Of Rajahs and Hornbills: A timeline of Brooke Sarawak

[Germania09]

I don't if this will help but Wikipedia has a good source on Chinese naming conventions that's pretty thorough.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_name

 

[Al-numbers]

The Quicksilver Mountain of Tegora, Sarawak by Marianne North​

Amarjit Kaur, Sarawak under Charles, (Lido Press, 1999)

While Sarawak blossomed socially and culturally – at least, in the coastal cities – during the global Last Quarter before the Great War, the state also saw its economic fortunes turn for the first time in two decades.

For years, the kingdom had partially supported itself on the rich mines that lay underneath the mountains of Bau and Lundu. However, the decades of constant extraction all along the western mountains has done its work on the ore seams with outputs of gold, mercury, silver, antimony and other ores decreasing noticeably during the mid-1890’s. Besides this, the extraction of gutta-percha also fell dramatically as over-exploitation led to the palaquium species being decimated over the lowlands and river basins. Furthermore, the exploitation of the African continent slowly bit into the state’s revenues on timber exports and undercut the market for other forms of wild rubber (though thankfully, Congolese vine latex was later found to be chemically inferior to gutta-percha) [1]. In fact, the exploitation of the Congo – along with a coffee glut from the Americas and the rebirth of the Acehnese spice trade – contributed greatly to the fall in commodity prices during the 1896-1900 period, and Sarawak felt its bite more than any other nation.

Besides this, the economic downturn also coincided with a spate of sporadic violence over the Batang Lupar, Kerian, Padeh, and lower Rajang Basin tribes. The exploitation of gutta-percha has led to extensive degradation of the rainforest and arable topsoil across the lower half of the kingdom, and the felling of palaquium trees – as well as its latex-bearing dichopsis cousins – also resulted in a surprising timber shortage for the local housing market. With the aforementioned river basins also experiencing a population boom due to the reduction in tribal wars, relations between the Malays, Ibans, and Melanaus cooled sharply as all three subgroups squabbled over the remaining trees and arable lands.

Despite all of this, Sarawak never went to bankruptcy. The reliance on just one international company (The Borneo Company limited) for international trade and the Astana’s encouragement for local traders allowed Sarawak to owe almost no debts to foreign firms. There was also support from the taxation system, which by then was developed enough to maintain liquidity from the kingdom’s administrative Divisions. Compared with the past, the bouts of tribal violence didn’t coalesce into outright revolt as the system of forts established throughout Sarawak’s rivers prevented local fights from becoming a real threat. Nevertheless, income in the Sarawak Treasury fell from over 800,000 Dollars in 1891 to around 250,000 Dollars in 1899, and that concerned Rajah Charles and his Supreme Council more than anything else.

As a result, the state looked to the verdant lands north of the Rajang. Most of the extractive economy was concentrated south of the mighty river system while the northern half of Sarawak remained mostly green – if slightly degraded. Malay, Iban and Melanau tribes were encouraged to migrate northwards, where land was more plentiful and arable [2]. The Suai and Telong Iban communities date their histories to this period, as well as the numerous Melanau towns that dot the river basins north of Bintulu. However, the act provoked protest among the tribes whom have already settled in the region. Though less populated than the south, the lands between the Rajang and Baram basins were already dotted with other semi-nomadic tribes such as the Kayan, Punan Bah, and even other Ibans. While there was more than enough land up north to ensure everyone a large share, Punan Bah aristocrats requesting for royal arbitration became a monthly sight in the capital.

Houses and Bridges of the Malays of Sarawak by Marianne North​

New forestry laws were also promulgated through the Last Quarter, the first of their kind: all lands that are unoccupied, uninhabited or owned by Sarawakians (or other races) would be placed under government ownership. With that said, the state is bound under law to allow tribes to migrate to new lands, with the Resident-Councillor system in the various administrative Divisions acting as arbitrators in land disputes between arriving and settled tribes (this part of the law is often flouted as most chieftains preferred to conduct affairs with the Rajah directly). The state is also bound to give compensation to tribes who shall be displaced due to mineral extraction, as well as to help them find new lands to settle.

To further increase their mining income, prospectors were sent to the mountains that lay astride the Sentarum region with Dutch Borneo, as well across the Rajang Basin. Coal being eventually discovered near Simunjan in 1902 as well as in the Mukah and Balingan regions in 1904. Though significant, any revenues from the new mines would not come till after the advent of the Great War...

**********​

David Hubenov, Six Degrees of Distance: The White Rajahs and the Wider World, (Journal of Asiatic Sciences, 2013)

Whether or not colonial intrigue in Southeast Asia contributed greatly to the Great War is still a matter of academic debate. With that said, the entrance of the Kingdom of Sarawak to world diplomacy deserves a mention, for it is perhaps one of the few largely independent states whom sought to avoid getting involved in 19th century global politics. Doubtless, the fall of the various kingdoms and sultanates across Sundaland would have influenced Charles Brooke, but the presence of the British Consul at Kuching also made sure the Astana kept its nose out of Great Power politics. Trading was acceptable, but anything that brought Sarawak into colonial or political entanglement – aside from the neighbouring Dutch East Indies – was out of the question.

Ultimately, Sarawak failed to keep itself above the crowd. The entrance of the lax-minded Martin O’Connor as Consul in 1896, coupled with the shift in Great Power diplomacy made it next to impossible to keep the kingdom aloof. The state straddles the South China Sea, its lands were productive and held valuable industrial materials, and its large deep harbours –especially at Bandar Charles and the Natuna Islands – granted it strategic presence. Whether Rajah Charles liked it or not, the Kingdom of Sarawak attracted various eyes.

France was the first to knock. The French Third Republic was searching the region for any ports they could access for their gunboats, hoping to avoid the British port blockades of the Sino-French War [3]. With the South China Sea route the quickest to French Indochina, Kuching quickly found itself on Paris’ sights. In July 1894, a French delegation arrived in the capital requesting for access to the kingdom’s docks for their Navy, as well as a guarantee to provide docking access in times of colonial – or international – conflict. Unfortunately for the delegates, the British Consul at the time (Charles Barnaby) was against the notion of any French entrenchment in Sarawak, even for temporary stoppovers. Similarly, Rajah Charles did not like the notion of providing port access to a foreign navy many times larger than his. Ultimately, the French delegation went home empty-handed.

France would not be the first European Power to request for docking rights. Austria-Hungary, Germany, the Ottoman Empire and even Russia requested for Sarawakian port access to their navies up until the Great War. All of them would be sent home with no deals whatsoever. However, the kingdom’s strategic and industrial value was still desired by many European empires, and nothing made this clearer than the royal visit of the 31st of May 1898…

Besides attention from the west, Sarawak also garnered attention from the north. On October 13th 1899, a Qing scholar by the name of Wong Nai Siong walked into the Astana to appeal to Rajah Charles for a Christian Fuzhou settlement near Maling. A Methodist churchman and an avowed nationalist, Nai Siong was appalled by the conditions faced by Chinese Christians after the aftermath of the Sino-Japanese War and wanted to provide his brethren a new home. He toured Singapore, Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies for almost a year before finding his way to Sarawak, where he found appeal in the open-cleared lands of the Rajang Delta.

Photograph of Wong Nai Siong​

It was an offer that needed some mulling over. Sarawak already had over 12,000 Chinese settlers – mostly from the Kangchu System – and adding more might tip the demographic balance of the nation as it did in Johor. Besides that, Nai Siong was not silent in his zeal for reform, having already launched a pro-reform newspaper in China which painted the Qing court darkly and was pursued consequently for links to suspected revolutionary groups. Having the man around might bring unwanted attention to the kingdom. Despite that, a new community of settlers might also be more inclined to contribute to the local economy, especially if they would grow valuable cash crops for export. It was from this, and with subsequent discussions with his councillors, that a new policy was born.

A few days later, Rajah Charles made his proposal: Fuzhou settlers, especially Christian ones, would be welcomed into the kingdom, with the town of Maling being granted with a lower tax status for five years to shore up incoming settlement. They would be protected under Sarawak law and be free to trade with other peoples and nations as well as proselytise Methodist Christianity along the coast. However, the settlers would be encouraged to plant palaquium and dichopsis seedlings to contribute to the nation’s economy [4] – Charles had planted 30 such seedlings at his Astana to prevent them from going extinct – and under no circumstances would any Chinese nationalist or revolutionary groups be allowed to form in Sarawak. Nai Siong and his church members can continue their campaign for Qing reform, but not in Borneo.

Nai Siong accepted.

In 1901, around 183 men from Fujian made the trip across the South China Sea. A small stream of settlers would later traverse the same route over the following decade, even as the Great War broke out on the world. Life in their new home was hard, but most of the men settled and slowly brought their families over to the Rajang Delta. Indeed, by 1904, Maling was colloquially named ‘New Foochow’ = ‘Fuchow Bharu’ by the local Malays and Dayaks for its high demographic of settlers from Fujian province (and for the local corruption of ‘Fuzhou’). And despite Rajah Charles’ restrictions, the actions of Wong Nai Siong elevated Sarawak’s profile among Chinese nationalists, who saw in it a safe haven to disappear from Qing, Dutch or British Malayan authorities.

Unfortunately, it also increased Sarawak’s profile among court officials back home…

**********​

Charlie MacDonald, Strange States and Bizzare Borders, (weirdworld.postr.com, 2014)

…Ahhh, I knew I should’ve talked about this sooner!

Remember the three tribal subgroups the Brookes first met in Sarawak: The Bidayuhs, Ibans, and Melanaus? I just found out that, after decades of seeing all the traders on the coasts, some of them began to say “…can we do that too?”

Enter Penghulu Munan of the Awik longhouse (the 'Penghulu' refers to his task as District Headman - specifically, of Saratok and the Batang Krian). He and his father were somewhat extraordinary for their time, having embarked on trading expeditions to Sambas and Northern Borneo during the 1860’s and 1870’s for high-value porcelain jars. And we’re not talking about the ones on dining room tables, no; they wanted clay and ceramic jars large enough to stuff a man inside! In Iban tradition, the wealth of a longhouse lies on how much rice, water, and dead storage space they have. If you’re wondering how did the Chinese porcelain business got so popular in Borneo, there’s the reason.

While their ventures were successful, historical stuff happened and eventually, the Awik longhouse needed more space. While the jars of Kuching and Maling were good, they were not… voluminous enough for the tribe’s needs. Unfortunately, Sambas and Eastern Sabah were under new management. So one night, Munan called all the longhouse elders and said…

“…What if we all go to Singapore?”

On October 31st 1893, Munan and about 20 other villages went to the Astana and requested Rajah Charles for a transport to cross the sea. To say that his jaw dropped was an understatement; how in the world would he explain this to the Governor of Singapore!?

It took days to settle it all out. Charles had to write a ‘Letter of Introduction and Commerce’ just to make sure Singapore didn’t see anything fishy about the group. Rooms were brought on a regional ferry and the gang were strictly told not to cause any trouble. On November 4th, the S.S Normanby arrived. 48 hours later, Munan and his men were in Singapore [5].

How he and his followers reacted to it all, we never know. What we do know was that when the pack returned to their longhouse a week later, they came back with a lot of jars. Thus, a new world was opened…

"So... you know the way to the china shop?"​

~~~​

And Just so you’re curious, here are some of the plants and animals named after the Brooke dynasty:

Brooke's Squirrel: Sundasciurus brookei

Rafflesia Tuan Charles: Rafflesia-tuan-charlesii

Rajah Booke’s Birdwing Butterfly: Trogonoptera brookiana

Rajah’s Pitcher Plant: Nepenthes rajah

(Which, inside it, grows:
​

Rajah’s Mosquito: Culex (Culiciomyia) rajah

[unnamed] Mosquito: Toxorhynchites (Toxorhynchites) rajah)​

Rajah Scops Qwl: Otus brookii

Rajah’s Rhododendron: Rhododendron brookeanum

Rajah Charles' Slipper Orchid: Paphiopedilum-rajah-charlesii​

That’s a lot of species.

____________________


Notes:

1. As per post #896.

2. IOTL, the Iban migration to Bintulu and northern Sarawak came as a result of tribes splitting apart due to the leading sons of chieftains taking different ways. ITTL, it’s due to resource scarcity.

3. As per post #861.

4. IOTL, there was no such deal and the Fuzhou settlers planted Amazonian rubber.

5. This actually happened IOTL, though it was Munan’s father (Penghulu Minggat) who led the voyage out of Sarawak. ITTL, he died early.

6. The list of plants and animals are slightly altered, compared with OTL. There is at least one entry that has a completely different name.

 

[chr92]

The Chinese Christians are a great idea! Also, the jar hanger, plus the species list.

 

[Herr Frage]

The Brookes are trying to keep their politics to Borneo and their isles. Alas the world is shrinking and Sarawak's success male it either a piece or a player in the game. No Japanese requests for ports?

A British royal visiting? Or maybe someone else? A royal from Honolulu perhaps?

Nice touch with the Chinese Christians. And Sarawak gets drawn into more intrigue. Has the situation in Qing China diverged much from OTL?

And now closer trade ties with Singapore.

 

[PhilippeO]

I don't if this will help but Wikipedia has a good source on Chinese naming conventions that's pretty thorough.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_name

No, Qing are Manchu, they have different naming conventions

my advice is to steal name from OTL https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aisin_Gioro

or just invent one, many are known simply as Prince 'one chinese syllable' anyway. Western transliteration has many accuracies anyway. Name mentioned in Kuching or London newspaper will likely inaccurate.

 

[Al-numbers]

Will we see more of Hawaii? Their king made a cameo earlier. It would change so much in the Pacific if the Kingdom survived as a buffer against the American imperialism.

To tell ya the truth, I almost forgot about Hawaii . Let’s see if we can fill in what happened till now…

ITTL Hawaii is ruled by King Lunalilo, who did not contract tuberculosis and is less of an alcoholic here (due to butterflies), thus allowing him to democratise the nation and reform it to counter foreign intrigue. Nevertheless, the islands would still be a haven for foreign sugar planters whom either want the nation to become part of the British Empire or the United States.

By this point there would have been a few proposals to ensure independence in exchange for giving up Pearl Harbour, though none have passed so far. There would also be calls to reform the army and navy as a protective insurance, which may pass under the king. Besides that, Hawaii has already established links with some of the Great Powers, so we might see another ‘princely’ world tour to shore up foreign support and sign independence/commercial/military deals.

…Which would bring Lunalilo (or his brother Kalakaua) back to Johor. Sultan Abu Bakar would want a new export market for his spices, and Hawaii would be a great stopover point for pepper shipments to the U.S. Besides that, both monarchs can share info on how to keep themselves afloat, and Abu Bakar can even direct the royal family to the British or the Ottomans, who are probably trying to modernize the heck of their empire and building their own weapons factories ITTL. A weapons deal for the latter and a ‘coup insurance’ deal for the former may be on the table.

Also, a Hawaii connected to ITTL Sundaland would mean having Johorean Peranakans and Sarawak Dayaks meeting with actual native Hawaiians, which could bring… interesting results.

I don't if this will help but Wikipedia has a good source on Chinese naming conventions that's pretty thorough.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_name

No, Qing are Manchu, they have different naming conventions

My advice is to steal name from OTL https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aisin_Gioro

Or just invent one, many are known simply as Prince 'one chinese syllable' anyway. Western transliteration has many accuracies anyway. Name mentioned in Kuching or London newspaper will likely inaccurate.

Thanks, but I want to have an original name for the future Qing update and I found a website that has some interesting Manchu names that I can use.

Tho with Asian history diverging, I do wonder if modern pinyin would be the main translation standard.

The Chinese Christians are a great idea! Also, the jar hanger, plus the species list.

Sarawak got its OTL large Chinese Christian population from somewhere. Most of the first arrivals would be young men who would then pay their families to cross over, once they’ve made enough money. I should note that there were a few other Chinese Christian groups that settled across Southeast Asia in the late 19th century, mostly in Malaya and Singapore. Not coincidentally, these places were also where Chinese nationalist clubs were first established.

The ‘Jar Expeditions’ were one of the things I just found out, and it was too cool not to be thrown in. From what I’ve read, a few Iban tribes did went out across Borneo and the Southern Philippines to search for voluminous storage jars in the late 19th century IOTL, though the trade died out in the 1920’s due to better jars sold in local markets. ITTL, this would change.

I also forgot one thing about Penghulu Munan. IOTL, his father Minggat led the search for porcelain and clay jars, leading the group to Singapore and even to Sumatra. However, Minggat died en route and the rest of the group had to work odd jobs in Sumatra and Sabah just to raise enough cash to go back home. ITTL, this didn’t happen, and with no bad memories the Awik longhouse has walked the first step to become an indigenous trading network.

The Brookes are trying to keep their politics to Borneo and their isles. Alas the world is shrinking and Sarawak's success male it either a piece or a player in the game. No Japanese requests for ports?

Such are the pain of states that catch the eyes of interested Powers. Sarawak won’t be alone in being courted, but it – along with Johor and Aceh – would be where foreign interest would be most seen in Southeast Asia. The update does leave a few strings open, and there is more than one way to gain a nation’s allegiance.

Japan is currently looking at Korea and Formosa (Taiwan) for expansion, but there are a few heads looking down at the Philippines, where Spanish discontent is simmering among the locals. For now, Sarawak is off the radar except for the few intrepid traders who want to corner an untapped market, like Tatsuki.

A British royal visiting? Or maybe someone else? A royal from Honolulu perhaps?

Someone’s perceptive . A royal visit from Honolulu otherwise, (though I have a feeling Hawaii would be a bit unnerved by Sarawak, because of the Brookes) there were a few royal families that did send their sons on royal tours abroad, and there might be a few more in the future. With most of the world trade passing through Sundaland IOTL and even more so ITTL, there would be greater interest to gain influence there.

Gee, I wonder which one(s?)would visit Kuching?

Nice touch with the Chinese Christians. And Sarawak gets drawn into more intrigue. Has the situation in Qing China diverged much from OTL?

Qing China has been featured here before, but only in tidbits. The main gist is that Emperor Tongzhi and Empress Alute managed to conceive a son ITTL (they didn’t IOTL), though Tongzhi dies soon after due to his dissolute living. A regency now in place, but both Empress Alute and Dowager Empress Cixi are arguing over who gets to keep watch and rule in the young prince’s name. The court has similarly aligned around both women, with Alute and her supporters being pro-reform while Cixi and hers are ultra-conservative.

At this point, I’m going to take a guess and say D.E. Cixi lost the court drama with the pro-reform group surging in power after the disaster of the Sino-French War. In all, she got outmanoeuvred and is now ‘royally exiled’ to Xi’an. By now, Alute and her supporters are trying to enact political and administrative reforms, but they are often blocked by ultra-conservatives at court. With Japan eying Korea, the time is ticking for the Forbidden City.

And now closer trade ties with Singapore.

It’s less of being ‘trade ties’ and more of a ‘group shopping spree’ for Munan and his Awik Ibans. Nevertheless, their trip to Singapore has been very successful in getting the jars they want, and it won’t be long before they realize how those jars could be sold to other Dayak villages.

 

[NickBana]

Will Munan get a raise to Penghulu Dalam, or he was indeed Penghulu Dalam?

 

[Al-numbers]

Will Munan get a raise to Penghulu Dalam, or he was indeed Penghulu Dalam?

Considering his father Minggat was already Penghulu (District Chief) both IOTL and ITTL, I'd say Munan is also Penghulu as well - specifically of the Saratok District and the lands along the Batang Krian (sidenote: I kinda like the idea of 'Batang' replacing 'Sungai' as the local term for rivers).

I'll amend the update accordingly.

Italian Sabah is up next, followed by the Dutch East Indies, and Aceh/Johor after that.

 

[Al-numbers]

Sandakan, Italian Sabah. 28 February 1892​

José Rizal was uncomfortable and tired.

The heat in the office was sweltering, but it was nothing compared to the tension in the air. Staring straight at the other man, the writer closed his offer. “With all that is said, sir… do we have an agreement?”

The sentence hung in the humid room.

It had been a long month, he mused, trying to convince everyone he knew in Luzon of his labour plan. It was no secret that Italian Sabah was in need of workers, but the administration was hesitant on following their colonial neighbours and employing foreign labour. Coolies can easily outplace natives, and with everyone in Italy preferring the Papuan highlands to settle down…

Deep in thought, Rizal almost didn’t catch the governor’s response. “Your offer is interesting, and I have no doubt as to the tenacity of your countrymen."

A spark of hope flared up within him, only to be dampened by the man's next words. "However, your terms for the contact length for the workers is… something that needs further discussion. I will need to talk with my associates on this.”

Rizal exhaled.

“How long do you need?”

“I can arrange a meeting tomorrow.”

The nationalist fumed. Another meeting… seems to be nothing but that around here. Still, the fact that he had gotten this far proved that the Italian companies were interested for any source of hard labour. That they were willing to abuse their former labourers is a problem, though. I need to press them more about that.

Putting the thought away, Rizal asked for the time of the meeting.

**********

Francesco Batti, Of Sultans and Headhunters: Colonial Italy in Borneo, (Nicollo: 1997)

…With all that being said, the system of corvée labour practiced over Italian Sabah was exceedingly lenient when compared to the policies of the Spanish Congo. The paternalistic attitude of the Italian administration, coupled with the racial assessment of the Bornean Dayaks meant that colonial rule was less of a dominating force in the region, though the hand of Sandakan was often overbearing on the inhabitants.

After being conscripted, local Dayaks were grouped into ethnically-based gangs who would then work for only five days a week of sunup-to-sundown labour, with an hour of rest around midday. After the allotted days, the men would be free to return home while other groups would be brought in to continue their work. For wild rubber tappers, quotas for gutta-percha collection were placed low enough for most groups to accomplish their daily work, which – given the rarity of latex-bearing trees in the region – was more intended to squeeze the resource for as long as possible rather than for the sake of the workers. Forced labour groups were also employed to build up rural infrastructure, clearing vegetation for dirt roads and erecting telegraph lines throughout the length and breadth of Italian-ruled Sabah.

However, this did not discount the treatment that was enforced on the Dayaks. Life in the work gangs was harsh, with men toiling for long hours with little rest or relief under the glare of the tropical sun. Any recalcitrant or slow learners would often be beaten up by company enforcers for not being productive enough. Gutta-percha tappers who failed to collect their assigned quotas were punished collectively, with the most common form of discipline being a ‘forced group stand’, which could last for up to 12 hours under the heat and rain. In Tawau, the Alberto Timber Company became notorious amongst locals for the amount of accidents incurred during work due to the jerry-rigged sawmills that processed the valuable chengal and balau trees.

Besides this, the new government imposed a flurry of taxes that greatly exceeded the monetary norms established by Sarawak and Dutch Borneo. The integration of the locals into the cash economy was considered an ‘educational necessity’ to induce a solid work ethic and understanding global commerce. In effect, this resulted in a slew of rulings and petty taxes that angered much of the Dayaks, including – but not limited to:

• A poll tax of 1 lira per person per family.
• A ‘Window Tax’ of 15 centesimo per window per house.
• A ‘Rice Tax’ of 1 lira for every farmer who sold his own rice.
• A ‘Native Liquor Tax’ of 25 centesimo for felling a single palm tree for palm wine.
• A ‘Fish Tax’ of 1-10 lira for fishermen. The bigger the average catch, the higher the tax.
• A ‘Fruit Tax’ of 3 lira for orchard growers.
• A ‘Boat Tax’ of 2 lira for anyone who owns a boat.
• A ‘Dog Tax’ of 1 lira for owning a dog. This is multiplied if one owns more than one dog. [1]

Cumulatively, these taxes and more forced many locals to work in the new rubber, timber, and cash crop plantations set up along the river basins. The pay for their labour was often low and not enough to pay the new taxes, forcing many families to grow cash crops themselves instead of planting staple foods.

But what finally pushed the majority of Sabahans into open revolt was the intrusion of Italian companies into native land. To maximise profits under the Sandakan corvée system, the authorities promulgated a new land law on April 1890 that would, in the words of Governor Fermiano Gattuso himself, “…give the right of foreign companies to annex any lands and islands that are deemed as unproductive”. This not only deprived the right of the inland Dayaks to migrate to greener pastures, and not only did it denied the seafaring Bajau and Tausug of their island bases, but it also allowed the concessionaires to greatly control village affairs.

This was the last straw. Sporadic uprisings flared up all over the Labuk and Kinabatangan basins within weeks of the new ruling. Many cases were recorded of work gangs abandoning their duties, beating their enforcers back, overthrowing coercive chieftains, and killing company prospectors in defiance of land annexation. While most of these revolts were dealt with in quick order, a few metastasized beyond the scope of local control. In central Sabah, a coalition of Dusun villages united themselves under Awang Damit, a warrior-chief who led his forces in massacring concessionaire officers and setting colonial stations ablaze. After conducting a series of attacks around the Labuk basin, he and his followers drew back and established a stronghold near the Sarawak border, erecting wooden fortresses bedecked with gunnery purloined from their enemies.

Even greater than the Damit Revolt was the Mat Salleh Rebellion. The nobles and headmen of the Sulu Sultanate had seen their kingdom fall to the Spanish, but they themselves were very much active in establishing a new life on the Sabahan coast. Chief among these was Abdullah Salleh of Tawi-Tawi, who saw the arrival of the Italians as an ominous repeat [5]. A noble of Tausug and Sama-Bajau descent, he managed to command respect from both the seafaring peoples and the interior tribes due to his supposed oratory skills and brilliant networking. From 1891 onwards, Salleh and his followers attacked Italian ships up and down the coast, striking colonial authorities from Jambongan Island all the way to Semporna. Upon being chased, he and his men would melt way into the tidal jungles and mangroves, frustrating the local wing of the Regia Marina.

For Sandakan, the two rebellions were a constant thorn on their side and quickly became a symbol of their incapability in combating native outrage; something which greatly amused the residents of Kuching and Pontianak. With unrest bubbling across the colony, the authorities conducted a form of triage and prioritised Damit and his cohorts first. In 1894, a 3000-man force sailed up the Labuk River and slowly took fort after fort from the warrior-chieftain before finally subduing him in the Battle of Ragang. He was swiftly put to death, as were many of his supporters, but Dusun resistance continued in the western regions up until the early 1900. Dealing with the Salleh Rebellion was another matter altogether, with the wily warlord managing to evade capture up until 1904.

On another note, the scale of the rebellions also had an adverse effect on colonial economics. With most locals revolting against their work and with many Italians disliking the option of settling in Borneo, the Sandakan government began looking for other sources of labour…

**********

Joseph Pairin Kitingan, The Land Below The Wind: A History of Sabah, (Charleston University Press; 1993)

…The problem of labour was a key factor in the development of Italian Sabah. Though most Italian citizens preferred migrating to Dalmatia or the Americas, there was a small enough number that looked to the eastern colonies as a fresh new start. With that said, most of them preferred to settle in the cool highlands of Papua, rather than the hot and humid rainforests of Borneo. Worse still, several such migrants had, upon their arrival to Sundaland, changed their minds on relocation and began to put down roots in neighbouring Sarawak, Aceh, Malaya, or the Dutch East Indies instead. While the authorities did began to import contract labourers from China, it was not until 1892 that a permanent solution to the labour problem presented itself.

Unfortunately, it also led them to partake in their down diplomatic dance with their other neighbour: the Spanish Philippines.

In the island of Luzon, the writer and nationalist José Rizal faced a perennial problem that has stymied his fellow countrymen for years: How to achieve justice against the Dominican friars. The Philippines back then were religiously headed by a self-perpetuating group of Augustinian, Dominican, and Franciscan priests whom have accrued lands, power, and influence at the expense of the local population. When a financial investigation into a Dominican hacienda went south due to the friars’ influence in 1890, Rizal began to think of a new home for the impoverished farmers of his home province. After discussing with his cadre of like-minded nationalists, the writer began eying the recently-established colony of Italian Sabah [2].

It was this that led him to Governor Gattuso’s office in Sandakan two years later. Word of the colony’s labour troubles went far and Rizal saw an opportunity to establish a ‘free’ Philippine settlement in another land, far away from the watchful eyes of Manila. He proposed to the Governor that landless Filipino farmers would be obliged to work, under contract, for a maximum of one year for the concessionaries, after which they would be free to establish their own farms in Bornean soil. Intrigued by the idea, the governor and the concessionaires argued back that for their enterprises to be profitable, the labour contracts must be extended to a maximum of four years, as well as a full decree from Manila authorising the venture.

After a week of negotiation, both sides settled on a compromise of three-years’ plantation labour for the migrants and a written assent from the Philippine Governor-General, Ramón Blanco [3]. The administrator was known in Manila for his conciliatory policies to locals and the man had some correspondence with Rizal in the years beforehand. Nevertheless, Blanco saw how such an agreement could be abused by the Philippine independence movement and noted to Sandakan that – while he is permissive to landless farmers and the countryside poor to migrate – absolutely no criollos, peninsulares, or illustrados were allowed to set foot in Italian Sabah. After much deliberation, Rizal and Gattuso agreed. Althouhh this rule was ignored during the decade, the writer never got to see the results of his achievement.

In March 15, the first contract workers arrived in the colonial capital after a six-day voyage from Manila. From this, the new Philippine labour force quickly outplaced the native corvée system, which allowed Sandakan to repeal some of the more grating taxes imposed on local Dayaks. Before long, traders from Mindanao and Zamboanga also established themselves and by 1895, an estimated 8000 Filipinos lived and worked outside the Spanish Philippines. Despite the wishes of the Governor-General, Rizal’s act highlighted the Bornean region to fellow nationalists as a place to ‘escape’ from the eyes of Manila, a notion that was helped by the Italian administration turning a blind eye to the ports. Small groups of illustrados masquerading as traders were left untouched, so long as they refrained from staying longer than one week. As the Philippines boiled in the fires of revolution, such groupings became more and more of a common sight.

Former contract labourers collecting water at the outskirts of Tawau. Taken circa 1899.​

On another note, the agreement also deepened the basis for the post-war Philippine claim on Eastern Sabah, a claim that has brought the nation both triumph and hardship. No matter how much ink has been spilled by revisionists, it is incontrovertible that native relations between the Philippine workers and the Dayaks during the period were dreadful. Although the corvée system was relaxed by January 1894, tribal peoples were still forced to work in the cash economy in order to pay their taxes. Often, their work gangs were kept separate from the main labour force and they would take the more menial and dangerous jobs that were deemed unsuitable by Filipinos, all under the colonial reason of, "protecting native sensibilities". Dayak workers were also paid much less than their migrant counterparts.

Besides this, illustrado opinions of the Dusun, Rungus, and Sama-Bajau were less than warm either. Though several nationalists such as Emilio Aguinaldo and even José Rizal himself denounced the unfair treatment of the work gangs, the reality remained that many nationalists considered forced labour as a positive good for pre-state tribal subgroups, a notion that was shared by many progressives around the globe during the era. The rebellion of Abdullah Salleh, which often targeted Catholic Christian Filipino communities as much as Italian vessels, also made many nationalists to dismiss the unfairness of indigenous policies.

This quiet acquiescence of native abuse, coupled with the preferential treatment of Philippine workers, strained inter-ethnic relations during the colonial era. And to this day, the legacy of this disconnect has haunted relations between the region and the greater Philippine Republic…

With its character of hardship and the remote nature of the place, it is no surprise that Sabah as a whole acquired a Wild West-feel among Italians back home. Dime novels and newspaper clippings throughout the 1890’s talked of the colony as a place of rough-and-tumble settlements, swarthy Byronic men, and groups of ‘noble savages’ protecting their livelihoods from outside encroachment. Perhaps the most famous of these were the works of Emilio Salgari, who published his famous Sandokan series based on the reports of native uprisings against the corvée policy [4]. A sceptic of colonialism, Salgari’s exploits of the famous pirate lord Sandokan and the character’s adventures against both British and Italian officers gave him immense public popularity, though it also came with greater surveillance from the pro-colonial establishment.

More darkly, the region also served another purpose in the political arena. After acquiring its first inmates during the preceding decade, the Isolo del Diavolo prison complex operated in full swing during the global Last Quarter. Just like its French counterpart in South America, the Sabahan version on Timbon Mata Island was intended to house political enemies that were deemed too dangerous to be housed in Italy. Radicals, violent criminals and – most importantly – rabble-rousing anarchists were often rounded up and taken there to serve their sentences. Most died serving them in the small, squalid, and light-deprived cells of the complex. The conditions (or lack thereof) on the island were so marked and horrendous that one survivor gave the whole place its other, equally famous name: “The Isle of Misery”.

It is perhaps incongruous then that the main source of Sundaland’s current leftist movements originated from such a place of despair…

Front cover of The Tigers of Mompracem, featuring the first appearance of Sandokan and Emilio Salgari's most famous novel.​

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Notes:

1. It is unclear whether such a tax was really implemented in Sabah IOTL, with many records attributing the ruling as mere rumour. Despite that, the supposed ruling was a supporting factor for native resistance against the British North Borneo Company (and ITTL Italians).

2. This is actually OTL, with the writer considering a proposal for a Philippine colony at Sabah after a botched investigation concerning a church hacienda.

3. NOT the same person as this Ramón Blanco. His ITTL incarnation is an original character.

4. The Sandokan novels were a thing IOTL, and would be even more so ITTL.

5. No relation to the other Mat Salleh, who led another rebellion in Sabah IOTL.

EDIT: changed a few passages. Some of the words I used were long and redundant.

 

[Namayan]

Sabah would benefit the most of putting Rizal under their employ. The Italian will surely be Not only that, the Spanish gets rid of Rizal outside Luzon.

Maybe a grander scale of his projects in otl dapitan 1890s?

Not only that, if you get all the Filipino Educated working in Sabah rather than plotting a revolt, that saves Spain a headache and would give boost to Sabahs manpower and human development especially if all those illustrados are there instead.

 

[Al-numbers]

Sabah would benefit the most of putting Rizal under their employ. The Italian will surely be Not only that, the Spanish gets rid of Rizal outside Luzon. [...] Not only that, if you get all the Filipino Educated working in Sabah rather than plotting a revolt, that saves Spain a headache and would give boost to Sabahs manpower and human development especially if all those illustrados are there instead.

Not quite. While Sandakan may look the other way for the odd nationalist or two, having the illustrados coalesce in Sabah would go against the interests of the concessionaires, who want an extractive colony staffed by migrant laborers. Any Philippine intellectuals would be deported to Manila if they are found to stay longer than two weeks. Plus, with the turbulent history of the region in mind (Yankee Rajah, Sulu Affair, etc.) colonial Italy is against creating another potential enemy.

Sabah is not Central Africa, but the concessionaires rule the roost.

 

[The Forty-Eighth Rōnin]

If the agreement was made before 1891, then the Governor General would be Valeriano Weyler. He was succeeded OTL by Eulogio Despujol, the guy that rejected the project IOTL.

I'm very interested to know how Emilio Aguinaldo, of all people, ended up in Sabah.

Another thing. You just butterflied Rizal's arrest and exile in 1892, which means the Katipunan's foundation might be delayed for a few more years.

Rizal's friends are going to visit him in Sabah more often. The Italians can use his European connections to attract tourists, or even migrants (the success rate may vary, though).

Sabah would benefit the most of putting Rizal under their employ. The Italian will surely be Not only that, the Spanish gets rid of Rizal outside Luzon.

Maybe a grander scale of his projects in otl dapitan 1890s?

Are the Italians willing to give him funds?

Not only that, if you get all the Filipino Educated working in Sabah rather than plotting a revolt, that saves Spain a headache and would give boost to Sabahs manpower and human development especially if all those illustrados are there instead.

Not all of them would be following Rizal, though. Manila still needed some educated men to run the local governments.

 

[Al-numbers]

Apologies for the late reply.

If the agreement was made before 1891, then the Governor General would be Valeriano Weyler. He was succeeded OTL by Eulogio Despujol, the guy that rejected the project IOTL.

This was the reason why I created an original character for the post of Philippine governor-general ITTL. The agreement was signed in 1892, which was after the term of the Valeriano Weyler OTL. Given Despujol’s character, I decided to let the post be handed to someone entirely different. I am not firm in the choice though, and I can change the update if there was a suitable candidate for the time.

I'm very interested to know how Emilio Aguinaldo, of all people, ended up in Sabah.

Another thing. You just butterflied Rizal's arrest and exile in 1892, which means the Katipunan's foundation might be delayed for a few more years.

I made his inclusion more of a reference to the unfairness of Italian colonial policy than to have him be actually there. He, Rizal, and a fair number of nationalists would have heard of the unfair labour conditions in Sabah and repudiated the policy as a matter of principle. Many others won’t though, due to either not thinking too much of Dayak policies or too busy concentrating on Philippine matters.

With that said, I wonder if there could be a way to have a few of those nationalists flee to Sabah. If the Katipunan’s creation is delayed for a few more years, then there is a possibility that it’s ITTL iteration would have branches in Sabah, due to the place being populated with Filipinos and outside Manila’s orbit. Sandakan won’t like it and the concessionaires would try and stamp out any sort of dissent (revolution would upend the foreign workers they so depend on) but there would be many illustrados who would try and hide there for a while from the Spanish authorities, with varying results.

Rizal's friends are going to visit him in Sabah more often. The Italians can use his European connections to attract tourists, or even migrants (the success rate may vary, though).

Maybe his friends, but not Rizal himself. I have other plans for the man.

Sabah as a whole would be seen as an exotic place, and maybe more so than Sarawak. With that said, I think the only tourists who would want to venture there are botanists, hunters, anthropologists, and adventurers. Any long-term migrants would be hard to pull, given the many choices Italians had in moving about during the time. (Dalmatia, the Americas, Papua for those who prefer tropical temperate climates, etc.)

Are the Italians willing to give him funds?

Given the territory's [Sabah] administration has a heavy influence from profit-seeking concessionaires, I can’t see so.

Not all of them would be following Rizal, though. Manila still needed some educated men to run the local governments.

And administering the Congo. With such a vast basin, Spain is going to need all the learned men it has. Madrid and Manila might even make an informal policy out of this, sending off illustrados to central Africa as a form of punishment and exile. And that can lead to all sorts of shenanigans…

Dutch East Indies next, followed by Johor and Aceh.

 

[The Merovingian]

So first of all just wanna say great TL, it can be so hard finding a nice TL on this site. Also I wanted to know if Sarawak has reached its territorial height. The last update makes it sound like Sabah will become a satellite state if not a full province in the future. I was kinda hoping that some kind of leverage or alliance with Dutch Borneo would see them kick Italy out of Borneo proper. It seems plausible that Sarawak could annex Brunei, and split Sabah with the Dutch, no? Subscribed!

 

[The Merovingian]

Bump

 

[Al-numbers]

Sorry for the long wait, everyone! A few things had happened over the past few months, and that made me burn out on writing stories in general. But this world still haunts me, and I want to see this tale go through to the end.

So first of all just wanna say great TL, it can be so hard finding a nice TL on this site. Also I wanted to know if Sarawak has reached its territorial height. The last update makes it sound like Sabah will become a satellite state if not a full province in the future. I was kinda hoping that some kind of leverage or alliance with Dutch Borneo would see them kick Italy out of Borneo proper. It seems plausible that Sarawak could annex Brunei, and split Sabah with the Dutch, no? Subscribed!

Oho, that's for future updates! but needless to say both the Brookes and Dutch are now resigned to having a new neighbor. That doesn't mean they won't try to outclass Italian Sabah in other ways...

Bump

Bumpity bump.

Either Aceh, Johor, or the Dutch East Indies coming up. With all three polities now becoming intertwined with each other, I may put all three of them together.

 

[Herr Frage]

I wonder how will Aceh can recover from the massive war waged across it? They have allies but the devastation was likely nightmarish; and a good number of skilled people likely fled and will not return now.

 

[Al-numbers]

​

Eunice Thio, The Fraternal Twins: Johore and Aceh in the lmperial Period (Ender Publishing; 2005)

During the Final Fifteen Years, one could say that Johor and Aceh were mirror images of each other. Both were independent sultanates surrounded by an archipelago of colonies; both states had rulers whom wanted to expedite modernization as a bulwark against foreign intrigue; both states had mercantile groups that exerted heavy influence on the state; and both states housed large numbers of minorities. However, such similarities also masked enormous differences that characterised the two states, and understanding these are important to make sense of how Johor and Aceh diverged in society and culture over the 20th century.

Perhaps the most differing characteristic between the two was exactly how the world saw the sultanates. On the scale of international recognition, it is no doubt that Johor leads far ahead of her Sumatran neighbour. With trade links stretching across continents and a direct correspondence with many European heads of states, Sultan Abu Bakar has cultivated foreign perceptions of Johor as much as King Chulalongkorn had for Siam: A traditional kingdom with a strong cultural core and a persistent modernizing outlook. This is augmented through state funding of outside exhibitions to enhance their cultural image, which was most particularly seen during the Chicago World’s Fair of 1893. During the event, Johor the only Southeast Asian nation beside Siam that built its own independent pavilion, showcasing the kingdom’s diverse wildlife, goods, and cultural items to a Western audience.

Aceh, on the other hand, was a state that spent much of the decade rebuilding after their total war with the Dutch. Contrasting Johor Bahru’s openness, Kutaraja’s long conflict with Batavia gave the royal court an enormous degree of scepticism of foreign powers, with the protection of Kostantiniyye being the only trump card they could play against international intrigue. Likewise, many Western nations saw Aceh as a troublesome sultanate; neither ‘regally exotic’ as Johor or Siam nor ‘verdantly wild’ as Brooke Sarawak or Italian Borneo. However, the sultanate had one advantage over the Johorean kingdom; the war against the Dutch gave the state enormous clout in the Islamic world, with word of the Aceh War spreading across the sea to India, Arabia, and the Ottoman sphere. This would result in several thousand Turks, Arabs, Indians, and Yemenis emigrating to the jungle kingdom, reaching up to 8000 in number by 1904…

..This difference in perception affected the two states in various ways, chief among which was in economic prowess. Johor saw the future primarily in the spice industry, with roads, bridges, and docks being built to connect the urbanized south with the agricultural and forested north. Agrarian investments were prioritised to ensure the continuation of the spice trade while semi-artisanal manufactories began to take root in the capital itself. While the kingdom’s traditional furniture and cloth industries remained hampered by cheap imports flowing from Singapore, there was enough of a demand for exotic goods that enabled a few cottage industries to gain recognition. Small-scale mining was also pioneered, though the state’s limited iron and bauxite deposits leave little to exploit.

By contrast, Aceh focused more on forestry exploits with the spice industry being a close second. With most of the kingdom’s spice trade destroyed, and with many spice planters fleeing across Sundaland for greener pastures, the royal court was forced to look for faster measures of making revenue. From this, the sultanate exported enormous quantities of gutta-percha while similar supplies were dwindling throughout the rest of Southeast Asia (Acehnese rainforests were not as heavily exploited due to Aceh War). In fact, as much as a fifth of Aceh’s revenues until 1910 was made up of gutta-percha and hardwood timber exports. Despite this, the sultanate never lost its historical trade in cash crops and promulgated their own version of the Johor Kangchu system in 1888.

This presented Aceh with another differentiating aspect from Johor: how it handled foreigners in their own soil. Johor has over 40 years of precedent regarding the interaction between foreign traders, Kangchu bosses, Chinese settlers, and Peranakan families. With that said, Johor’s mixed-race merchant families – most of which were of Chinese descent – ironically suffered a backlash during the 1890’s as the royal administration tried to focus more on establishing links with firms outside of their control, such as those from Britain or the Ottoman Empire. Nevertheless, relations between the royal court and the traders were warm enough that merchant bosses were still invited into the palace to discuss trade and monetary issues. Jawi Peranakan and Islamized merchant families, particularly the Hadhramis, were especially favoured as they were also sponsors of educational and religious institutions in Johor.

It was different at Aceh. With the sultanate’s reconstruction a priority, the royal court often had to consult with foreign traders on trade issues. And with precedent and traditional rules now shattered by the Aceh War, the new Peranakan class of Kutaraja quickly began ensconcing themselves into the palace court in a manner that many neighbouring Johoreans found uncomfortable. While the finances of Johor were handled by a central bank and a committee of nobles, Aceh’s royal court placed their trust on an ennobled Chinese Peranakan, starting a dubious period of non-Acehnese influence in palace matters…

…And there was the matter of the immigrants themselves.

The fact that so much of both sultanates’ economies were tied to non-Malays was evident to even locals at the time, but the ways Johor and Aceh reacted to them truly marked where they diverged. The Johoreans were the first to notice: Ratio to ratio, a Johorean Malay in 1895 would have 4 non-Malays as his fellow citizens, and this brought out a large amount of cultural anxiety among the palace and the populace. During the Final Fifteen Years, new laws were made that officially sanctioned different peoples to live in separate town quarters while preference for the Malay language, Johorean Malay culture, and local Shafi’I Islam was emphasized. Despite this, overall race relations in the sultanate were relatively friendly in a “separate but equal” basis as the royal palace sought to diffuse cultural tensions whenever possible. A large race conflict would negatively impact the sultanate’s Chinese-planted spice trade, which was the reason why the 1890’s saw an uptick in new inter-racial laws and new appointments of village arbiters.

In contrast to this, Aceh received less foreign influx but ironically suffered greater cultural tension. The Achenese Kangchu system opened the floodgates of migration with an estimated 60,000 Qing Chinese migrants alone entering the sultanate by 1903. As these settlers planted their cash crops, they began establishing their own temples, towns, and secret societies, often close to local Acehnese villages. In a land where mass graves dot the paddy fields and the scars of war remain fresh, whispers began to abound that the locals had fought off one colonizer, only to be colonized by another…

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Notes:

 

[Avalon]

snip​

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What would be the total population of the two kingdoms anyway especially in regard to Aceh after the war. In that same vein was the war between Batavia and Aceh seen like the Russo - Japanese war or the way the Anglo - Zulu conflict was to the outer world? Also, finally awesome update and thanks for coming back.

 

[The Merovingian]

So has Sarawak garnered a reputation as the go to immigration destination for Asian Christian's?