I see; is 2000 basically TTL's 2008, in terms of scale and subsequent polarization due to populism on both sides of the isle?
The American System: A Henry Clay TL
- Thread starter TheHedgehog
- Start date
Loving the continued comparisons of present day Argentina and the US being mirror images of each other.
Eager for 1944, can't wait to see how things turn out with Cameron.
Eager for 1944, can't wait to see how things turn out with Cameron.
Is America ITTL becoming analogous to OTL’s Argentina? If so, I agree with @prolemasses that I enjoy the comparisons with Argentina and the US ITTL becoming its mirror image.
Not particularly, the entire 90s is a series of economic crises and inflation spikes that the Democrats are left with the blame for after it boils over in the early 2000s
But there is a lot of polarization after 2000 though.
Thanks! 1944 should be an interesting one
I was somewhat inspired by the Palace of the Soviets, though the DC redevelopment is less enormous and totalitarian.something like that?))
If you're referring to the title, that's a song by The Postal Service
Roughly, though it's not exactly 1:1. And thanks!
Not 435, but after Alaska and Hawaii are admitted my spreadsheets have the House capped at 453 seats.
i'm curious, what do the american third parties look like? i assume there's something akin to the Greens, but in a world like this, it feels like a libertarian/liberal party would sorta just... fall on its face? the sheer power of the federal government and its economic intervention might give it some appeal, but it also seems like economically they'd just get pulled too far into the democratic party, especially since the big boys are less cohesive on social issues than OTL's culture war duopoly.
No, I was talking about the Delta Flyer. It was the name of a specially designed shuttlecraft featured on the show.
There's a Green party, a minor ultra-libertarian, the Freedom Party, that wants to demolish the Cameronist state, and then a socially-conservative party, the Family Values Party, that's strongest in the rural south.
Ah gotcha. I just came up with the name, any reference was unintentional
Traditionally in OTL third parties usually were based on a particular region of the country or a particular platform of policies. They would gain some seats and attention at local and state levels but eventually the bigger national parties would copy the ideas and had more resources available. That does not mean there are no third parties but they will tend to be small.
Trying not to get into otl politics, it does seem like otl Reaganite and post-2008 ideas do exist, but are much less influential in a tl where Cameron makes Roosevelt look like a cynical deregulator, yeah?
Has the US built hydroelectric dams like the Tennessee Valley Authority, Hoover or Grand Coulee yet?
Yes, Reaganite supply-side economics isn't really an accepted school of thought in the US, while the right wing TTL embraces a more Carter/Clinton form of deregulation and fiscally-responsible reform.
Yes, dams are a major part of the national power company's (Prometheus's) early projects
104. Welcome to the Jungle
104. Welcome to the Jungle
“Nicaragua was, by 1941, an informal American protectorate. A revolving door of local industrialists and military officers held the presidency, dependent on American advisors and arms contracts. With El Salvador part of Argentina’s sphere of influence, the two hemispheric powers turned their attention towards Honduras and neighboring Guatemala. The two countries had tried to steer a neutral course and had been largely successful. However, Argentina’s dominance over El Salvador and America’s temporary withdrawal from the world stage due to the depression had changed the balance of power in the region. Buenos Aires was able to prop up a friendly military junta in Honduras, funneling weapons and military aid into the country. While Argentina controlled the Cape, its treacherous conditions meant that the American-dominated Nicaraguan canal was the trade route of preference for most global maritime commerce, a substantial boon for the United States government.
In a bid to rival America’s trade dominance in the Pacific and Caribbean, Argentina under President Alberto Ortiz had approached Colombia over a possible second canal through the Panamanian isthmus. Colombia’s fragile democratic government [1] was wary of entangling itself with either the United States or Argentina, but their traditional guarantor of neutrality, France, was still recovering from the Bonapartist regime and a severe debt crisis, and the United States was at the time still absent from the imperialist great game. In a move that would have severe effects on the country’s stability, the liberal government of Miguel Vasquez entered into canal negotiations. Vasquez, who himself hailed from Panama, sought to direct much-needed investment into his home state and tamp down on secessionist rhetoric. However, in 1941, the United States began to re-insert itself into hemispheric geopolitics, and President Cameron supported the conservative Colombian National Party, which opposed the proposed canal, in its successful campaign in the 1942 elections.
This ended Argentine hopes of operating a rival canal, but Ortiz was soon presented with a new opportunity to challenge American dominance: the death of Costa Rican caudillo Manuel Nunez, which swiftly unraveled the American-backed military junta. During the ensuing power struggle, the Argentine-backed Rafael Calderon triumphed and seized control of the capital. With Honduras, El Salvador, and Costa Rica controlled by Argentine proxies, the American-aligned regime in Nicaragua was encircled. Throughout 1942, tensions rose as Ortiz facilitated negotiations that resulted in the merger of Honduras, El Salvador, and Costa Rica into the United Centroamerican Republic, though while the Honduran president was the leader, the federal government was weak and divided, and even the army, unified on paper, was still functionally split in three.
Nevertheless, with Argentine aid and training, Ortiz hoped that the UCAR could challenge Nicaragua. Through the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943, a series of border clashes on Nicaragua’s Honduran and Costa Rican borders escalated into a full-scale invasion by the UCAR, catching the Nicaraguan government by surprise. Ortiz additionally funneled weapons to Nicaraguan peasant rebels to further destabilize the government and sow chaos. However, the Costa Rican army struggled to advance, taking San Juan on the coast, but becoming bogged down south of San Carlos on Lake Nicaragua. Meanwhile, the Honduran and Salvadorean armies, despite conflict among the general staff, seized Leon and were poised to encircle Managua. The general strategy was to advance along the coasts and take the major cities while also threatening the entrances to the canal. While attacking the canal directly would draw the United States in directly, the hope was that if the Nicaraguan government collapsed and a new, Argentine-backed one came to power, it could seize back control of the canal.
Ortiz’s plan was overly optimistic [2], as Cameron was resolute and ordered plans drawn up to prop up a rival government should Managua fall. That exact event happened in the middle of 1944, as the overwhelmed and undersupplied Nicaraguan army was forced to flee to the safety of American guns in Rivas. Here, Ortiz’s plans fell apart, as Nicaragua fell into civil war between two rival military governments, along with a disorganized peasant guerilla campaign that attacked both factions. The United States struck back, flooding arms to their side, sending American troops to defend the city of Granada, and blockading both coastlines. President Cameron also leaned heavily on the Colombian government, and strong-armed President Adolfo Garcia into allowing American troops into Panama for an invasion of Costa Rica. Garcia was forced to accept as a precondition of a trade reciprocity agreement they had negotiated in order to export more coffee. The arrival of American forces in Panama inflamed tensions, and the Garcia administration increasingly became seen as not only an American puppet, but actively detrimental to the Panamanian people.
While the American army advanced into Costa Rica in conjunction with an uprising of anti-Calderon military forces and rebels, protests against the American presence in Panama intensified. When dockworkers in Colon refused to unload supplies for the army as it fought for control of Golfito, American soldiers opened fire and Garcia refused to condemn the massacre, much less press for any sort of apology or compensation. Even the small American force divided public opinion at home, especially as news spread of disease outbreaks and heavy casualties in the jungles. The initial burst of fighting petered out by 1946, but as order in Colombia broke down and chaos raged in the jungles of Nicaragua, the conflict would roar to life again by the dawn of the 1950s…”
-From THE PLAYGROUND OF GIANTS by Jessica Harvey, published 2017
“MONTEVIDEO – Uruguay is no stranger to political crisis. It was once a battleground for the imperialist ambitions of Argentina and Brazil in the 19th century, before Buenos Aires cemented its unquestioned dominance over the continent in the bloody War of the Plate. Since then, Uruguay spent over fifty years as a satrapy of Argentina, beholden to its whims and demands. The Corporation for the Reconstruction of Uruguay was once a shadow government that often instigated coups and “resignations”, and to this day continues to oversee much of the country’s power generation infrastructure as the River Plate Power & Light Corporation. Still, Uruguay is far more independent than it was during the first half of the 20th century, following a massive campaign of public resistance during the 1960s. This sense of freedom is jealously guarded by the Uruguayan people, and presidents and parties have lost power because of a perceived closeness to Buenos Aires.
That need to pursue independence from Argentina’s aims at all times has faded in recent months, with Uruguay facing a water shortage of unprecedented scale [3]. With a dry spell exacerbated by the effects of climate change, Uruguay’s extensive system of dammed reservoirs were emptying without the usual levels of rainfall. The crisis reached a peak in May, when President Carlos Salerni and his party, Movimiento Independiente (MI), promulgated new safety regulations for drinking water, increasing the tolerance levels for chloride, salt, and certain toxic chemicals. Pregnant women were advised to drink only bottled water, prompting a public outcry. Facing wide opposition for these, Salerni presented the National Congress with a deal he had negotiated with Argentina, by which Uruguay would rent a share of Argentina’s significant reservoir capacity along the Uruguay River. This is another point of contention between the two countries, as Argentina currently holds the sole water and electricity rights to the dams it constructed on the river during Carlos Cleburne’s presidency. Argentine presidents have consistently refused Uruguayan demands to renegotiate these agreements, and Salerni’s deal hit that sore spot.
Maria Martinez, the leader of the MI’s coalition partner, the NDN [4] denounced the proposal and vowed to reject it. “It is an admission of subordination. We did not bleed in the streets a generation ago just to come crawling back,” she said during initial debate, while Salerni vowed to treat the vote as a confidence motion on his leadership. In a dramatic session of the Congress, the proposal was rejected by just three votes, and Salerni resigned and called for new elections.
Salerni and Martinez, erstwhile allies, have now emerged as the two main rival leaders in the snap elections, as the traditional left and right-wing blocs are now divided between supporters of the deal and opponents. Salerni and his party’s traditional rivals, the Nationalist Coalition, have formed a temporary alliance over their joint support for the deal. Sergio Novak, the Nationalists’ leader, explained in a televised interview that “this is not an ideal solution. But we find ourselves desperate now, would we rather poison our youth or accept only as much aide as we need? It is a very fair deal that has been negotiated, we are not signing one ounce of sovereignty away, not one iota.” Martinez has framed the election as a referendum on Uruguayan independence, calling for the rejection of the deal as a “resolute statement of our independence.”
“It’s all very unfortunate,” said one street demonstrator opposed to the deal. “I voted for Salerni because he’s done a lot of good so it’s very disappointing what he’s doing. We need to be fighting back against the Argentine puppet strings, not only trying to reattach a few of them. It’s impossible to exist as a half-marionette for long.” Another added that “the real issue is ending the River Plate power company and returning our power plants to our control.” Others are in favor of the deal, with a ‘Mothers’ March’ held in support. One marcher, Beatriz Vega, said in a speech that “they cannot be allowed to sacrifice our health, our lives, for high-minded ideals. We are being poisoned unless something is done.” Some demonstrations have turned violent, as a group of university students protesting the deal assaulted a women’s march in favor of it. One of those demonstrators was hit over the head by a metal thermos and hospitalized.
Election day is set for July 14th, and polling indicates a very close race between the two blocs. Unrest has intensified amid news that the Paso Severino reservoir, which supplies water for over half of the country, has dipped below 2% capacity, and demands for action have grown. The victory of Sergio Moscone in Argentina over the hard-right incumbent Ernesto Ricchetti in May has also increased support for Salerni’s Propuistas bloc, as Moscone is seen as a more reasonable figure than the belligerent Ricchetti. While this has given Salerni an edge in polling, fears of electoral violence from antis could play a decisive role in Sunday’s election.”
-From WATER CRISIS SPARKS POLITICAL CHAOS, Clarin, July 10th, 2023
“Among President Cameron’s main legislative goals for his second term were the institution of a wealth tax and the restoration of the industrial subsidies that had led to John Fountain’s defeat sixteen years previously. The wealth tax proved more controversial initially, with resistance from both the remaining Democrats and many Whigs. However, Cameron was able to scrape together the votes with promises of generous patronage and internal improvement spending. The wealthy Whigs who had bankrolled Cameron’s campaigns previously and lent critical support to the IROA now began to sour on his presidency and began contemplating purging the party of his influence. Accusations of societism began to grow, and Cameron grew angrier and more forceful in his denunciations of his opponents. His push for a social security program in his first term also became a lightning rod for criticism of his administration.
Social security was very popular nationally, so the Whigs had been able to pass it with minimal defections. Cameron’s decision to fund the program from the general revenue stream further irritated fiscal conservatives, who wanted a dedicated tax to fund it so they could more easily kill the program. This was roundly rejected, and Cameron argued in a speech that “we as members of our Nation have certain duties and responsibilities to both each other and the Nation as a whole. Those who have been so fortunate as to amass great wealth owe it to their fellow Americans to fund their relief through taxes. To do anything less is a disservice to our American values.” With yet another legislative victory under his belt as well as a resounding landslide re-election, Cameron moved to restore Fountain’s subsidies.
While the IROA gave the federal government significant influence over the economy, Cameron believed that the industrial subsidies would allow the United States to gain an advantage in manufacturing and allow the government to encourage technological innovation, such as subsidizing the new computing sector. The New Industrial Policy Act reestablished the subsidies and gave the Department of Industry and Planning authority to dispense funding from a fixed annual budget. Cameron used these subsidies to essentially bribe politicians to support his other initiatives. With the reconstruction of the capitol complex well underway, Cameron dangled the possibility of lucrative subsidies to gain congressional support for the construction of new federal buildings across the country. To sway one lawmaker, Cameron agreed to build a new federal courthouse in his district’s main city of Dubuque, rather than Des Moines, which was represented by a less friendly congressman.
This blatant manipulation of the federal government for political gain began to grate on Whigs, with Vice President Foster quietly reaching out to other opponents of Cameron as he looked ahead to 1944. It was assumed that the President would follow the tradition established by Washington and step aside at the conclusion of his second term, allowing Whig leaders to regain control of the party from Cameron’s cronies. However, this assumption was shattered when, in January 1944, Cameron announced in a broadcast speech that, “because the work is not finished, because everywhere the forces of excess, corruption, and greed still conspire against the working man and woman of America, I will not rest. I will seek re-election to this great office of President of the United States of America.”
-From THE LONG TWENTIETH CENTURY: AMERICA 1940-2003 by Greg Carey, published 2009
[1] The United States of Colombia survived TTL, but major internal issues remain unresolved.
[2] That’s putting it lightly, but Argentina is operating under the assumption that the US is still reeling from the depression and won’t resist effectively. This is underestimating just how much the US wants to hang onto that canal.
[3] This happened OTL, but it’s worse TTL due to worse climate change.
[4] Nuestro Destino es Nuestro (Our Destiny is Ours)
“Nicaragua was, by 1941, an informal American protectorate. A revolving door of local industrialists and military officers held the presidency, dependent on American advisors and arms contracts. With El Salvador part of Argentina’s sphere of influence, the two hemispheric powers turned their attention towards Honduras and neighboring Guatemala. The two countries had tried to steer a neutral course and had been largely successful. However, Argentina’s dominance over El Salvador and America’s temporary withdrawal from the world stage due to the depression had changed the balance of power in the region. Buenos Aires was able to prop up a friendly military junta in Honduras, funneling weapons and military aid into the country. While Argentina controlled the Cape, its treacherous conditions meant that the American-dominated Nicaraguan canal was the trade route of preference for most global maritime commerce, a substantial boon for the United States government.
In a bid to rival America’s trade dominance in the Pacific and Caribbean, Argentina under President Alberto Ortiz had approached Colombia over a possible second canal through the Panamanian isthmus. Colombia’s fragile democratic government [1] was wary of entangling itself with either the United States or Argentina, but their traditional guarantor of neutrality, France, was still recovering from the Bonapartist regime and a severe debt crisis, and the United States was at the time still absent from the imperialist great game. In a move that would have severe effects on the country’s stability, the liberal government of Miguel Vasquez entered into canal negotiations. Vasquez, who himself hailed from Panama, sought to direct much-needed investment into his home state and tamp down on secessionist rhetoric. However, in 1941, the United States began to re-insert itself into hemispheric geopolitics, and President Cameron supported the conservative Colombian National Party, which opposed the proposed canal, in its successful campaign in the 1942 elections.
This ended Argentine hopes of operating a rival canal, but Ortiz was soon presented with a new opportunity to challenge American dominance: the death of Costa Rican caudillo Manuel Nunez, which swiftly unraveled the American-backed military junta. During the ensuing power struggle, the Argentine-backed Rafael Calderon triumphed and seized control of the capital. With Honduras, El Salvador, and Costa Rica controlled by Argentine proxies, the American-aligned regime in Nicaragua was encircled. Throughout 1942, tensions rose as Ortiz facilitated negotiations that resulted in the merger of Honduras, El Salvador, and Costa Rica into the United Centroamerican Republic, though while the Honduran president was the leader, the federal government was weak and divided, and even the army, unified on paper, was still functionally split in three.
Nevertheless, with Argentine aid and training, Ortiz hoped that the UCAR could challenge Nicaragua. Through the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943, a series of border clashes on Nicaragua’s Honduran and Costa Rican borders escalated into a full-scale invasion by the UCAR, catching the Nicaraguan government by surprise. Ortiz additionally funneled weapons to Nicaraguan peasant rebels to further destabilize the government and sow chaos. However, the Costa Rican army struggled to advance, taking San Juan on the coast, but becoming bogged down south of San Carlos on Lake Nicaragua. Meanwhile, the Honduran and Salvadorean armies, despite conflict among the general staff, seized Leon and were poised to encircle Managua. The general strategy was to advance along the coasts and take the major cities while also threatening the entrances to the canal. While attacking the canal directly would draw the United States in directly, the hope was that if the Nicaraguan government collapsed and a new, Argentine-backed one came to power, it could seize back control of the canal.
Ortiz’s plan was overly optimistic [2], as Cameron was resolute and ordered plans drawn up to prop up a rival government should Managua fall. That exact event happened in the middle of 1944, as the overwhelmed and undersupplied Nicaraguan army was forced to flee to the safety of American guns in Rivas. Here, Ortiz’s plans fell apart, as Nicaragua fell into civil war between two rival military governments, along with a disorganized peasant guerilla campaign that attacked both factions. The United States struck back, flooding arms to their side, sending American troops to defend the city of Granada, and blockading both coastlines. President Cameron also leaned heavily on the Colombian government, and strong-armed President Adolfo Garcia into allowing American troops into Panama for an invasion of Costa Rica. Garcia was forced to accept as a precondition of a trade reciprocity agreement they had negotiated in order to export more coffee. The arrival of American forces in Panama inflamed tensions, and the Garcia administration increasingly became seen as not only an American puppet, but actively detrimental to the Panamanian people.
While the American army advanced into Costa Rica in conjunction with an uprising of anti-Calderon military forces and rebels, protests against the American presence in Panama intensified. When dockworkers in Colon refused to unload supplies for the army as it fought for control of Golfito, American soldiers opened fire and Garcia refused to condemn the massacre, much less press for any sort of apology or compensation. Even the small American force divided public opinion at home, especially as news spread of disease outbreaks and heavy casualties in the jungles. The initial burst of fighting petered out by 1946, but as order in Colombia broke down and chaos raged in the jungles of Nicaragua, the conflict would roar to life again by the dawn of the 1950s…”
-From THE PLAYGROUND OF GIANTS by Jessica Harvey, published 2017
“MONTEVIDEO – Uruguay is no stranger to political crisis. It was once a battleground for the imperialist ambitions of Argentina and Brazil in the 19th century, before Buenos Aires cemented its unquestioned dominance over the continent in the bloody War of the Plate. Since then, Uruguay spent over fifty years as a satrapy of Argentina, beholden to its whims and demands. The Corporation for the Reconstruction of Uruguay was once a shadow government that often instigated coups and “resignations”, and to this day continues to oversee much of the country’s power generation infrastructure as the River Plate Power & Light Corporation. Still, Uruguay is far more independent than it was during the first half of the 20th century, following a massive campaign of public resistance during the 1960s. This sense of freedom is jealously guarded by the Uruguayan people, and presidents and parties have lost power because of a perceived closeness to Buenos Aires.
That need to pursue independence from Argentina’s aims at all times has faded in recent months, with Uruguay facing a water shortage of unprecedented scale [3]. With a dry spell exacerbated by the effects of climate change, Uruguay’s extensive system of dammed reservoirs were emptying without the usual levels of rainfall. The crisis reached a peak in May, when President Carlos Salerni and his party, Movimiento Independiente (MI), promulgated new safety regulations for drinking water, increasing the tolerance levels for chloride, salt, and certain toxic chemicals. Pregnant women were advised to drink only bottled water, prompting a public outcry. Facing wide opposition for these, Salerni presented the National Congress with a deal he had negotiated with Argentina, by which Uruguay would rent a share of Argentina’s significant reservoir capacity along the Uruguay River. This is another point of contention between the two countries, as Argentina currently holds the sole water and electricity rights to the dams it constructed on the river during Carlos Cleburne’s presidency. Argentine presidents have consistently refused Uruguayan demands to renegotiate these agreements, and Salerni’s deal hit that sore spot.
Maria Martinez, the leader of the MI’s coalition partner, the NDN [4] denounced the proposal and vowed to reject it. “It is an admission of subordination. We did not bleed in the streets a generation ago just to come crawling back,” she said during initial debate, while Salerni vowed to treat the vote as a confidence motion on his leadership. In a dramatic session of the Congress, the proposal was rejected by just three votes, and Salerni resigned and called for new elections.
Salerni and Martinez, erstwhile allies, have now emerged as the two main rival leaders in the snap elections, as the traditional left and right-wing blocs are now divided between supporters of the deal and opponents. Salerni and his party’s traditional rivals, the Nationalist Coalition, have formed a temporary alliance over their joint support for the deal. Sergio Novak, the Nationalists’ leader, explained in a televised interview that “this is not an ideal solution. But we find ourselves desperate now, would we rather poison our youth or accept only as much aide as we need? It is a very fair deal that has been negotiated, we are not signing one ounce of sovereignty away, not one iota.” Martinez has framed the election as a referendum on Uruguayan independence, calling for the rejection of the deal as a “resolute statement of our independence.”
“It’s all very unfortunate,” said one street demonstrator opposed to the deal. “I voted for Salerni because he’s done a lot of good so it’s very disappointing what he’s doing. We need to be fighting back against the Argentine puppet strings, not only trying to reattach a few of them. It’s impossible to exist as a half-marionette for long.” Another added that “the real issue is ending the River Plate power company and returning our power plants to our control.” Others are in favor of the deal, with a ‘Mothers’ March’ held in support. One marcher, Beatriz Vega, said in a speech that “they cannot be allowed to sacrifice our health, our lives, for high-minded ideals. We are being poisoned unless something is done.” Some demonstrations have turned violent, as a group of university students protesting the deal assaulted a women’s march in favor of it. One of those demonstrators was hit over the head by a metal thermos and hospitalized.
Election day is set for July 14th, and polling indicates a very close race between the two blocs. Unrest has intensified amid news that the Paso Severino reservoir, which supplies water for over half of the country, has dipped below 2% capacity, and demands for action have grown. The victory of Sergio Moscone in Argentina over the hard-right incumbent Ernesto Ricchetti in May has also increased support for Salerni’s Propuistas bloc, as Moscone is seen as a more reasonable figure than the belligerent Ricchetti. While this has given Salerni an edge in polling, fears of electoral violence from antis could play a decisive role in Sunday’s election.”
-From WATER CRISIS SPARKS POLITICAL CHAOS, Clarin, July 10th, 2023
“Among President Cameron’s main legislative goals for his second term were the institution of a wealth tax and the restoration of the industrial subsidies that had led to John Fountain’s defeat sixteen years previously. The wealth tax proved more controversial initially, with resistance from both the remaining Democrats and many Whigs. However, Cameron was able to scrape together the votes with promises of generous patronage and internal improvement spending. The wealthy Whigs who had bankrolled Cameron’s campaigns previously and lent critical support to the IROA now began to sour on his presidency and began contemplating purging the party of his influence. Accusations of societism began to grow, and Cameron grew angrier and more forceful in his denunciations of his opponents. His push for a social security program in his first term also became a lightning rod for criticism of his administration.
Social security was very popular nationally, so the Whigs had been able to pass it with minimal defections. Cameron’s decision to fund the program from the general revenue stream further irritated fiscal conservatives, who wanted a dedicated tax to fund it so they could more easily kill the program. This was roundly rejected, and Cameron argued in a speech that “we as members of our Nation have certain duties and responsibilities to both each other and the Nation as a whole. Those who have been so fortunate as to amass great wealth owe it to their fellow Americans to fund their relief through taxes. To do anything less is a disservice to our American values.” With yet another legislative victory under his belt as well as a resounding landslide re-election, Cameron moved to restore Fountain’s subsidies.
While the IROA gave the federal government significant influence over the economy, Cameron believed that the industrial subsidies would allow the United States to gain an advantage in manufacturing and allow the government to encourage technological innovation, such as subsidizing the new computing sector. The New Industrial Policy Act reestablished the subsidies and gave the Department of Industry and Planning authority to dispense funding from a fixed annual budget. Cameron used these subsidies to essentially bribe politicians to support his other initiatives. With the reconstruction of the capitol complex well underway, Cameron dangled the possibility of lucrative subsidies to gain congressional support for the construction of new federal buildings across the country. To sway one lawmaker, Cameron agreed to build a new federal courthouse in his district’s main city of Dubuque, rather than Des Moines, which was represented by a less friendly congressman.
This blatant manipulation of the federal government for political gain began to grate on Whigs, with Vice President Foster quietly reaching out to other opponents of Cameron as he looked ahead to 1944. It was assumed that the President would follow the tradition established by Washington and step aside at the conclusion of his second term, allowing Whig leaders to regain control of the party from Cameron’s cronies. However, this assumption was shattered when, in January 1944, Cameron announced in a broadcast speech that, “because the work is not finished, because everywhere the forces of excess, corruption, and greed still conspire against the working man and woman of America, I will not rest. I will seek re-election to this great office of President of the United States of America.”
-From THE LONG TWENTIETH CENTURY: AMERICA 1940-2003 by Greg Carey, published 2009
[1] The United States of Colombia survived TTL, but major internal issues remain unresolved.
[2] That’s putting it lightly, but Argentina is operating under the assumption that the US is still reeling from the depression and won’t resist effectively. This is underestimating just how much the US wants to hang onto that canal.
[3] This happened OTL, but it’s worse TTL due to worse climate change.
[4] Nuestro Destino es Nuestro (Our Destiny is Ours)
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Oh boy... can the man pull it off absent a ww2 crisis? Or will he have to pull a Cleveland and come back when a Democrat fucks it up?
I sense there will be some favors called, votes bought, opponents hit by corruption trials and all kinds of 'mischief'.
Was there any equivalent to the League of Nations established after the Great War?