetable gardens and bird coops filled most of the available land. Hungry geese made sure the grass was short between the houses. No roads were maintained but desire paths formed between the longhouses of Minong.

Behind the longhouses, out of site, were storage pits. These held most of the food. As food was used up in the house, more would be moved from the storage pit to the inside.

It was considered prudent to have at least three years of food stored at any one time. In addition, farmers would plant and harvest twice as much manoomin as they typically consumed in a year. These were precautions against crop failure, drought, and famine. Even so, bodies discovered around Minong suggest famine was an irregular and unwelcome visitor.


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A storage pit[3]

Minong was surrounded by a moat. Having already dug an extensive system of irrigation canals, a moat was simple and provided a lot of defense. A simple wooden palisade completed their defenses. As warfare grew more intense in later periods, other villages began using wooden bastions and rammed earth walls.

The irrigation canals flooded an area that was large enough to feed around 1400 people. This was a mid-sized settlement at the time. It is likely that there were also several thousand others outside the walls but under the leadership of the village. They harvested domesticated manoomin from natural or minimally altered rivers, ponds and lakes.

The rulers of Minong were likely independent of other Sagamos. They were far enough away and small enough not to elicit notice. On the other hand, it is unlikely that they could enforce their will on other settlements either.

Why is Minong an archeological site and not an active settlement? The answer is simple. The Namekagon River altered its course, dropping the water levels at the head gate by nearly ten feet. The extensive and expensive system of irrigation canals became untenable. The former inhabitants either left or starved.

This collapse was likely exacerbated by a long drought beginning around 1700 BCE. This was also a period of increasingly endemic warfare in the Mishigami. By 300 BCE, inscriptions make no mention of a settlement near the location of the Minong archeological site.

Next time, we will discuss the doodem system and the structure of society in the Mishigami.



[1] Minong, Wisconsin is also the home of my grandmother. Hi, Grandma!
[2] Taken from: https://archive.archaeology.org/0811/abstracts/etowah.html Actually a recreation of Etowah mounds, though this settlement is smaller.
[3] Modified from: http://www.kansashistory.us/nativepits.html

Questions? Comments?
 
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Chapter 7: A Place for Everyone and Everyone with a Place
Chapter 7: A Place for Everyone and Everyone with a Place

The word doodem is sometimes translated as clan and sometimes as caste. Both are true to various degrees.

There are dozens of different doodem. Today, over sixty doodem names are considered common, including Peshu (“Lynx”), Binesi (“Thunderbird”), and Amik (“Beaver”). Each doodem is divided into endaad, or sub-clans. The most common doodem and the one with the most endaad is the Makwa (“Bear”) doodem. Everything from the tip of the bear’s snout to the hairs on the bear’s tail has an endaad named after it.


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Several of the Doodem[1]

Most doodem date all the way back to the pre-classical period. As social stratification increased, rules around doodem became increasingly complex and codified.

As we discuss these rules, keep three things in mind. First, that our sources are better in periods of political centralization when rules were more strictly enforced. Second, for every rule that was put in place, exceptions and workarounds were made. Third, histories and legends tend to dwell on exceptions.

The classical conception of a doodem is that it was a large family group that had the right to do certain tasks. Only people from certain doodems were allowed to be lords, priests, or other coveted positions. People from other doodems were required to do undesirable jobs such as manure shoveling.

Let’s give some examples. Members of the Lynx Clan were warriors, lords, and royalty. Members of the Thunderbird Clan were singers, poets, lords, and royalty. Members of the Catfish Clan were priests and healers. Members of the Elk Clan were scouts, messengers, and merchants. Members of the Beaver Clan were fishermen, carpenters, smiths, and other skilled laborers. Members of the Bear Clan were farmers. And so on.

In reality, people could and did change their occupation according to their strengths and skills. Being born into the “wrong” doodem was an obstacle but it was not destiny.

When a woman married, she became part of the doodem of her husband. She moved to the longhouse of her husband. She moved from the protection of her father to the protection of her husband. She went from tending the fire of her parents to tending the fire of her husband. A man could marry multiple women (and high ranking and/or rich men often did) but a woman could not marry multiple men.

Doodem were exogamous, meaning that clan members could not marry a fellow clan member. Marriage was also restricted between certain doodem. For example, members of the Lynx clan could marry Thunderbird clan members but not Elk clan members. Elk clan members could marry Beaver and Bear clan members. There were hundreds of possible combinations. Each one was carefully catalogued and regulated to ensure no one married too far above or below their station.

Parallel cousins (the children of your father’s brothers and the children of your mother’s sisters) were considered close family. Cross cousins (the children of your mother’s brothers and the children of your father’s sisters) were not. Relationships with parallel cousins were considered incestuous. Relationships with cross cousins were common. In fact, cross cousins were the most common marriage prospects for young Menominee.[2]

Elite marriages were arranged. Even among the lower classes, parents often had a large hand in choosing their children’s spouse. However, even the earliest law codes expressly forbid forced marriage.

When a child was born, it was a part of the doodem of its father, not its mother. If a child’s father was unknown, it might be accepted into the doodem of its mother. If not, the child had no doodem and no official place in society.

A woman who married a foreigner remained a part of her father’s doodem. Her children were considered part of their father’s family. The most common form of this was Sioux-Menominee marriages. The children of such unions, regardless of relatedness, were part of the Ma’iingan (“Wolf”) doodem. Similarly, the children of Ongweh’onweh[3][Iroquois] and Menominee unions were part of the Irinakhow (“Snake”) doodem.

Each endaad was headed by an Ogimaa, who was always male. Every adult member of the endaad, male and female, would vote on who should be the Ogimaa. The eldest male member of the endaad was usually voted in unanimously. If not, further votes would be held until the decision was unanimous. If no decision could be reached, the endaad could split apart. If every man in an endaad was killed, it was possible for a woman to be elected Ogimaa.

The Ogimaa of each endaad would wear a wampum belt. This was one of the most important objects the family owned.

Wampum is beads made from multi-colored sea shells. These beads were placed on strings to create patterns, usually a story.


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A Wampum Belt[4]

The patterns of the belt of an Ogimaa represented the portion of the communal food stores that was owed to the holder of the belt. In a real sense, it represented the worth of the family and the promise of the community to take care of its own. The most prestigious belts were worth far more than the theoretical value of the wampum used to make them.

Many people were outside the traditional doodem system, including foreigners, slaves, and outcasts.

Slavery had existed on a small scale since the preclassical period. As social stratification and warfare increased, so did the number of slaves. By the classical period, around one-fifth of the population was enslaved.

Slaves had no doodem. Prisoners of war, even Menominee, were stripped of their doodem when captured. There were two types of slaves: field slaves called Paanii (French: Panis; English: Pawnee) and house slaves called awakaan.

The word Paanii is said to be the name of a people that were destroyed and enslaved by the Menominee in prehistoric times. Linguists, archeologists and historians are unsure if this is true or legendary. Paanii were used to dig irrigation canals, mining, and other dangerous, unpleasant, or menial tasks. Most male slaves were Paanii.

The word awakaan is the same word used for house pets. They were mostly women who were used as servants and concubines. Male awakaan were usually skilled laborers. Awakaan, unlike Paanii, could be adopted into their owner’s doodem. Once adopted, they had the full rights and responsibilities of a doodem member.

Next time, we will discuss the development of writing in the Mishigami.



[1] Taken from: http://en.copian.ca/library/learning/chikiken/page23.htm
[2] This is the Iroquois Kinship system. It was also used by the Anishinaabe peoples and many others.
[3] A lesser known name for the Iroquois. The word “Iroquois” is an exonym that derives from the Algonquin word Irinakhow, meaning snake. Obviously, calling them Haudenosaunee wouldn’t make much sense either because ITTL the longhouse was used by algonkian people first.
[4] Taken from: https://www.wampumbear.com/Aa_Wyandot Two Row Belt.jpg which represents a treaty between the governor of New York, the Iroquois Confederacy and the Huron nation.

Comments? Questions?
 
Based on what you wrote about the Paani, are the Pawnee extinct pre-contact in this timeline? Or does it mean something else? What about the other Caddoan speakers-are they subsumed by the Sioux and Algonquian farmers, or are they able to keep their languages alive?
 
Based on what you wrote about the Paanii, are the Pawnee extinct pre-contact in this timeline? Or does it mean something else? What about the other Caddoan speakers-are they subsumed by the Sioux and Algonquian farmers, or are they able to keep their languages alive?

You've got it basically spot on. The whole thing is a reference to this: Panis (slaves)

There are only Sioux and Algonkian speaking peoples in the northern great plains. Caddoan speaking people north of the Missouri river are gone, enslaved or killed mostly by *Menominee. There are still Caddo people in the south. One day, we'll get to them. Hopefully.
 
Chapter 8: The Man Who Made the Birch Bark Talk
Chapter 8: The Man Who Made the Birch Bark Talk

The development of writing is not a singular event. It is the result of pictographic symbols slowly become more and more associated with sounds.

This process took place in the Mishigami. Even before the domestication of manoomin, symbols were carved onto bark and rocks. At first, these symbols were simple pictographs. The sun represented the sun, a stick figure represented a person, and so on.

The most widespread use of these symbols was on wiigwaasabak, or birch bark scrolls[1]. The village priest would take a bone pencil and carve symbols onto thin sheets of birch bark. Less permanent messages were written with charcoal. Very important and long lasting messages would be carved in stone or on copper plates.

Priests used pictures to draw the sacred stories they were entrusted to carry. When irrigation became widespread, scrolls were used to preserve the knowledge of mathematics and physics necessary for canal construction.


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Traditional Pictographic Symbols[2]

Even here, there is a level of abstraction. While most of the symbols are literal, some are culture specific. Death is represented by a darkened circle. Life is represented by an empty circle. These are not literal pictures of what life or death looks like. Instead, they are abstract symbols whose knowledge would need to be passed on. Over time, more and more words were represented by abstract symbols.

Scrolls also began to be used for more casual, temporal reasons such as warehouse inventory and messages between Sagamos. As more messages were written, some scribes began using shorthand. In particular, they used what is known as the rebus principle. This is when pictograms are used for their sounds, regardless of their meaning. For example, a star (“anang”) might be drawn not to indicate a star but to indicate the sound “an”. Over time, more and more symbols represented sounds rather than whole words.

It is at this point that history and myth converge in the person of Medweganoonind. In the traditional telling, he is the man who invented mowin syllabics, the system of writing still in use today. He is the man who made the birch bark talk.

Mowin is a word that needs explanation. When European explorers asked what the writing was they were told “Anishinaabemowin” which means the Anishinaabe language. When they saw other writing they were told it was “Dakotamowin” which means the Dakota language. They concluded, therefore, that “mowin” meant writing. The name stuck as the English language word for the system of glyphs.

Did a single man really take the pictographs of the Mishigami and create an entire system for phonetic writing? Probably not. However, historians do believe that he gathered together all the existing phonetic symbols and filled in the gaps to create a complete system. In any case, the story is too good not to tell.

Medweganoonind was a priest living on Mackinaw Island. He became obsessed with bringing order to the chaotic systems of pictograms. He neglected his other duties. His crops failed. His children never saw him. His wife, fed up with his behavior, burned his early work, believing it to be witchcraft. Still, he persevered.

Finally, Medweganoonind emerged one morning and declared that he had done it. He offered to teach his wife, who refused. His daughter, Daanis, who had not seen him for many days, volunteered so that she could spend time with her father. In a short time, she learned how to hear the words on the birch bark and to make the birch bark talk.

Not long after, Daanis opened her father’s satchel without his knowledge. In there, he kept scrolls where he had written the sacred stories. Because she knew how to read, she learned the sacred stories without Medweganoonind speaking them aloud.

One day, Daanis let slip her knowledge to the neighboring children. Medweganoonind and Daanis were arrested by the chief priest of the island. Medweganoonind was accused of teaching Daanis sacred and forbidden knowledge.

Medweganoonind knew what had happened. He told the chief priest that he had not spoken of the sacred stories to his daughter. She must have read his scrolls without his knowledge.

At this, the chief priest scoffed. No one could merely look at the pictures and know the sacred stories so precisely.

Medweganoonind said he would prove it. He told Daanis to wait outside, out of earshot. He took a piece of birch bark and wrote his symbols, telling the court what he wrote. Daanis was brought back in and told to look at the symbols. She read the birch bark and said what was written, word for word. The other priests were all aghast and amazed.

The chief priest demanded that Medweganoonind be freed immediately. “You must teach me this. You must teach everyone this,” the chief priest said.


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Medweganoonind’s Glyphs, colloquially called pe-pi-po-pa[3]

And that is what Medweganoonind did. He lived to the age of 84, teaching every priest on the island how to write. They would teach more people, who would teach still more people. Soon, every priest in the Mishigami could make the birch bark talk. Others would learn as well, in time.

In later traditions, Medweganoonind was a demi-god or minor diety. He was worshipped. People still take small pieces of birch bark, write messages on them, and burn them in front of statues of Medweganoonind as way of praying.

Whether or not Medweganoonind existed, it is true that mowin syllabics began rapidly spreading in the Mishigami around the year 300 BCE.

Of course, birch bark scrolls, though common at the time, are rare today. They do not preserve well. Mowin syllabics were also carved into stone in this period. This is considered to be the border between the pre-classical period and the classical period. If an archeological site has mowin syllabics, it is from the classical period or later.

Mowin was quickly adopted by Algonkian speaking people and diffused more slowly among people who spoke unrelated languages. Even so, modified versions were quickly adopted by Ongweh’onweh [Iroquois], Siouan, and Tunica speaking peoples.

This is not to say that mowin completely replaced the previous writing systems. Unique pictorial symbols remained in common use. Especially those symbols associated with specific doodem and with religion.

Next time, we will discuss the warfare in the Mishigami. But first, we will have a supplement discussing how to write using mowin syllabics.



[1] This is an excellent little video about school children learning and making their own wiigwaasabak.
[2] Taken from: https://i.pinimg.com/736x/e2/d0/c3/e2d0c3fa9af52ad595728d10b92a91d2--facial-tattoos-birch-bark.jpg
[3] These I came up with on my own, based on a combination of the Cherokee Syllabary, Canadian aboriginal syllabics, other syllabaries, and stuff I made up.

Obviously, the story of Medweganoonind borrows a lot from the story of Sequoyah.

Comments? Questions?
 
Supplemental: Mowin Syllabics
Supplemental: Mowin Syllabics

Mowin is a syllabary writing system. This means that each symbol, or glyph, represents a syllable. Actually they represent a mora, which is equal to or shorter than a syllable, similar to Japanese scripts.

It is written top to bottom, from right to left, similar to Arabic or Hebrew. Various cranks and conspiracy theorists have claimed that mowin must be descended from Hebrew. This is not true. In fact, Hebrew and Arabic are abjads not syllabaries and have completely separate origins.

In Medweginoonind’s glyphs there is a glyph for 60 consonant +vowel clusters, 4 vowels, 11 consonant clusters, a glottal stop, and two special symbols. This makes for a total of 78 symbols. With these glyphs, you can write almost any word in Algonquian languages, if you know how.

For example, take the word “kanata”. It would be written using the three glyphs ka-na-ta.

Anishinaabe has seven vowels, four short and three long. The four short vowels (represent in French orthography by a, i, e, and o) are represented with glyphs. The three long vowels (aa, ii, and oo) are represented by modifying the appropriate short vowel. This is done by using diacritics: small symbols written next to the main symbol. The vowel-lengthening symbol (marked VL in the chart) is written at the bottom left of the primary glyph.

So the word “Anishinaabe” would be written using the glyphs a-ni-shi-na(a)-be.

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What about consonant+vowel+consonant clusters, like in the word “Amik”? Like many syllabaries, mowin syllabics uses echo vowels. So, you write the k consonant with the vowel of the previous glyph. In this case you would write “Amik” using the glyphs A-mi-ki. Native speakers would use context to know the second i sound is not spoken.

Sometimes the echo glyph will be written as a diacritic on the top left of the primary symbol. So you would write “Amik” using the glyphs A-mi-ki. However, you would only do this when meaning cannot otherwise be parsed or if you want to make sure you are not misunderstood.

The other way to end a syllable with a consonant is with a consonant cluster glyph. This is used in word like “Minong” which is written with the glyphs Mi-no-ng. They are never written as a diacritic.

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The other special character is called the “w-dot” in the chart. This is a diacritic written on the top left that is used to add the “w” sound to other consonants. So you would write Makwa (bear) using the glyphs ma-k(w)a.

Two notes about w-dots. First, when the w is the only consonant, use the symbol for the vowel and then add the w-dot. Second, if you use diacritics to close a syllable with a consonant, write the w-dot closer to the primary symbol and the echo glyph further left.

Put it all together. See if you can write the name “Medweganoonind” or, for a real challenge, write “wiigwaasabak”.

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Some further notes: nasal vowels appeared after the development of mowin syllabics. They are represented in French Phonetic Orthography by adding an –h at the end of the syllable. Mowin syllabics ignores them.

There is also plenty of historical spelling. This is when words are spelled how they were pronounced when spelling was standardized rather than how they are pronounced today. A good example of this is the word Anishinaabe, which today is pronounced closer to Niishnaabe. It is spelled as demonstrated above because that is how it was pronounced when spelling was standardized.

If this seems confusing to you, try explaining to someone who does not speak English or use the Latin alphabet why the English words met and meet sound different but meet, mete, and meat sound the same. Or why cough, rough, and through are pronounced and spelled the way they are. Writing and spelling is just as much about cultural context as clear and consistent rules.

Medweganoonind’s glyphs numbered 78. These are adequate for Classical Anishinaabe. Various languages have adapted and changed the symbols for their own needs. Dozens of languages across Minisia use variations on mowin syllabics for their writing. Around 200 symbols are common across the continent. Less than a hundred are usually necessary for any particular language. This was a huge simplification from the pictorial and logographic systems that existed prior which required thousands of symbols.

Next time, we will discuss warfare in the Mishigami in a regular update.
 
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Chapter 9: Organized Murder
Chapter 9: Organized Murder

Warfare escalated in the Mishigami during the classical period. It became more frequent, more violent, and more destructive. More and more people were fighting over the same or dwindling resources.

In the pre-classical period, most armies were made up of farmers brought together for short campaigns. Every adult male was expected to fight to defend their city.

During the classical period, a special class of full time warriors, called zhimaaganish, developed. They would be the ones who carried out most offensive operations. Mercenaries first start to appear in this time as well. A common figure in folk tales is that of the righteous warrior dispossessed of his home by treachery who wanders from town to town, fighting for the righteous.

When warriors marched to war they were expected to carry enough rations for several days. Many of them used sunflower seeds. As mentioned before, this led to the euphemism “planting sunflowers” for war. Any other food not taken along would have to be found on the way, often by plundering enemy farms.

War parties frequently traveled by canoe. This made their routes and travel times predictable and therefore vulnerable to ambush. Warriors were known to carry paddles with sharp tips in order to ward off potential raiders.

Zhimaaganish warriors used a variety of weapons. Bows and slings were the most common projectile weapons. Every man would have used bows and arrows every day for hunting so their use in war was natural.

The most common hand held weapon was the club. It was simple and cheap to make while also being deadly and relatively easy to learn. Clubs had a special place in warrior culture. A club was the weapon both for mythical heroes and most soldiers. When a warrior was buried with a weapon, it was usually a club.

The most common type of club was the ball club. A ball was carved at the end to concentrate the force of the hit. Some were beautifully carved with elaborate imagery but these were generally ceremonial rather than practical tools for war.


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A ball club[1]

Copper tools had been used in the Mishigami as far back as 7500 BCE. Production slowed as surface deposits were exhausted and long distance trade made high quality stone tools more affordable. By the classical period, most copper was used for decorative artifacts and high value tools.

Copper swords were used by the rich and powerful. They were called gichi-wagikomaan (“large sickle”) because they curved like a sickle. They resembled the Egyptian khopesh. They required extensive training to use effectively and the copper working was expensive.

Flails and whips were also used as weapons of war, though more rarely. Most often, they were used to punish rule breakers and drive slaves. Spears were also rarely used in combat. Stone, bone, and copper spearheads were either too brittle or too expensive to be effective battlefield weapons.

Armor was generally light. Speed was favored over protection. Descriptions of armor generally point to the use of thick, padded clothing rather than more elaborate pieces. Shields were made of wapiti leather stretched over wood.

Wooden armor existed but was rare. Only the very richest would have worn it at all. Wood armor was a sign to both friend and foe that the person who wore it was important. During the chaos of battle, common soldiers would rally around their commanders who wore wooden armor. Copper was too expensive to make full suits of armor.

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Wooden Armor[2]

An important part of warfare was scalping. Taking a person’s scalp was akin to taking their essence. Some believed that if you took a person’s scalp, then they would be your slaves in the afterlife.

Once the scalp was removed from the head, it would be preserved and hung from a pole. The scalps were carried home in triumph. The more scalps a warrior carried, the most prestigious his victory.

To avoid eternal slavery, zhimaaganish warriors plucked their hair, leaving only a single pony tail on their head. Ironically, this made such scalps more valuable. It also served to mark them out from others at home. This hairstyle is the inspiration for the Metis hairstyle that is still popular today.

If you surrendered rather than be killed, there was little hope on that path. Most were enslaved. Warriors and those viewed as poor potential slaves were ritualistically tortured. It was a sign of great strength for a zhimaaganish warrior to stay silent while being tortured.

Most settlements had wood palisades. Moats were also very common. Digging a moat was little different from digging an irrigation canal. They were also often connected to the existing irrigation canal network.

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A Moat[3]

As warfare intensified during the classical period, walls became more elaborate and more common. They had bastions and towers. Larger settlements began to build their walls out of rammed earth or stone.

Warfare in the Mishigami followed a predictable pattern. A campaign would begin in summer, once the snow melted and the crops were planted. Attacks on fortified settlements were rare. Warriors preferred to fight on open ground. The two sides would maneuver around each other for a time, each one trying to force a battle on favorable terrain.

Once battle was joined, zhimaaganish warriors sought to balance discipline and ferocity. It was rare for entire armies to be destroyed. If the invader was defeated, they would return to their home to lick their wounds. It was rare for them to be pursued.

If the defender was defeated, they would retreat to their fortified settlement. Sieges were rare due to the difficulty in supplying an army for long periods. Sometimes, a siege could be maintained if the settlement was on a river. Food would be brought by canoe and wapiti.

If no siege could be sustained, the invaders would threaten to destroy the irrigation ditches, which would cause permanent damage whether or not the attacking army was defeated. The defenders would usually offer a bribe, in the form of valuable trade goods and formal submission. If no bribe was offered or the bribe was insufficient, then a battle would again be joined.

One unique feature of Mishigami fortifications was the maze. The maze appeared to be a weak spot. In reality, it was a pathway into the city that was built to confuse and trap those who did not know the safe way through. A maze could have pitfalls, halls to nowhere, hidden passages and much more. The defenders would use the secrets of the maze to kill the attackers as they tried to make their way through. The first man into the maze was praised for his bravery but was often killed or severely wounded.

The attackers knew the maze was a trap but the gamble was worth the potential to bring a swift victory. Most often, the attackers were repulsed. They would have lost too many men in attacking the maze to destroy the irrigation canals and withdraw. If the attackers made it through the maze, most cities would surrender.

Settlements were rarely destroyed. They might be burned, looted and much of the population enslaved but it was rare for a settlement to be abandoned. Most invaders were looking to dominate their enemies, not annihilate them.

Next time, we will discuss the political and spiritual leaders of the Mishigami.



[1] Taken from: https://d1lfxha3ugu3d4.cloudfront.net/images/opencollection/objects/size2/CUR.50.67.83_view01.jpg
[2] Taken from https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-HZb0-_Jx...AVo7mragofk9EkH4QCLcBGAs/s400/huron+armor.png A drawing of actual Iroquois wooden armor
[3] Taken from: https://heritageofjapan.wordpress.c...t-making-activity-turmoil-and-troubled-times/

One of the things I stumbled upon when researching this update was an interesting youtube channel by a fellow called Malcolm PL. He is ethnically Iroquois and spends some time recreating historical Iroquois weapons, armor, and other things. I don't always agree with him but I thought his videos were interesting enough to share.

Comments? Questions?
 
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