43. Liberty Throughout the Land
43. Liberty Throughout the Land

“President Blaine’s paramount objective was securing the approval and ratification of the proposed thirteenth amendment, which would abolish slavery in the United States. After Seward was able to strike a death blow against slavery during the Civil War by banning slavery in the territories, it had grown weaker and weaker. Five southern states had passed constitutional amendments gradually abolishing slavery, and the Red Delta massacres had inflamed northern opinion against it. Shortly after his inauguration, Blaine called a special session of Congress for the purpose of drafting such an amendment.

In crafting such an amendment, first its proponents had to consolidate their various visions into a single proposal that was moderate enough to secure ratification. Initial drafts written by radicals such as Minnesota Congressman James Hinds [1] called for an immediate end to slavery without compensation, and guaranteed citizenship to all Americans regardless of race. However, backroom discussions with moderate Whigs and northern Democrats revealed that such an amendment would assuredly fail to even be approved by Congress, let alone ratified by the requisite 27 states. Instead, many Whigs united behind the draft written by Senator James Wilson of Iowa, which proposed that slavery be abolished over a 10-year period, with “just compensation” paid to each slaveholder.

As slavery was increasingly untenable, most northern Democrats emerged strongly in support of Wilson’s proposal, while they resisted the “radicalism” of Hinds’s version. While Whig Congressman Samuel Randall called Hinds a “race agitator,” New York Senator Samuel Tilden expressed his opinion that blacks were “not ready for the burden of citizenship and civic duty.” Hinds and his fellow radicals, on the other hand, criticized Wilson’s draft as a “half measure.” They were right, but as Wilson, himself a strong supporter of equal rights, explained, “even tiny steps forward still count as stepping forward – we must take what we can get and not abandon the fight because it cannot be won in a single blow.”

Still, intraparty negotiations dragged on throughout May and June. Finally, President Blaine and Speaker Garfield, who had kept themselves removed from negotiations, felt compelled to intervene. Blaine met personally with Hinds and implored him to “put aside [his] grievances” to secure the compromise. Garfield, meanwhile, alternately met with other radicals to persuade them to support the Wilson draft and threatened to remove them from top committees. Blaine’s occasional rival Roscoe Conkling, a strong supporter of abolition and king of New York patronage, was enlisted to use the promise of patronage positions to get northern Democrats on board. He was even given tacit approval to bribe the most recalcitrant ones.

Finally, through this combination of persuasion, bribery, and threats, Blaine, Garfield, and Conkling assembled enough of a House majority to guarantee the Wilson amendment’s passage. On July 6th, the House voted 207-88 to approve the 13th amendment, and the Senate was to vote the next week. Ahead of the vote, Senators Tilden and du Pont [2] announced their support for the amendment, but Blaine, Conkling, and William Mahone estimated that they were still two votes shy. With every northern Senator [3] aligned in support, the focus fell on Thomas Bramlette of Kentucky [4] and Joseph W. McClurg of Missouri [5]. Bramlette was a conservative Whig who believed slavery was in a “terminal decline” but was worried that the Kentucky state house would deny him reelection. McClurg, a moderate Democrat, had similar fears. Blaine promised to appoint Bramlette to the next Supreme Court opening should he lose reelection, while promising McClurg to provide federal funds for a plethora of Missouri canals and railroads that McClurg could sell to his allies back home.

With these final two votes secured, the stage was set for the Senate vote on July 14th. Every Senator from a confederate state voted against, while every Senator from a northern state voted in favor. The outcome was determined by the upper south, with six Senators from those five states voting in favor, and four voting against. Just one Senator changing his vote would have defeated the amendment. As it was, the 13th amendment was approved by the Senate by the barest of majorities: 48-24, exactly two thirds of the chamber. Now, the amendment went to the states for ratification, where 27 of the 36 states were required.

…Illinois was the first state to ratify the 13th amendment, doing so on September 5th, 1882. The next day, Rhode Island and Michigan followed suit and by the end of October, every northern state had voted for ratification. It hinged upon Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, and either Tennessee or North Carolina to ratify the amendment. Delaware was the first southern state to ratify, doing so on February 9th, 1883. Virginia did so a week later, after a heavy lobbying campaign from Governor Riddleberger. Missouri, Maryland, and Kentucky all ratified the amendment on the same day, February 23rd. Just a single slave state was needed to ratify the amendment for it to be added to the constitution.

With North Carolina’s rejection of the amendment, it all hinged on Tennessee, where President Blaine was mobilizing every resource that he had at his disposal to induce the state legislature to ratify…”

-From CHAINS BROKEN, CHAINS SHACKLED by Edward Northam, published 2011

“Tennessee was in the midst of a transition from an agrarian, plantation-based economy to one fueled by railroads, commerce, and mining. Eastern Tennessee became prosperous during the 1870s from expanded coal and iron mining, turning an already Whig-friendly region into a stronghold of the party, where Whig candidates routinely won elections with upwards of 60% of the vote. The rise of east Tennessee’s industrial economy pulled Nashville in the same direction, as railroads headed west from Chattanooga used Nashville to send ore to western markets, while goods headed east to Georgia or Alabama stopped at Nashville en route to Atlanta or Elyton [6].

Meanwhile, western Tennessee remained rooted in the old plantation economy. Nathan Bedford Forrest had made Memphis his slave trading headquarters, and eleven slaves were killed in the region during a spillover of the Red Delta massacres in 1879. The state was heavily divided between east and west, with Nashville and the center caught in the middle. Postmaster-General Leonidas C. Houk was, before entering President Blaine’s cabinet, a powerful Whig congressman from eastern Tennessee who dominated the state Whig party with his ally, Governor Jacob Thornburgh [7]. Thornburgh supported the 13th amendment but faced a Democratic-controlled state house. Within the Democratic majority, there existed divisions between conservative planters and modernizing businessmen from central Tennessee and Memphis. Blaine, Houk, and Thornburgh sought to exploit these divisions and force ratification through the state house.

Blaine authorized Houk to promise patronage positions and large sums of federal internal improvements money to state legislators if they voted for ratification, and Governor Thornburgh held dozens of meetings with lawmakers, urging them to support ratification. In mid-March, President Blaine undertook a speaking tour in support of the amendment through central Tennessee, with a stop at Memphis. While Blaine gave a speech in Memphis, the second son of a local planter pulled out a pistol and attempted to shoot him. Both shots missed, one grazing Congressman William Moore’s hat. Blaine continued his speech, closing by imploring the audience to “write [their] duly elected representative to the esteemed General Assembly of Tennessee and urge them” to vote for ratification.

The assassination attempt helped increase support for ratification within the legislature, and Thornburgh estimated that they had a bare majority to ratify the amendment with. Finally, after a lengthy battle, the state of Tennessee ratified the 13th amendment by a margin of just three votes on April 18th, 1883. Within ten years, every man, woman, and child still in bondage in the United States would be set free. But the struggle for equal rights was only just beginning…”

-From THE NEW SOUTH by Edgar Brent, published 1989

“The long-overdue emancipation of enslaved Americans was yet another instance of a half measure that merely pretended to solve the problem. Did every slave go free by the time 1893 rolled around? Yes, it was constitutionally mandated. But each slaver, each person who claimed the ‘right’ to own their fellow human beings, was paid by the government for giving up their so-called property. American taxpayers were put on the hook for bribing racists to part with their human chattel. This was, shamefully, necessary to secure the amendment’s ratification and I would rather evil men receive a small reward if there is a much greater good deed being accomplished at the same time.

The other problem with the 13th Amendment, the much more severe problem, is that it contains no protections for the newly freed people. James Hinds proposed enshrining their citizenship in the amendment, but he was shouted down by moderates in congress who were too preoccupied with expediency to concern themselves with human rights. We know that Blaine had authorized the dispensation of patronage jobs and even bribe money to win support for the amendment. If he had these resources at his disposal, why not use them to force through a more radical version? Blaine’s own memoirs mention that he preferred Hinds’s version, but that he, like many of his moderate allies, was obsessed with expediting the process and avoiding a long legislative battle. This is cowardice.

So, rather than fight hard and use underhanded tactics, Blaine and his allies put forward something that only addressed the surface level problem but didn’t even touch the deep roots of systemic racism in the United States. Then, when there was ample evidence that abolition wouldn’t be enough and that southern states would preserve a form of slavery in everything-but-name, Blaine and Garfield could have gotten something through congress, but they valued their congressional majorities more than human rights. The door was open for every slave state and quite a few free states to pass a slew of laws preventing black Americans from ever becoming truly free.”

-From THE REAL HISTORY OF AMERICA by Thaddeus Flagg, published 2020

“News of the 13th amendment’s ratification was met with widespread celebration in the north, with triumphant newspaper editorials and impromptu street gatherings in more abolitionist areas. The Pennsylvanian Advocate, once owned by President Blaine, devoted its entire front page to declaring “SLAVE POWER BROKEN FOREVER” and covering in detail the amendment’s journey to ratification. Numerous northern politicians both Democrat and Whig gave interviews and speeches celebrating the outcome.

In a speech at the dedication of the Mount Vernon National Cemetery [8], President Blaine joined in the celebrations. “A great victory has been won for the cause of liberty. New inspiration has been given to the powers of self-help in both races, and the influence of this force will grow greater and bear richer fruit with the coming years. The work begun by General Washington and the multitudes of brave soldiers buried here over the generations has been advanced once more. The will of the nation, speaking with the voice of battle and through the amended constitution, has fulfilled the great promise of 1776 by proclaiming ‘liberty throughout the land to all the inhabitants thereof.’”

The south was decidedly less excited. Senator Wade Hampton III of South Carolina, long a proponent of white supremacy, called the 13th amendment “an affront to the natural order,” and accused President Blaine of “seeking to destroy the system so beneficial to the negro race, the system of slavery, and foment a slave insurrection like the one suppressed in 1879.” In Louisiana, Francis T. Nicholls, a congressman, was arrested by the National Guard for attempting to organize a secessionist militia. Some planters vowed never to free their slaves, with one declaring in a letter to the Southern Recorder that “they will have to send the whole of the army to my plantation if they want to steal my lawful property. This is a vile perversion of the constitution.”

Governor John M. Stone of Mississippi lamented the amendment but vowed that “we may be forced to adhere to the letter, but I will find every way to break its spirit.” Under Stone, the Mississippi legislature convened a constitutional convention that approved a host of new and restrictive amendments. Poll taxes and literacy tests were required for prospective voters, but exemptions were granted to all those eligible to vote before April 18th, the date of the amendment’s ratification, and all of their descendants. This conveniently excluded all of the soon-to-be-free blacks. Unemployment, debt, and petty crimes like theft were made felonies in a series of 1884 laws, but blacks almost always were the only ones charged with felonies. Felonies were also made punishable by penal labor, and these convict laborers could be leased out by the state to private businesses. A law was also passed allowing planters to hold each slave accountable for the cost of their food and shelter, effectively rendering most freedmen debtors. Stone was heralded by many of his southern peers as “the savior of the south” and many other southern states moved to follow the ‘Mississippi model.’

These efforts to undermine the 13th amendment did not go unnoticed in the north. President Blaine and Speaker Garfield met with Whig lawmakers to gauge their support for civil rights laws protecting the freedmen from discrimination. However, the Whig majorities in the House and Senate had been much reduced in the 1882 elections [9], and while a majority of the House was supportive of federal civil rights protections, any such bill was all but guaranteed to die in the Senate at the hands of Democrats and conservative Whigs. Blaine and Garfield decided that even attempting to pass such a law would sacrifice too many Whig congressmen and Senators, so they backed off from their efforts. The 13th amendment may have been ratified, but nothing had been done to stop southern elites from rushing to codify the previously de-facto white supremacy they had come to take for granted…”

-From SLAVER'S LEGACY: AMERICA'S RACIAL FAILINGS by Rachel Philips, published 2018

[1] Hinds, famous OTL for being elected to Congress from Arkansas and then assassinated in 1868 by the Klan, settled in Minnesota for a time. TTL, he stays there.
[2] Henry du Pont, OTL a commander in the Delaware state militia who rounded up supposedly pro-secession militiamen and leaders, including future Senator Thomas Bayard Sr.
[3] Pendleton was defeated in 1880, and first elected in 1874.
[4] Though he opposed many reconstruction measures, OTL Bramlette believed slavery was doomed and supported the 13th amendment.
[5] OTL, McClurg ended his career as a Radical Republican but up until just before the Emancipation Proclamation, he owned slaves.
[6] OTL Birmingham.
[7] OTL, the two fought a bitter primary battle for Congress. TTL, that doesn’t happen, and they become allies instead.
[8] TTL, Mount Vernon is preserved as a national cemetery, as Arlington isn’t confiscated because Virginia is a Union state.
[9] 177-152 in the House, 41-31 in the Senate.
 
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Map of the 13th amendment's ratification:
The American System 13th amendment ratification.png
 
I get the feeling that industrial development in northern Alabama really took off. Also, Mississippi is probably still at the bottom of state rankings when it comes to health and quality of life ITTL too.
 
Personally I always wonder about this guy...


Like, why would you name your son this? Sure he is not between the CW and WW1, but when I first read this name in the TL-191 thread, i seriously thought it was a political movement...

Harrison Riddleburger? bah!
Clearly the only winner here is someone called States Rights Gist...

@KingSweden24 and @TheHedgehog

Harrison Riddleberger, that’s quite a name… loving this alt-Virginia! Probably my favorite focus of the TL

I know, right? All these old timey people with the craziest names.
And thanks! The Virginia stuff is really fun to write, so I'm glad you like it.
 
Whats the story behind Kansas' little bootheel there?
I thought having Auraria with a little sliver connecting it to Texas would look weird so I just gave it to Kansas.
I see there’s still work to do in getting the amendment ratified.
? The amendment was successfully ratified, with the minimum number of 27 states ratifying it. As for civil rights, there's a long way to go on that.
I get the feeling that industrial development in northern Alabama really took off. Also, Mississippi is probably still at the bottom of state rankings when it comes to health and quality of life ITTL too.
Oh definitely. When I get to the economy of the post-abolition south, I'll go in-depth on Alabama and Georgia.
And Mississippi still sucks TTL, possibly even worse in some areas than OTL.
Wait, this US still eventually makes states out of Alaska and Hawaii?
Yeah, Seward bought Alaska and Hawaii will be "acquired" in the late 1890s.
Harrison Riddleburger? bah!
Clearly the only winner here is someone called States Rights Gist...

@KingSweden24 and @TheHedgehog
I just read about that guy acouple days ago -- a hell of a name. Definitely blows Harrison Riddleberger and even Zebulon Vance out of the water.
 
and of course alabama is gonna alabama. question, in this timeline does the confederate flag become more or less prominent due to the differing perception of the civil war?
It's just as prominent as ITOL, though southern states also emphasize their state flags over the American flag (apparently, after the civil war OTL, the north adopted the American flag as a symbol of the Union's supremacy over the states and the failure of secessionism, so I could see southern states TTL having state flags everywhere as a rejection of federal supremacy and an implicit endorsement of white supremacy.)
 
? The amendment was successfully ratified, with the minimum number of 27 states ratifying it. As for civil rights, there's a long way to go on that.
Oh, no, I got that. I meant having all of the states unanimously ratify it, even if they're doing it very...very...very late and it has no practical effect in the end.
 
Oh, no, I got that. I meant having all of the states unanimously ratify it, even if they're doing it very...very...very late and it has no practical effect in the end.
Ah I gotcha. Some states (Mississippi) see it as a point of pride that they never ratified, while other deep southern states have the attitude of “well, it already passed a hundred years ago so why do we need to do anything?”
There’s definitely a push for symbolic ratification in some states like Georgia, though.
 
Wow. How bad is education in the South? Particularly about slavery and civil rights?
Virginia, Missouri, Tennessee, and Louisiana have decent public education, but the other southern states have public school curriculums that dance on the edge of lost cause-ism. Virginia's education system dates to Mahone's reforms, while the other ones improved theirs as they industrialized. Mississippi and South Carolina have the most lost cause-y curriculum, while Alabama and Georgia do the most to minimize how bad it was before civil rights.
However, there is a lot of racial inequality in the quality of public schools which as of TTL's present day is still being addressed.
 
How do states like Texas, Florida, Georgia, and North Carolina develop educationally and industrially since they became so large IOTL?
Atlanta becomes a major railroad hub and transshipment location. North Carolina and Texas develop about the same as OTL, while Florida is a little more agricultural and a little less touristic. All of those states, however, have tremendous inequalities in education and opportunity between whites and blacks.
 
44. Self-Interest in War and Politics
44. Self-Interest in War and Politics

“Simon Cameron’s Democratic machine that strongly influenced Pennsylvanian politics largely collapsed after his 1863 Senate defeat by then-congressman James Blaine. Without Cameron to steer patronage from the Senate, his machine lost steam and not even his appointment as McClellan’s postmaster general could restore his statewide influence [1]. In the wake of the Cameron Machine’s decline, Philadelphia came under the sway of a new Whig machine. While previously the city had been dominated by merchants like Nicholas Biddle, these mercantile powerbrokers had lost favor with the postwar public for their southern sympathies.

Instead, it was a new generation of Whigs who prioritized northern interests and opposed slavery who emerged to run the new machine. Led by the Irish-born School Director James McManes, councilman William Stokely and State Treasurer Matthew Quay [2], Philadelphia’s Whig machine established a tight grip on municipal politics. Every election board and local court was under Whig control, allowing the party to determine who was registered to vote [3]. During elections, Whigs flooded the polls with repeat voters and ineligible voters, some of whom were entirely fictitious people. Though the volunteer fire departments, previously centers of graft and corruption, had been professionalized, Stokely transformed the city police department into a ruthlessly efficient force that crushed local gangs. These policemen were occasionally deployed to “escort” immigrants to the polls and remove opposition political literature.

At the time, Philadelphia had the largest population of blacks of any northern city, numbering by 1876 some 20,000. While many Philadelphians were in no hurry to extend the franchise to black voters, Quay, recognizing an opportunity to create an unshakably loyal voting bloc, forced through the city council a bill guaranteeing the right to vote to all men regardless of race [4]. The machine also appointed a number of prominent black community members to positions on the school board and infamous Gas Trust. Initially, there was a backlash against these progressive stances, but this calmed after several months, and the machine remained as powerful as ever [5].

By 1880, Stokely was Mayor and Quay was both State Treasurer and chair of the state Whig party. The Philadelphia Machine was by this point run in conjunction with the statewide Whig machine, using the allure of state jobs and contracts to consolidate the party’s control over state and city politics. A system of political favors and state contracts were used to reward the loyal, while “ward heelers” kept immigrant residents in line with threats of dismissal from their jobs for failing to vote Whig. The formidable Stokely-Quay machine had an uneasy relationship with President Blaine, who supported civil service reform but was warily respectful of the machine’s power in his home state. The machine largely supported Blaine’s nomination for president to remove him from state politics, but worked with him on issues such as abolition, tariffs, and Blaine’s 1884 naval expansion program.

While the Democrats were infamous for their New York City, Chicago, and Boston machines that were supported by local Irish communities moving in lockstep, the Whig machines of Pennsylvania, Saint Louis, Richmond, and Cincinnati were propelled by multi-ethnic and occasionally multi-racial machines devoted to inconspicuously consolidating as much power as they could. Perhaps it is because of these dueling dynamics that the Democratic Boston machine emerged as one of the most conservative, segregationist machines in the north [6] while the Philadelphia and Cincinnati machines were some of the strongest supporters of civil rights…”

-From A DIFFERENT KIND OF ENGINEERING: AMERICA’S POLITICAL MACHINES by Irene Mueller, published 2016

“…began over a tax dispute between the Bolivian government and a Chilean sodium nitrate mining company. After rejecting a Bolivian law conditioning a mining license on payment of a tax, the mining company appealed to the Chilean government. Bolivia, counting on its secret alliances with Peru and Argentina, refused to suspend the tax and declined Chilean proposals for mediation. The Bolivian position was that the issue of the tax’s legality should be settled in a Bolivian court, and when the company once again failed to pay the tax, the Bolivian government confiscated its property and sold it.

On the day of the auction, a force of 200 Chilean forces seized the city of Antofagasta, which was 94% Chilean, after a bloody fight with the Bolivian garrison. The Peruvian government attempted to mediate before the crisis escalated into warfare, but these efforts failed. On March 11th, 1879, Bolivia declared war on Chile after they refused to leave Antofagasta. On March 21st, Peru reluctantly entered the war while Argentina continued to profess its neutrality.

The war was primarily fought in the arid Atacama Desert, which lacked railroads or roads. Naval support was critical, and both the respectable Peruvian and Chilean fleets were mobilized to gain control of the coast and deny naval supply to the enemy. At the decisive battle of Angamos, the Chilean fleet was crippled, despite the presence of two British-built ironclad warships [7], both of which were captured by Peruvian marines. From then on, Peru was able to move its troops through the Atacama with impunity, and to provide fire support for land operations. The Peruvian navy also began a blockade of Chilean ports, threatening to choke off its export-driven economy.

With the Peru-Bolivia alliance advancing through the Atacama Desert and capturing not only Atacama but the important Chilean mining city of Copiapo, Chile looked wounded. President Julio Roca of Argentina decided to, instead of engaging in negotiations with Chile over their border in Patagonia, invade. While General Andres Caceres and the Peruvian army advanced south from Copiapo towards Valparaiso, Argentinian forces seized interior outposts and trails, effectively placing much of the disputed territory under their de facto control. The prospect of Argentinian regional hegemony greatly worried the Brazilians and as Chile’s position grew weaker by the day, Emperor Pedro II knew he had to intervene.

On June 8th, 1881, Brazil demanded that Argentina agree to a mediated resolution to the dispute or face military intervention. To back up this threat, Pedro II dispatched the army to the border with Argentina. With the conflict threatening to escalate, the United States stepped in to mediate. President Blaine sought to extend American commercial interests into the Bolivian and Peruvian mining and railroad industries and at the same time cultivate strong diplomatic ties with the two nations [8]. Using the allure of mining concessions, Blaine, the Bolivian minister in Washington, and Secretary of State Sherman secured the backing of several prominent investors to guarantee Bolivia’s border with Chile. On July 23rd, as war loomed between Brazil and Argentina and Peruvian and Bolivian troops placed Valparaiso under siege, the United States proclaimed its support for preserving Bolivian territorial integrity and called for all sides to agree to American mediation. Blaine called Peru and Bolivia “young sisters of this government” and warned that European intervention in the conflict would not be tolerated. He specifically mentioned Britain’s sale of ironclads to Chile [9], declaring that further supply of arms from European nations, in violation of the long-standing Monroe Doctrine, would be “met with sharp disapproval.”

Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil all agreed to the American offer of mediation. Sherman proposed to the Peruvian delegations a deal similar to the one he had concluded with Bolivia: American companies would gain extensive nitrate and guano concessions, including mining concessions in Tarapaca, and the United States would push for a settlement advantaging Peru. This was agreed to, but news leaked to the international press that, not only was the United States concluding these deals with Peru and Bolivia, but that one American negotiator, Isaac P. Christiancy, would personally profit from these concessions [10] and Whig congressman Levi Morton had formed a company that stood to acquire a lucrative Peruvian mining concession. Hartington, the British Prime Minister, was angered and unsettled by Blaine’s rhetoric, viewing American conduct as both hostile and exclusionary, as British investors had invested heavily in the Tarapaca region and viewed continued Peruvian control as harmful, and were terrified of what an exclusive deal with American companies would bring. Having sold Chile two warships and with a large section of the financial industry that stood to profit from Chilean control of the nitrate regions, Hartington’s foreign office took a pro-Chilean line [11].

Hartington insisted that, to protect free international trade, Britain jointly mediate peace with the United States and that Blaine drop his exclusionary trade deals with Peru and Bolivia. This “Open Door Policy” that Hartington proposed was designed to allow continued European investment into South America. Secretary Sherman protested to the British in a note, citing the Monroe Doctrine and warning that Blaine viewed British trade with South American nations as interfering with the American sphere of influence. Hartington sent a reply to Sherman in which he challenged the Monroe Doctrine, writing “[t]he Government of the United States is not entitled to affirm as a universal proposition, with reference to a number of independent States for whose conduct it assumes no responsibility, that its interests are necessarily concerned in whatever may befall those States, simply because they are situated in the Western Hemisphere [12].”

Blaine openly refused to allow British diplomats into the negotiations. In the peace talks, Argentina acquired the section of Chile between the 24th and 27th parallels in accordance with a prewar agreement with Bolivia and Peru, while also annexing the entirety of the Tierra del Fuego. This threatened Chile’s ability to trade with Europe, and despite Argentina promising freedom of navigation, the prospect of closing Chilean access to European markets remained. The growing British trade relationship with Chile was therefore directly threatened and Hartington once again protested. Sherman responded by reminding the British that Blaine feared increased British trade with South America interfered with the Monroe Doctrine and urged Hartington to drop his protests. Blaine dispatched much of the Pacific fleet, including the ironclad steam frigates Auraria and Pennsylvania, and five steam-powered sloops-of-war to Lima as a warning to Britain. The continued refusal of Blaine and Sherman to treat with Britain, combined with the signing of a finalized Treaty of Lima on September 29th, largely ended the crisis.

Despite the ultimate American victory, the months of high tensions left Blaine worried about a potential conflict with Britain. While an American army capable of going toe-to-toe with the British could be mustered within a matter of months, the American navy was woefully unprepared to counter the Royal Navy. In his 1882 message to Congress, Blaine, along with urging states to ratify the 13th Amendment, called on Congress to provide funding for “a significant expansion and modernization of the United States navy” that would “transform a force unable to operate very far beyond our shores into a true oceanic fleet, the envy of the hemisphere.” Congress finally acted in 1884, and Blaine signed the Navy Act of 1884 in June of that year. Within a year, the first American battleships were laid down, the Louisiana, Ohio, and New Jersey. These three ships were each armed with 2x2 13.5-inch turrets and 4x2 8-inch turrets, placing the United States at the fore of naval technology.”

-From A HISTORY OF AMERICAN POWER AT SEA by Edgar Willis, published 1974

[1] OTL it was Cameron’s machine that was the Republican machine. TTL, Cameron stays a Democrat and loses his power as Pennsylvania shifts towards the Whigs.
[2] OTL, McMane and Stokely were Philadelphia bosses, which was detached from the statewide machine that was run by Quay. TTL, the two machines are essentially joined at the hip.
[3] All OTL.
[4] Quay was a strong supporter of civil rights when he was in the Senate, including supporting the Lodge Force Bill.
[5] OTL, there were riots over blacks attempting to vote.
[6] This will be important when we get to the 1900s…
[7] OTL, Britain delayed the delivery of these ships. TTL, wary of Blaine’s Anglophobia, they deliver them.
[8] Blaine attempted this during his tenure as SecState OTL, but he left after Garfield was assassinated and his successor abandoned the initiative.
[9] Without an Alabama Claims situation, Britain is less wary of the US reaction. Combine that with Gladstone’s inept foreign policy during the 1880s…
[10] Also OTL and led to accusations that Blaine was corrupt himself.
[11] Based on the paper Foreign Interests in the War of the Pacific by V. G. Kiernan.
[12] OTL sent by British diplomats during the 1895 Venezuelan crisis.
 
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North Carolina and Texas develop about the same as OTL
I dunno about that. Texas still has a lot of its oil, true, but it does lose the Permian Basin and other areas, so it's not producing as much oil. Cattle is also going to be big but maybe not quite as big, since good-sized chunks of the far west are missing...overall, this looks like a Texas that probably has a bit more going on than just oil and gas and cattle in the early 20th century, which may or may not go places down the line.
 
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