Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0

[Lusitania]

Big historical irony @Lusitania: have the PRP invite Jewish families escaping from Russian pogroms to Portuguese Africa.

The PRP section will be posted at end of 1790s. While we do talk about the movement of people in several sections they mostly deal with small sections of the whole picture (such as the Diu section).

An over PRP section will detail not only movement of people within empire (Africans to metropolitan Portugal, India, Ásia and Pacific islands but also how it branches out from its first European program (Ireland) yo rest of Europe and how that works both positive and negative.

Trade between Portugal and rest of Europe is growing with as previously discussed expanded trade into Germany, Sweden, Prussia and Russia. In addition there is also contact into the Mediterranean area.

Therefore a lot of possibilities for emigration to not only Africa but all of empire.

 

[Lusitania]

The Three-Years War (1780-1783) (cont.)

The Luso-French Maritime War (1780-1782) (3 of 7)

Indian Theatre (1781-1782)

“Frederick and his blasted sea boy nicknames! By the good Lord; does he think the French are gonna high tail and run just because they’re met in Mahé with a crooked sailor and a captured pirate named after a crazy fish?!”
-Brig. General John Forbes, adventurer in service to Goa, criticizing Vice-Roy Frederick’s naval defense policies
​

News of war finally reached India on August 1780, but the English and the French were already at odds there since 1778. The British East India Company immediately sent several forces against the French possessions in southern India and even captured Pondicherry after little more than eight weeks of siege. Until 1780 the French would furthermore lose three more possessions in India, the colonies of Chandernagore, Karikal and Yanaon. The port of Mahé in the Seychelles was also captured by the British but, in 1779, the Nayar, a Hindu caste ruled by matriarchs, revolted against the rule of the recently crowned Tipu Sultan as part of a British instigation, throwing the war board into further confusion.[1]

The Nayar caste was frequently involved in Euro-Indian conflicts and their uprising against the Tiger of Mysore stressed the French situation even further​

The Marquis of Bussy, who had been present in the continent since 1778, moved into action with the support of the Mysoreans, suppressed the Nayar revolt against Tipu and the French eventually recaptured Mahé from the British in 1780, paving the way for a French naval entrance from Europe. However, he did not have the resources to divert against Portuguese Goa on land, so he focused his efforts in attacking the British and orchestrating the end of the Luso-Maratha Alliance.

To this end, Bussy escalated the Indian powers’ diplomatic instability around Bombay. By building up Mysorean fighting abilities, Bussy succeeded in scaring Bombay office observers into war preparation and demanding trade privileges from the Marathas, triggering Anglo-Maratha hostilities and ruining the fragile diplomatic balance the Portuguese had built up with both sides.[2] He would eventually succeed, triggering the Anglo-Maratha War and the eventual death of Narayan Rao, the primary ally of the Portuguese in India.

Admirals, Vice-Admirals and Corsairs​

In the meantime, the French and British navies fought battles throughout the entire Europe-India sea route. The main figure of the French navy in this theater of the war was Vice-Admiral Pierre André de Struffen Saint-Tropez, a man known for his aggressive maneuvers and pursuit of decisive war victories.

Vice-Admiral Pierre André de Struffen Saint-Tropez
1729-1788​

Pierre’s presence at sea was bad news for the Portuguese as the Portuguese Navy did not intend to fight the French directly. Even in Europe most combats would revolve around the Portuguese hitting-&-running the French and concerns that Struffen would directly bombard the exposed Portuguese colonies worried the war room immensely. Fresh off the campaign in North America, Struffen even attacked a British ship docked in Porto Praya, Cape Verde, in 1781 and would arrive in the Seychelles less than a year later.

Battle of Porto Praya (Praia) 1781​

Awaiting the French Admiral was the Portuguese India squadron, headed by Vice-Admiral ‘Hammershark’ Rebelo and including the recently captured privateer William ‘Piranha’ Távora.

Vice-Admiral Anthony Rebelo and the corsair William ‘Piranha’ were the main naval figures in Portuguese India’s side​

Tempered by a string of naval victories against both major local powers and many pirates, Anthony Rebelo had been the obvious choice as the leader of the Portuguese naval forces. The Vice-Admiral was famous, popular and inspiring as a result of his unlikely victories against the Mysorean Navy in 1777 and his campaign against the Indian Ocean pirates throughout the Goa inter bellum period. Within the Portuguese navy he was the officer of his rank trusted with the most squadrons, commanding nearly 30 warships built by the Lisbon, Rio and Goa dockyards.

His new Rear Admiral, however, was far more controversial; William Távora was not recognized in the streets by face, but whenever his name popped up, brows were raised at the blood-soaked privateer being at service to the Portuguese Crown, much less entrusted with a professional crew and four Third Rates. It was only through political pushing by Rebelo that his presence was not contested, not to mention a potentially lethal trial.

These sea forces, moreover, were overstretched as, despite their training and experience, the area they were responsible for comprised everything between Lourenço Marques in Africa and Macau in China. Only a percentage of his forces, then, were close by Goa when the French admiral approached Mahé. These were joined by the ships in Mozambique which stalked the French force at a distance after they crossed the Mozambique Strait under tense climate.

It was understood by the Portuguese that the East African possession was left unscathed because Struffen desired a larger, more decisive victory over the Lusitanians instead of dragging himself out in sea skirmishes with small, fast vessels. It was also therefore not unknown to the stalking Mozambique squadron that the French admiral was well aware of their actions and even confident in letting them pursue him. The French ships in his command were strong and numerous, enough to capture several of the smaller Portuguese enclaves in southern India, and the best predicted outcome by both sides for the French was for Struffen to lure out the Portuguese fleet into an all-or-nothing sea battle where their naval presence could be crushed, and the larger colonies be taken over as well.

The military offices in Northern Mozambique understood that maintaining a cautious vigilance over the French Indian Ocean island possessions was the way to go until an opportunity to join forces with the main Indian fleet in Goa showed up. This lack of willingness to engage on the Portuguese part played in Struffen’s favor, who found little to no opposition in making his way from Mahé in the Seychelles to its namesake port Mahé in Southwestern India, where he was able to meet his regional ally, the kingdom of Mysore.

Struffen meeting with Tipu Sultan in Pondicherry’s Mahé prior to engaging the English and Portuguese​

The arrival of Struffen’s squadrons in Tipu’s court was the final straw for the Portuguese and the naval officers demanded to be allowed to take action against French ships. The damage to the Portuguese side, however, was already done and forces were set in motion for the French support to accelerate Tipu’s victories against the British and instigate the Bombay Office against the Marathas. Admiral Saint Tropez and the meekness he inspired in Portuguese troops therefore became single-handedly responsible for the collapse of the delicately crafted ‘Pax Lusitana’ in Western India.

Meanwhile, throughout late 1781 and early 1782, the Portuguese Fleet attempted to attack and take out the French ships already present in southern India. The fleet mostly failed in this mission, however; Rebelo had just returned from a lengthy pursuit against corsairs in the Spice Islands and was still fighting a political battle over his new protégé, William. The fact that the ex-corsair acted very individually with his squadron compromised unity and discipline in the navy, delaying effective maneuvers for a significant amount of time.

In conclusion, the internal problems besetting the Portuguese India squadrons allowed the French a nearly uncontested travel to India, where they joined up with the present forces to fight the British and the Portuguese with Mysorean and Maratha help, setting the stage for the Franco-Portuguese colonial war in India.

By February 1782, Admiral Struffen arrived on the sub-continent and, after defeating the British at the Battle of Sadras on the 17th, he sailed northwest, restocked at Mahé and ordered the Portuguese fortified port of Calecute to be blockaded, starting the hostilities.

Skirmishes of the Malabar Coast (1782)

“Our agents in ‘Lisbonne’ and friends in Mysore believe Goa has recently acquired a disgraced privateer to command its squadrons. And that he plans to attack us at open sea… Sultan Tipu tells me his fleet was destroyed by Hammershark and that I should not underestimate his resourcefulness or that of his men, but maybe the mighty Mysorean armada wasn’t so mighty after all if he lost to a vice-admiral willing to put a pirate at the helm of his ships!”
-Struffen, to his first mate, when asked about the recent spotting of small squadrons stalking their rear ships​

The warfare between the French and Portuguese India navies occurred mostly throughout the year of 1782, the strategy being to prevent Admiral Saint Tropez from forcing the Portuguese into a direct, decisive battle. Led by Vice-Admiral Rebelo aboard his Beira Prince, the main core of the Portuguese naval force circumvented French maneuvers using a superior knowledge of the local waters. It was understood a direct battle would not be necessarily fatal; the Beira Prince had a history of engaging, defeating and ultimately crushing forces stronger than its own,[3] but an excessively damaging confrontation to either side was understood to be liable to escalating the war back in Europe.
The size of the Portuguese Fleet in India had increased significantly over the latest two decades, accentuated mostly by the capture of warships from native powers and the booming of shipyard industries in Damão and Brazil. The French, however, were a formidable opponent, even with their forces present being only a segment of their Navy and being half-engaged with the mighty British Fleet already. A careless maneuver by the Portuguese against the bulk of Struffen’s forces could prove a disastrous occasion that could in most likelihood destroy the hardly-built position of power in the western Indian Coast by Goa and Damão.

Vice-Roy Frederick’s instructions were, therefore, to ‘counter and cripple the enemy offensive’ but not to battle it. This was something untraditional and counterintuitive to Rebelo, who shared with his French counterpart an appetite for conflict-settling matches.

It was not, however, for the new Rear Admiral under his command.

Throughout 1782, virtually rushing off the ports of Calecute, William Távora, commanding the second-rate HMS Barracuda along with three other three-rates (a typical squadron in the Castro-era Portuguese navy), proceeded to attack, harass and bleed a number of disparate French vessels around the peripheral Mahé port waters.

It was aboard the second-rate HMS Barracuda that Rear Admiral William Távora had his first years of service to the Navy​

William’s tactics were a mirror to his old pirate maneuvers and befitting to the necessities of the Goa office’s overall strategy; from his larger second rate, he would sail out to the sea frontier with Mahé and send off his faster, smaller third rates to find and engage the enemy fleet, using flag signaling to command maneuvers. Once French ships chased off the third rates and went in pursuit of the squadron, the Barracuda would attack in full formation, singling out unsuspecting French captains into a cannon fire trap.

Piranha’s bleeding tactics often involved luring out a segment of the enemy’s main force before cutting it off and engaging it with his own full force, obliterating squadron segments one-by-one​

This tactic was used throughout the first phase of the year and it yielded satisfactory results due to a problem besetting the French fleet; while the ships under Struffen’s command were a force to be reckoned with, the admiral was beset by a lack of effective co-operation from his captains as a result of his demanding, bullying attitude to subordinates that would not benefit his search for glorious engagements. While the sea leader was undoubtedly successful, his opponent was all but invincible at open sea, knowing better than most how to exploit the weaknesses of heavier fleets far away from shores (Rebelo himself only scored his two major victories against William near the coasts of India and Timor), a trait that was exacerbated by the French captains difficulties leading with their admiral.


The HMS Barracuda and its lesser ships systematically engaged weaker groups of Saint Tropez’ fleet with several variations of this maneuver, but all following the same underlying tactic of fishing French ships into an advantageous position prior to fully enthrall them with the combined firepower of the Barracuda’s cannon line. Sometimes William did not even deliver decisive blows; just rounds of successive fire for a single maneuver cycle before moving away to attack them another day, demoralizing the enemy little by little.

This, however, did not change the stalemate of the war, just discourage the French from a full assault on Cannanore and Cintacora. William’s ultimate goal was to buy time for Rebelo to gather enough heavy ships already stationed in India from Daman and Diu to Portugal defend itself and, hopefully, maybe relieve the port of Calecute by forcing Saint Tropez to call off the blockade.

These translated into the 1782 Skirmishes of the Malabar Coast, a series of harassments, assaults and saber rattles conducted by William using his traditional tactics tempered by professional crewmen rather than conscripted pirate crews. It proved first an annoying combination to Struffen, but then an active problem as he realized his embittered captains fell for this trick more often than they should due to a shadowy atmosphere of insubordination.

Struffen’s squadrons were singled out and bombarded by William’s ships so successfully in early attacks in large part thanks to a problematic authority, leading many captains to act unproductively​

By mid-1782, William succeeded in bleeding out and capturing the three smaller French warships, the HMS Hannibal, the HMS Flamand and even the slightly stronger HMS Saint Michel, eliminating the faster elements of Struffen’s fleet, in the battle of Calecute, fifty miles off the shore of the Portuguese-controlled port. This string of successes, however, was very short-lived, because as soon as the first round of ship losses began to be reported, the French captains, including the ones already based in India, feeling threatened, united under Struffen’s authority more firmly and formed a more stalwart naval force, vowing to wipe out the privateer threat.

William, however, went further than skirmishes with the enemy naval force; he debuted a new, aggressive tactic employing the armed rockets perfected at Damão at sea. In April 1782, he conducted his first attack using frigates with rocket-armed transport boats, allowing him to approach the enemy with the war ship before conducting close range assaults with his sailors and marines.
https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/#_ftn3
[1] See Section: The Three-Year War (1780 – 1783) – Luso-Maratha War 1780 -1781) – Setting – Franco-Mysorean Alliance & the Capture of Mahe.

[2] See Section: The Three-Year War (1780 -1783) – The Luso-Maratha War (1780 – 1781) – Setting – Anglo-Maratha War (1779).

[3] See section: Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) – Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778.

Note:
The Luso-French Maritime War was a significant war and major challenge for the Portuguese Empire. It was the first time the Portuguese were being tested by a European power after the fiasco of the 7 year war in which the Portuguese had to be bailed out by the British. The Portuguese Empire of 1782 was not the same country from 20 years earlier. This was a country that had re-built its navy and armed forces. Instituted major and complete overhaul of its naval and army officer and troop training and recruitment. While the Portuguese were not as powerful as the French it had one advantage on its side, that France was also fighting the British forces throughout the world and could not devote its full force on the Portuguese. But was the Portuguese rebuilding enough? Would the Portuguese navy and armed forces be ready to meet and defend the country? Those were the major questions not only on the minds of the people but the nobles, government and merchants. Questions/Comments

Note regarding posting of this section. The Luso-French Maritime War is over 40 pages and will be divided in approximately seven sections.

Note that iOTL the Portuguese were able to sit out this war. But growth of Portuguese Empire, the recent betrothal of British King's eldest daughter to the Portuguese king and the refusal of the Portuguese to bow down to the French threat meant it would be forced to fight .

This section sets up the major confrontation between the Portuguese and the French in the Indian Ocean, note while the French were busy fighting the Portuguese they also had to contend with the British forces who had a very strong presence in Bay of Bengal just to the north of Pondicherry.

Please return on March 21 as we post the 4th part in The Three-Years War (1780 -1784) - The Luso-French Maritime War (1780-1782).

Just a friendly reminder to show you love for the Rebirth and nominate it and second it in the post colonial and revolution Turtledove awards.

 

[Wolttaire]

it begins! and looks like after the war protugal india will be in for a rework

 

[Sceonn]

Maybe after a successful defense the French could be brought to the table independently of their war with Britain? But the French really, why force a stronger Portugal to join the British in fighting you? Their combined navies is greater than. France's after all.

 

[Emperor of Greater India]

Maybe after a successful defense the French could be brought to the table independently of their war with Britain? But the French really, why force a stronger Portugal to join the British in fighting you? Their combined navies is greater than. France's after all.

Only one answer, classic French arrogance.

 

[Lusitania]

it begins! and looks like after the war protugal india will be in for a rework

Maybe after a successful defense the French could be brought to the table independently of their war with Britain? But the French really, why force a stronger Portugal to join the British in fighting you? Their combined navies is greater than. France's after all.

Only one answer, classic French arrogance.

The Portuguese strategy facing France is “survive”. Portuguese would not be in position to invade or conquer but they will defend themselves and you never know what could happen.

The French could of been prudent and not declare war on Portugal but as was suggested French Arrogance has a large part in it. I mean most countries would not saddle themselves with huge debt that its finances could not support just to weaken a adversary. But that exactly what France did providing the 13 colony rebels with financial support. Only to have such a move become a financial burden that brings down a government while the adversary comes out of war economically stronger.

Therefore we have same situation with Portugal, makes no sense to declare war but the idea was for French declaration to serve as catalyst for Spain to also declare war against Portugal. The little British ally, a place of anti-Catholic zealots who had turned their back on the true faith was disliked by both french and Spanish governments and needed to be brought down less it serve as model to other countries. Fortunately the Portuguese government was able diffuse the situation with Spain by pointing out the war between them would jeopardize Spain’s goal of reclaiming british occupied Spanish territory.

This left the Portuguese to battle the French and since France had no land border with Portugal it became a maritime war. One that still required all of Portugal’s resources and strengths to achieve but from Portuguese point of view on that played into Portuguese strengths.

 

[Madeleine Birchfield]

The French could of been prudent and not declare war on Portugal but as was suggested French Arrogance has a large part in it. I mean most countries would not saddle themselves with huge debt that its finances could not support just to weaken a adversary. But that exactly what France did providing the 13 colony rebels with financial support. Only to have such a move become a financial burden that brings down a government while the adversary comes out of war economically stronger.

Therefore we have same situation with Portugal, makes no sense to declare war but the idea was for French declaration to serve as catalyst for Spain to also declare war against Portugal. The little British ally, a place of anti-Catholic zealots who had turned their back on the true faith was disliked by both french and Spanish governments and needed to be brought down less it serve as model to other countries. Fortunately the Portuguese government was able diffuse the situation with Spain by pointing out the war between them would jeopardize Spain’s goal of reclaiming british occupied Spanish territory.

Not only the finances but also from a religious perspective that would be self-sabotage from the Catholic Church, as the French Revolution caused an anti-Catholic cult to seize power and virtually cause the Catholic Church to lose whatever power it had before the French Revolution.

 

[Bronze]

I suppose Portugal will prioritize massive naval expansion both during and after the Luso-French war. In general, the Portuguese are unlikely to be invaded overland by anyone except the French and the Spanish, and Britain is ready to shove boatloads of money on the Portuguese in such an event, like Prussia in the Seven Years' War OTL. And unlike Prussia, the Portuguese have nothing to gain from an offensive land war in Europe against anyone but Spain. So the most important wartime aim of the Portuguese will be to secure supplies and communications with the overseas lands, which requires a good navy that is atleast as big as the French one, especially because the colonies are just as vital for any Lusitanian war effort as Portugal itself, unlike the situation with other colonial powers at this point.

As for the present conflict, Vice-Admiral Rebelo will have to use a lot of nifty tactics, because in an all-out fight, he will definitely be outnumbered. I liked the idea of rockets on ships a lot.

The Lusitanian army in India will have to upsize a lot as time goes on. Europeans are not the only threat to Portuguese India, and a native ruler who is like Ranjit Singh might well be able to deliver a nasty shock to the Portuguese.

Africa is still somewhat undedeveloped, though the PRP and other government offices are doing their best to change that. Let's see how that turns out.

 

[Lusitania]

Not only the finances but also from a religious perspective that would be self-sabotage from the Catholic Church, as the French Revolution caused an anti-Catholic cult to seize power and virtually cause the Catholic Church to lose whatever power it had before the French Revolution.

Ironically both Spain and France were shocked at the religious reforms happening in Portugal and both wanted to punish Portugal for its sinful ways. So what we had before the war was rivalry, greed and religious intolerance all riled up into one.

For Spain especially which viewed itself as a follower of the true faith it was shocked at what was transpiring in Portugal. That it's economy was growing and country developing was irrelevant for adherence to true faith was more important regardless if the country was continually falling behind the non believers.

Revolutionary France of course would enact religious reforms that would scare Spanish and most other Catholics senseless making Portuguese reforms seem quite harmless. Before the war Spanish government were looking at ways to stymy Portugal economic rise and more importantly its deviation from Catholic Church doctrine. There was hope in Spain of forcing Portugal to reverse its errors but as war progressed Spain concentrated on battling the British. So Spain gave up on battling Portugal as the prospects of Spain being able to engage in two wars at once and win was not very good.

Historians often overlook the diplomatic feat that King Joseph and his diplomats were able to accomplish. For they played Spanish obsessions with British perfectly. Pointing out to Spanish king that for Spain to divert any resources in fighting the Portuguese would imperil it’s chances of expelling the British from Spanish territory. Therefore while church officials counseled against it for they argued that to leave the Portuguese alone would be grave moral sin, but luckily for Portuguese nationalistic pride trumped religious reasoning and Spain signed a non aggression agreement with Portugal

 

[Talus I of Dixie]

@Lusitania Nitpick here, the last updates are without threadmarks!

 

[Lusitania]

The Three-Years War (1780-1783) (cont.)

The Luso-French Maritime War (1780-1782) (4 of 7)

Indian Theatre (1781-1782) (cont.)

William’s Defeat & The ‘Fire at Sea’
“Out of cannonballs, you say? Then signal the Duberdicus to arm the rocket boats; we’re setting this rotten sea on fire before we leave!”
-Rear Admiral William, ordering his first mate to command the first sea-to-sea rocket bombardment​

This fearsome tactic was employed by the historically renowned HMS Duberdicus (por. Dubérdico), named after the Lusitanian ocean deity, a third-rate ship that William ordered to accompany the Barracuda from the rear and carry the rocket-armed platforms and lifeboats. Past the initial phase of the conflict, when French captains, faced with losses, felt finally united under Streffen, William was able to once again to set the odds in his favor with this experimental new weapon.

The employment of sea-based Armed Rockets was not a consensual decision. Many strong faces back in Goa and Daman, including Vice-Admiral Rebelo, opposed the use of the risky method citing arguments that a blunt cannonball was far more effective, that the rockets put the warships that used them at risk and that ‘any sailor knew how to put out a fire in his ship’. Facing a more organized front of heavier ships in a closer sea space, the Rear Admiral insisted on bringing about a new way to terrify his enemy, vowing to put the weapon to effective use.

William, however, was soon to face his first loss under the Portuguese flag.

At a sea encounter in Konkan waters, fighting off a force of six 64-gun warships (the Sévère, Sphinx, Artésien, Brilliant, Hardi and the Vengeur) against his own second-rate and three third rates, William employed his typical initial tactics of running around so as to isolate the first approaching vessels and crippling them with combined fire. This tactic, however, as the French planned, was overpowered by sheer lack of enough resources and strength to defeat them. As he was informed the ships were running out of supplies, William signaled the far-off Duberdicus to make its move, switching from cannons to its bow platforms and unleashing the lifeboats as gunboats to swarm the first ship it met.

The unfortunate warship to be met by this was the HMS Sévère, a 64-guns vessel that had been refitted from an Indiaman built by the Austrian East India Company. As it tried to prey on the seemingly disarmed Duberdicus, it was attacked by its rocket-armed gunboats, which approached the ship diagonally and fired its platforms straight at the sails of the frigate. The small height of the boats, however, combined with an improper angling of the rocket, caused the incendiary missile to hit the edge of the upper deck instead, scorching it.

HMS Sévère under attack by the rockets just before the Portuguese defeat;
This would not prevent the French victory over William, but would startle the enemy enough to allow him to slip away​

The attack, though ineffective, scared off the vessel whose sailors feared the fire would burn out their sails or reach the gunpowder reserves, and the warship sailed off from the Duberdicus to prepare a more concentrated attack. This, however, inspired a renewed spirit from the Portuguese, to whom the gunships provided support fire for another round of fighting before a full retreat towards the north. The HMS Alcácer, a third rate under their command, would however sink to the damage suffered in the battle, and many of the sailors that had engaged the Sévère in their deployed gunboats were killed by cannon and small arm fire while in medium-range combat with the French ship.

The battle thus ended the skirmish in a hurtful victory for the French, who sank a Portuguese ship, killed several of their sailors and, more importantly, continued their blockade of Calecute. William ‘Piranha’ Távora was humiliated, as this was the third time his favorite tactic almost cost him everything against a well-organized squadron of strong ships, supposedly his favorite victims. The event ended the fearsome skirmishing that had allowed him to almost single-handedly stall time for Rebelo to gather his heavy ships and would cost the Portuguese the whole war if not for their stronger bases, strong leaders and robust experience from their most recent conflicts in the area.

Final Offensive & Sack of Mahé​

William therefore returned to the Cintacora port with bad news and good news; he had lost to the French, allowing them further room to sail north, but also demonstrated the rockets had potential for success. In May 1782, restocked and resupplied thanks to the Portuguese colony internal trade routes, William was authorized by Rebelo to continue his operations and form the vanguard of a new, all-or-nothing offensive by the entire Portuguese naval force in the area.

Humbled by his defeat against Saint Tropez’ captains, William vowed to seek his task through and sailed off ahead of Rebelo with a refreshed professional crew tempered by their previous battles together with the privateer.

Meanwhile, in Mahé, Struggen struggled to gain enough impetus to attack his two enemies; he had only 15 warships with him when he arrived, powerful as they were, and was now reduced to 11, having lost his faster ships to the pirate William and even had the Sévère disabled by the ongoing damage suffered since their victory over him. While he was not having trouble encouraging his men to face the Portuguese, he was concerned about the ongoing threat of the British, as the Mysoreans informed him that Admiral Sir Edward Hughes was gathering a fleet of over fifteen warships (ultimately eighteen), to face the French on the Western Indian Ocean.

In July 1782, Struffen ordered the repairs on the Sévère to be finalized so he could head out to sea and personally see his strategy through; believing he could defeat the British if he could only fully commit his forces, Admiral Saint Tropez planned to find and defeat Vice-Admiral Rebelo at high sea so he count eliminate the northern threats to French bases that were the Portuguese colonies, sack or demand them resources, and turn back his strength to Admiral Hughes, undistracted by Hammershark.

He would not see this through, however, because on the night of the 1st of August, when the monsoon rains finally broke, the port of Mahé came under attack from naval bombardment at an unexpected range; leading a squadron of fully armed rocket third-rates, William ‘Piranha’ Távora unleashed fire through the night sky aimed not at the docked or patrolling ships, but the port city itself, hitting warehouses, streets and buildings with the ‘Belenos’.

William bombards Mahé from afar when the monsoon finally broke in the night of 1st of August, setting the French warehouses on fire​

The French base was through into disarray and emergency as Struffen ordered his ships to counterattack and his soldiers to put out the fires, but the rocket bombardment was just as improved as it was unexpected; drawing from his previous experience against the French, William ordered the rockets to target the supply deposits on shore and, when the French ships began moving, lower their firing angle and shoot forward at their sales and upper deck surface, resulting in far better results than his previous battle were firing at the lower deck guns using gunboats only worked to scare off a single French warship.

Once enough damage was observed, Rebelo called off the attack and retreated, only fighting off the occasional ship that attempted pursuit, ending the attack in a seeming stalemate. To the French, however, this was bad news; their supply deposits, including gunpowder reserves but most importantly food and fresh water, were targeted directly with rocket fire, leaving the force mostly intact but compromising its long term endurance.

And they still had the news of Hughes’ approach to worry about.

The Confrontation at Mahé (1782)

“We have an opportunity to acquire the principal French possession in this side of the Indian Ocean. Should we succeed in this campaign, we’ll have the grounds to demand terms that will make us the uncontested main trading power in western India like we once have been in our glory days. I cannot and will not pass this opportunity. Hammershark, I order you to take Mahé at all costs!”
-Vice-Roy Frederick, announcing his ambition to drive out the French from the western coast and turn Portugal back into the sole dominant European power west of the Deccan​

On the 1 August 1782, Vice-Admiral Rebelo, commanding a total of twelve warships (three second-rates commanding three third-rates each), reached and blockaded the port of Mahé against the presence of at least eleven enemy warships, automatically relieving the blockade of Calecute by entirely engaging the French forces. Rebelo, however, signaled the French captains he wished to parlay with Tropez. When asked by Rebelo what he intended by offering mercy to the enemy, Rebelo responded “it was time to holster pistols and treat the matter like gentlemen”.

The navy commanders met on the Héros to discuss terms of peacemaking in India between France and Portugal. On the 74-gunned frigate serving as Tropez’ flagship, Rebelo confronted his opponent with the undeniable situation facing them; if the maritime war continued in India, Tropez’ fleet would be destroyed by the British offices even if he defeated the Portuguese then and there and the French would likely face a total, unconditional expulsion from the subcontinent of India. He could blast off Rebelo and even capture Goa, the ‘Velhos Portos’, Daman, Bombay, Surat and Diu by the end of the year but, eventually, the damage he would suffer at the hands of the Portuguese colonies would cripple his remaining ships and condemn his men to a bloody, inglorious disaster against Admiral Hughes, leaving the region at the mercy of London.

Admiral Saint Tropez, however, scoffed off this scenario; he had allies on the mainland, namely the Mysoreans that hated and fought on the British, and the Portuguese faced a much bigger threat in land to the north against the new Maratha regime as they spoke, thus arguing that neither would the Franco-Indian Alliance lose many men defeating Goa and Calcutta on land nor would he lose either against Rebelo or Hughes at sea.

Unfortunately for the French Admiral, the Hammershark had both the words and the evidence to render this belief asunder; having already passed almost a year since the battles fought in Kolhapur, Jamakhandi, Bijapur and, eventually, the whole Gujarat peninsula, Rebelo answered Tropez that the war against the Maratha Confederacy had been won a second time before Tropez ever even arrived in India and presented a copy of the Second Treaty of Satari as proof, signed by the new Maharajahs and the new Peshwa.

This changed things against French favor, for it meant Rebelo’s land bases were now enlarged in size and resources for his ships, while his own remained limited to a blockaded Mahé, a British-sieged Pondicherry and a far-off, overstretched supply line from the Seychelles. Rebelo, however, made it clear to Tropez he did not wish to sacrifice his own men and hard-earned ships in a battle that would not end well for either party and instead suggested an alternative to await peacefully for resolutions to arrive in Europe between Lisbon and Paris, with the condition of considering the warfare in India as won by the Portuguese on the western side of the subcontinent.

In return, Tropez, his ships and his supply lines would be left intact and he would be free to continue his mission against the British to the east of the sub-continent, maybe even ‘acquire’ a crate or two of fresh water and oranges from the Goans or even ‘friendly repair services’.

Admiral Tropez was intrigued by the offer, but Rebelo’s terms signified that Mahé would be de facto surrendered to the Portuguese should war in Europe reach a stalemate as well. The political implications of this were enormous, perhaps involving an accusation of treason. Understanding his rival’s concerns, Rebelo brought to the table the informal warning that, should Tropez not choose to indulge the well-rooted French desire to draw revenge from the British, the Portuguese Vice-Admiral would simply away for Vice-Roy Frederick to turn his forces south, perhaps even declare war on the Mysoreans already committed against the British, and attack Mahé from both land and sea, maybe even starve the French out. The nearby base of Cannanore would surely help Goa to this affair.

Or they could leave Tipu Sultan be, take only Mahé itself and let Admiral Pierre carry off with his whole force to go relieve Pondicherry before it was too late. With a displeased chuckle, Tropez agreed to Rebelo’s terms.[1]

Rebelo and Saint Tropez negotiated the stalemate in the Portuguese-French maritime conflict in India aboard the Héros, agreeing to await developments in Europe to reach a peaceful end​

This would not spell the end of hostilities between the Portuguese and French beyond the Cape; the informal blockade of Mahé continued until peace terms were confirmed from Europe but, for the meantime, the actual fighting stopped in the Indian Ocean.[2]

[1] The French presence on the Indian subcontinent would have surely been wiped out were it not for Tropez acceptance of the agreement which allowed the French, indeed, to go fight the British at full force and minimize their losses, saving the French bases on the eastern India coast from total annihilation.

[2] To read the narrative story of the battle please follow the link to the "Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0 - Narrative Stories" and read the French Portuguese confrontation at Mahe.
Note:
The Luso-French Maritime War was a significant war and major challenge for the Portuguese Empire. It was the first time the Portuguese were being tested by a European power after the fiasco of the 7 year war in which the Portuguese had to be bailed out by the British. The Portuguese Empire of 1782 was not the same country from 20 years earlier. This was a country that had re-built its navy and armed forces. Instituted major and complete overhaul of its naval and army officer and troop training and recruitment. While the Portuguese were not as powerful as the French it had one advantage on its side, that France was also fighting the British forces throughout the world and could not devote its full force on the Portuguese. But was the Portuguese rebuilding enough? Would the Portuguese navy and armed forces be ready to meet and defend the country? Those were the major questions not only on the minds of the people but the nobles, government and merchants. Questions/Comments

Note regarding posting of this section. The Luso-French Maritime War is over 40 pages and will be divided in approximately seven sections.

Note that iOTL the Portuguese were able to sit out this war. But growth of Portuguese Empire, the recent betrothal of British King's eldest daughter to the Portuguese king and the refusal of the Portuguese to bow down to the French threat meant it would be forced to fight .

We now complete the Portuguese vs French Indian Ocean Section. Make sure you read the narrative story in the link at the end of the section above. The Portuguese still had some major battles though for we have not covered the South or North Atlantic ocean battles and confrontations.

Please return on April 05 as we post the 5th part in The Three-Years War (1780 -1784) - The Luso-French Maritime War (1780-1782).

First we would like to thank those who already voted and reminder for those who have not for the TL its still not too late to show you love for the Rebirth and vote for it in the post colonial and revolution Turtledove awards.

 

[Sceonn]

A nice one Rebelo pulled. A sub divided India with Portuguese West, French South and British East could be a possibility.

 

[NK_Tesla]

and instead suggested an alternative to await peacefully for resolutions to arrive in Europe between Lisbon and Paris

That is some hard Realpolitik! 'Surrender' the city to the Portuguese, but keep control until the war ends. We stop fighting so the French can focus on the British. It'll be interesting to see how the rest of the war goes.

 

[Bronze]

Hmmm... Mahé gained without a fight. Nice.

Now to see what Paris and Lisbon decide on. Paris will want Mahé back while the Portuguese will want something for their pains. A naval offensive on Mahé in the Seychelles perhaps?

 

[Lusitania]

A nice one Rebelo pulled. A sub divided India with Portuguese West, French South and British East could be a possibility.

That is some hard Realpolitik! 'Surrender' the city to the Portuguese, but keep control until the war ends. We stop fighting so the French can focus on the British. It'll be interesting to see how the rest of the war goes.

Hmmm... Mahé gained without a fight. Nice.

Now to see what Paris and Lisbon decide on. Paris will want Mahé back while the Portuguese will want something for their pains. A naval offensive on Mahé in the Seychelles perhaps?

The French realized that Portuguese were no pushover and that to fight the Portuguese for Mahe would mean leaving the prize of French India Pondicherry venerable to British India attacks. So accepting Portuguese offer seemed by far the best choice for it left the French with only the British to deal with (Indian Ocean only). So the Portuguese not only proven the French wrong by being strong enough to repel French attack and defeated them. To the point the French realized that to continue fighting the Portuguese would put the French presence in India in jeapordy.

So Portuguese India had not only fought the Indian states and won it now had just not only repelled the French but forced them from Wester Indian coast.

 

[Lusitania]

The Three-Years War (1780-1783) (cont.)

The Luso-French Maritime War (1780-1782) ( 5 of 7)

Atlantic Theatre (1780-1782)

“T’is not a matter of right-or-wrong, right-or-just or even right-wing-or-left-wing, sir; you’re the king, you simply must do this. Pombal can barely stand on his own two feet anymore. William is dead, Rebelo will be defending Goa and the troops need someone to tell them what to do. If you think you are not sure this war is right or wrong, just wait until the people don’t see you supporting it…”
Duke John of Lafões, Minister of Science and Education, urging his cousin’s grandson to take the reins of the nation​

The scenario in the Atlantic Ocean, however, was far more delicate. The waters of the Atlantic were a vital vein for the colonial empire, as most of the country’s Atlantic Army troops were positioned in disparate spots between Africa and South America. Maintaining open routes in the sea was vital if Portugal wished to make full use of its troops to defend itself and, while the Atlantic and Metropolitan army were already ideally distributed, the shifting spectacle of the war still made many nervous about the prospects of naval invasions.

Several political and ideological obstacles also had to be faced. Firstly, as a result of state reforms in Brazil, Lisbon had to await assembly votes to determine what kind of support it would get from its main colony. Joseph II’s lawmaking dictated that Brazil was obligated to offer support against aggressive foes, but the jury was still out as of 1780 whether Brazilian politicians considered the French the aggressors, considering Portugal had just recently fueled a war in Angola against the Manikongo civil war. Secondly, Portuguese politicians sympathized with French revolutionaries as of the dust-settling of the Tagus Declaration; it was mostly those concerned with the breaches of sovereignty and the militarized ones that fully believed the war to be just. Thirdly, capitalists and industrialists in Portugal faced very serious concerns that the fruits of their labor, including but not withstanding the ships and arms they spent years producing for the crown, would now be thrown away in an inglorious defeat against a much more powerful economy.

This was the first time that King Joseph II felt pulled to the political spotlight as the figure to turn to by the people in answer to their uncertainties. With Pombal on his deathbed and Count William deceased, the country had no other serious political figure to rally around to. Being barely 21 years old, however, Joseph II was at the time also perceived as an inexperienced king by others and himself, not to mention he did not necessarily support the rhetoric of the conflict. It was actually Joseph’s wish to end the conflict as quickly and peacefully as possible, a hope that would be dashed two years later at the Nantes Negotiations.

King Joseph II was dragged to the spotlight of the war by the power vacuum left behind by Pombal’s growing frailty and the lack of major military heroes, forcing him to face the fears of the war dead on.​

Brazilian Passiveness, Portuguese Anxiety & Naval Disorganization (1780)​

As early as 1780, King Joseph II, despite his growing feeling of ineptitude, was urged by his ministers to take a leading role in pushing national morale and unity. He wrote a personal communication to Rio de Janeiro, urging the colonial assembly to pledge their support.

In Brazil, colonial governors voted in assembly to informally oppose the war in an overwhelming 7-to-3 majority, the only exceptions being Cisplatina, Paraná and Southern Rio Grande, which were politically more militarized and geographically less vulnerable to French naval threats. The remaining states, feeling more exposed, nevertheless accepted to continue providing full economic, diplomatic and professional troop support as they could not legally refuse support in what was being politically described as a defensive maritime war, but refusing the commitment of their native Army of Brazil to avoid attracting French wrath.[1] This sentiment became especially prevalent in 1782, when Admiral Pierre Saint Tropez began his string of victories down the Atlantic against the English, including at Cape Verde.


In the perspective of the Portuguese government this was considered a tragic but sensible maneuver, as they had no way to efficiently employ the militia army in Brazil without first achieving naval supremacy. The Portuguese Navy in the Atlantic therefore began operations to protect the remaining territories in Africa but, most importantly, the North Atlantic paths from France to Portugal. In this theater the Portuguese had more help to count on; British Gibraltar kept a tight vigilance over the French Mediterranean maneuvers and the bulk of England’s ships were at the time engaging war with the American Revolutionaries while fighting off their French supporters, meaning Lisbon was not alone in this fight.

Still, the sentiment was of insecurity and war emergency in the mainland. Even after the scandals that first radicalized the population into refusing French demands and even after Spanish guarantee of neutrality, the general understanding in Portugal was of sturdy anxiety that motivated many to work extra hard at the shipyards and gun factories. In the early months of 1781, the Portuguese produced as much land and naval arms as the whole year of 1780, exhausting their raw materials to ensure their defenses remained armed and ready. In Estremadura and Minho, forests planted during the early Pombaline era were cleared out to ensure shipyard manufacture remained strong. The Naval doctrine also shifted slightly, as two out of every four ships produced were second-rates, replacing the earlier one-out-of-four pattern.

More importantly, those staying on land rushed to produce and distribute coastal defense materials, particularly carriage cannons and rampart earthen bricks. Many strategic beaches from north to south saw the start of fortification projects. The war would be over before the completion of most of these, as Portuguese industrial and distribution capacity was limited by technological ceilings, but these guns would see strategic use in wars throughout the rest of the century.

The Luso-French Maritime War anxiety in Portugal fueled the start of more coastal defense projects than ever before in the country’s harbors, arming guns that would never be fired on French ships but affected conflicts throughout the 1780s and 1790s​

To aggravate matters, the lynchpin force of the war, the Portuguese Navy, was in a state of disorganization. Under the tenure of Minister Castro, naval expansion programs like the ‘Castro Plan’ and the 100 Thousand Tons objective were initiated, allowing dockyard and shipbuilding work to reach ambitious new heights, put also putting the Navy as a whole in a state of stressed disarray. More sailors than since the Age of Sail were in demand to man the new ships and the Marine Act and naval ordinance advances were not enough to counter balance the deficit of manpower and guns.

Pressing citizens into sailing was also viewed negatively in the public plaza since the instauration of the Merchant Navy. Most speakers now considered that sea drafts impacted the economy and the Navy negatively by employing unskilled men away from jobs where they were more needed towards a risky profession.

Worst of all, the Portuguese Atlantic fleets faced a serious leadership problem; the country lacked an inspiring figure to head the ships, with the most famous captain being, by far, the Vice-Admiral stationed far away in Goa, Anthony ‘Hammershark’ Rebelo. At the time, the role of ‘Almirante de Portugal’ was headed by the son of a relic of the pre-Pombaline era, Joseph Louis Castro, the second count of Resende.

José Luís de Castro
Born 19 August 1744
Died 23 March 1819
Count of Resende, Vice-Roy of Brasil and ‘Admiral of Portugal’​

Admiral Joseph was less than an inspiring figure, mostly out of his family’s name; the counts of Resende, ailing from the prestigious Castro family, were known aristocratic opponents of pre-industrialization reforms. His father Anthony of Castro had been a figure in a plot to politically coerce Joseph I the Reformer into making the title ‘Admiral of Portugal’, the Lusitanian equivalent of Fleet Admiral, into a hereditary honor after centuries of gradual prestige loss in it, so the rise of his son to the position, albeit through study and training, was viewed with suspicion that put off most hard working captains.

Combined with a lack of feats compared to Vice-Admiral Rebelo and, later on, the privateer William Távora, Castro was lackluster at best in a time when the nation needed strong leadership. His contribution to the navy was mostly directive and formally representative and most Vice Admirals and Rear Admirals were aware of this, contributing to a growing sensation that the British navy leaders would outpace him, seize the leading role in the war and deny Lisbon negotiation room. His continued difficulties in filling the blank spots in the growing navy arsenal were considered a hassle to a country that was desperately trying to protect itself.

All of these problems crippled mobilization efforts in Portugal throughout the first year of war of 1780. It would take an initiative from society sectors as a whole, as well as the shy pushes of young King Joseph II, to overcome these problems.

Capitalist Mobilization, Kingly Initiative & National Initiative (1780-1781)​

“Monsieur Alexander is the face of the new capitalism in the country and he’s very upset, mon Roi... I suggest you take his request of an audience; he sounds like a perfectly reasonable gentleman.”
-Minister Jaques Ratton, to the young King Joseph II, when the Lisbon chamber issued its protest​

The continued haunting of these problems finally convinced several key society figures to make serious moves towards flexing the country’s muscle, including the king but also the Chambers of Commerce. In August 1780 it became known in Lisbon that the Navy had allowed the passage of Admiral Pierre of Struffen Saint Tropez with his squadron of over seven hundred cannons towards the mid-Atlantic, something that would eventually lead in 1781 to the battle of Porto Praya and the French naval intervention in India.

This convinced the more pacified sectors of society of the same protection issues that first convinced the country to go to war. In September of 1780, the Lisbon Chamber of Commerce, who headed the bulk of the Merchant Navy, issued a formal protest against the professional navy’s leadership. The man at the front helm of this movement was the current chairman of the Chamber of Commerce, Alexander Batalha.

Alexandre Rosa Batalha
Born 6 February 1738
Died 9 August 1817
Portuguese Statesman, Economist, Banker and 2nd CC Chairman
Economists Order’s Professional Discipline Committee head​

Chairman Alexander was the second chairman of the Lisbon Chamber of Commerce after Finance Minister Jacques Ratton and had worked on the Lisbon Mint prior to this. Capitalist, skeptic and hardy about deadlines, Alexander rose to prominence after the signing of the Luso-Russian Treaty of Friendship and Commerce by laboring on ensuring smooth coin and commerce lines with St. Petersburg and the Russian Far East. Even at age 44, had harnessed enough contacts and influence to be voted in as the first chairman in Lisbon since its founder (and thus, much like in the case of Verney and the Religious Council, the first head to be appointed by the institution itself after the first government appointed one) but his appointment, however, was surrounded by intrigue and ulterior motives.

The Chambers of Commerce at the time of Joseph II’s early reign were in a period of political liberation; the mercantilist Prime Minister Marquis of Pombal, their biggest adversary, was slowly fading out of political life (and life as a whole) and the new king was inexperienced and vulnerable, holding beliefs instructed to him by the Pombaline Cabinet that made him a naïve believer in Free Trade. In 1779, the Chamber in Lisbon was in upheaval with political and commercial rivals that harnessed a lot of newfound power after the Tagus Revolution, the military victories in the overseas and the growing capital in the metropolitan territory. It was expected that the members of the Chamber debating issues were competitive, but the mood in Lisbon was borderline cutthroat, especially in the period leading up to the Three Years War.

Therefore, there was no clear edge on who would follow Ratton as Chairman after his resign to focus on the Ministry. The office of chairman was not particularly coveted for comfort, either; the added powers would allow a savvy merchant to tip the scale of important debates and represent the plutocratic class in Lisbon as a whole, but the number of enemies this would imply at the time was worrying.

At the time, Alexander took part in the debates as a known member of the recently born Economists Order, more importantly as the head of the Professional Discipline Committee. The office at the time was responsible, for example, to ensure fair debate between members, adherence to professional standards and generally reduce the harm that cutthroat competition caused to commercial labor (at the time the economists in Lisbon and Oporto were considered to be primarily worried about industry and commerce, instead of agriculture, especially after the publishing of the controversial GTP).[2] Many of the influential voters therefore grew used to seeing him as a figure of skeptic neutrality, someone who questioned the motives of everyone and everything and adhered to the code of professionalism. In early 1780, with the rise of tensions with France and the cutting of the consumer good grants to it, the merchants felt pressured to solve the issue of no head and decided to appoint Alexander as Chairman of the Chamber in Lisbon.


Thus, by 1781, Alexander headed the movement increasingly upset with the lack of security the merchants felt in open sea, as well as the growing calls from society that demanded the Merchant Fleet at their disposal would stop acting as convoys and started firing at some French ships. He was also, however, feeling personally disassociated with the speakers of the Chamber; years spent at the Lisbon Mint keeping the currency stable made him mistrusting of other plutocrats, as no one like him was aware of how they swindled the economies (Alexander was aware, for example, of how oligarchic agreements inside the salt and wine sectors hurt commerce with Sweden and England respectively). He had even advocated for the establishment of central banking in Portugal, arguing that the many mints were overcompensating a growing difficulty they had in keeping finances straight.

At the Palace of Ajuda, at the time still in construction, Chairman Alexander had his audience with the King on the first of April. This was the first time that Joseph II led directly with a high-ranking representative of one of his society’s most important pieces of the pie. The chairman politely urged his majesty to take the initiative to act together with the plutocratic class instead of letting his ministers clash with it for their own ambitions, much like his grandfather had let Pombal do for almost thirty years. He claimed Admiral Joseph Castro was unpopular and uninspiring but that the Merchant Fleet had many able captains, some veterans of the Mazagan and Cisplatina conflicts who could form an effective naval force willingly provided that the interests of the Chambers were respected.

This drove home the point to the young king that he had to take some sort of role in the war that went beyond what had expected his most immediate predecessors. By the end of the day, the government and the Chamber of Lisbon issued a stronger alliance between the professional and merchant fleets against the ongoing maritime threats. King Joseph II visited the Lisbon Chamber of Commerce and later on the Oporto Chamber of Commerce to rally the representatives to invest their support to the Portuguese Navy. To many this was the first initiative widely seen from the King during war and it helped begin the slow crafting of the image he would leave behind as a rally-er of the people.

On the 27 April 1782, more than a year later, the main bodies of the Portuguese Merchant fleet and of the Portuguese Navy finally organized themselves at Lisbon. The ships built in the 100 Thousand Tons program, previously unmanned, were now crewed by the sailors and veterans serving the Merchant Fleet willingly. To many people the sight of these men boarding the warships in the northern ports was the first sign of confidence the government showed in the war, affecting the perception of the king from there on after.

Admiral Joseph Castro (center, red) and Chairman Alexander (far left, black) meet at the Lisbon harbor to announce the departure of the joint fleet wartime campaign​

At the King’s urging, however, Admiral Castro stepped back to assume an administrative role in the naval combat, instead issuing command of the North Atlantic squadrons to Vice-Admiral Bernardo Esquível, who was also handed indirect command over the ‘Frota Mobilizada’ as the merchant fleet was named during war time.

Vice-Admiral Bernardo Ramires Esquivel
Born 22 September 1723
Died 26 September 1812
Navy Admiral (1784 onward), industrial investor and Viscount of Estremoz (non-hereditary) ​

Vice-Admiral Bernardo was handpicked by the young King, who felt Admiral Castro did not have the heart of the men, for his closer proximity to the Rear Admirals, his ties to the Chamber of Commerce and his experience in naval combat during the Cisplatina war, where he had to endure several defeats against the superior Spanish naval forces without losing his ships. Initially entering the army in 1744, Bernardo joined the Marines, resulting in a gradual transfer over to the Navy by 1764, just after the Undeclared War begun. Unlike Vice-Admiral Rebelo, who left the army as a result of an injury while he was still a land trooper, Bernardo made captain rank in time to head the HMS Santa Maria, an old ship (as hinted by its religious baptism) that was drafted into the Cisplatina amphibious expedition.

For six years Bernardo fought to ensure the survival of the outdated Portuguese ships against the numerically superior Spanish expedition fleet, a bitter experience that hardened him to combat and the harshness of the sea. His aristocratic titles, however, would see a termination shortly after the war as a result of the events of the Pombaline Revolution and the Order of Christ conspiracy, when many old family names in Portugal were disgraced. He earned it back, however, in the form of a non-hereditary title just before the death of Joseph I on 1777 for his services in protecting Portuguese naval interests throughout the politically fragile period.

It was also in this year that he would meet the new King, Joseph II, and now the King asked him to lead over fifty ships of varying rank, most from the Merchant Fleet, in exchange for the chance of being promoted to admiral of the navy.


[1] See Section: The Three-Year War (1780 – 1783) – The Luso-French Maritime War (1780 – 1782) – Atlantic Theatre (1780 -1782) – Brazilian Passiveness, Portuguese Anxiety & Naval Disorganization (1780).
[2] See Section: Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) – Manufacturing Revolution & General Theory of Productivity - General Theory of Productivity.

Note:
The Luso-French Maritime War was a significant war and major challenge for the Portuguese Empire. It was the first time the Portuguese were being tested by a European power after the fiasco of the 7 year war in which the Portuguese had to be bailed out by the British. The Portuguese Empire of 1782 was not the same country from 20 years earlier. This was a country that had re-built its navy and armed forces. Instituted major and complete overhaul of its naval and army officer and troop training and recruitment. While the Portuguese were not as powerful as the French it had one advantage on its side, that France was also fighting the British forces throughout the world and could not devote its full force on the Portuguese. But was the Portuguese rebuilding enough? Would the Portuguese navy and armed forces be ready to meet and defend the country? Those were the major questions not only on the minds of the people but the nobles, government and merchants. Questions/Comments

Note regarding posting of this section. The Luso-French Maritime War is over 40 pages and will be divided in approximately seven sections.

Note that iOTL the Portuguese were able to sit out this war. But growth of Portuguese Empire, the recent betrothal of British King's eldest daughter to the Portuguese king and the refusal of the Portuguese to bow down to the French threat meant it would be forced to fight .

We now move to the Atlantic theatre, with the Portuguese there is political consideration to take into account as the Portuguese Empire is not only ruled from Lisbon but Rio also and while it is a strength it is also a political liability. But that does not mean it is military liability for the French discovered that the South Atlantic was under Rio protection.

Please return on April 19 as we post the 6th part in The Three-Years War (1780 -1784) - The Luso-French Maritime War (1780-1782).

 

[Wolttaire]

hmmm intresting so this war cause a fear of home invasion causing more forts to be built than before and increasing fortifactions
also nice too see that this will cuase a reformation of navy to better uit modern standards
ince again a amazing update

 

[EMT]

Senegal/French Africa after the last update:

 

[Terço]

A meritocracy avant la lettre .
New blood instead of aristocratic dinosaurs
Using the best people in the right moment can and will make a difference in this hard times and in the future

 

[Sceonn]

Are the Land based Fortifications on par with the Coastal Fortification?