Chapter 121: Mainland Asia after the Asiatic Northern War
Coming out of the Asiatic Northern War, Emperor Yongwu was riding high, having asserted dominance despite not participating in the conflict. Once a child emperor controlled by a regency, he contained within him an overriding ambition to hold absolute power as well as a distrust of the Confucian scholar bureaucracy. In time, this personality trait would prove to be a double-edged sword but for the time being, Yongwu would combine this with his cunning and intelligence to impress upon Ming China, Beijing, and beyond his prowess with much success, especially upon neighboring realms.
After the Treaty of Shenyang, China wrapped up its military campaigns against the Dzungar-Yuan onslaught that had been taking place since 1665, forcing both Abunai of the Northern Yuan and Sengge of the Dzungar Khanate to submit and become tributaries in 1671. Both rulers would subsequently never take up arms against Yongwu again, the former passing away in 1675 and the latter succumbing to battle wounds mere months after his submission. With that, the emperor now exerted influence over the eastern and northern frontiers like no other Ming sovereign had for centuries. This success coincided with Beijing’s assistance of the 1669 recapture of Albazin from Nikifor Chernvigovsky and his Russo-Cossack force, also solidifying Ming authority up there. The end of conflict affecting China’s hinterlands and surroundings would bring about an era of peace that allowed previously pillaged tracts of countryside inside the empire to recover and provide Beijing with tax revenue once again. Internally, to navigate around any intrusions by the Confucian bureaucracy, he established a particular “memorial system” where locked boxes containing letters and documents were exchanged between trusted officials in the provinces, its content forbidden to be read by anyone else. This communication system enabled Yongwu to control what those deemed untrustworthy or usurpative could access, further consolidating his absolute rule. Finally, the prestige and strength gained from the emperor’s aggressive rule allowed Yongwu to replicate his predecessor Hongguang’s grand ceremony in 1674, where he symbolically accepted the tribute of all tributaries as well as the various East India companies. Beyond formal state occasions and decrees, Chinese merchants also flourished in Southeast Asia the 1670s, taking advantage of Japan’s mercantile dip that took place during the decade.
Depiction of the Forbidden Palace where the extravagant tribute ceremonies of Emperors Hongguang and Yongwu took place in front of
One of the realms significantly impacted by Ming China’s rising authority was the Lesser Jin. After the war, Gutai increasingly distanced himself from Joseon’s sphere of influence, choosing to accept Ming influence instead. Reflecting on the factors that had led to his ultimate failure to subjugate his northerly rival, the khan would further Sinicize Hetu Ala’s central government, importing Chinese writing as the main form of written communication and and replacing many Joseonite advisors with Han Chinese ones. The bureaucracy would also be expanded as power was centralized away from tribal chieftains and generals, and the professionalization and bureaucratization of the Eight Banners military system would begin in earnest in preparation for a future invasion of the Amur Khanate particularly with the further development of the khanate’s own gunpowder infantry units. The energetic Gutai, however, would die in 1677 before getting a chance to do so and was succeeded by his son Baichali, who was more cautious than his father and delayed plans for an invasion of the Amur Khanate. Instead, he would continue his father’s reforms, consolidating the power of the central government and keeping the realm in Beijing’s orbit.
Speaking of the Amur Khanate, it also embarked on a new path after the Treaty of Shenyang was signed under Bahai, son and heir to the slain Sahaliyan. Unlike the Lesser Jin khanate, the Amur Khanate was primarily populated by Haixi and Wild Jurchens as opposed to the predominantly Jianzhou Jurchen Lesser Jin, albeit with a ruling class of both Jianzhou and Haixi Jurchen bloodlines. As a result, its population was less based on sedentary agricultural lifestyles compared to the Lesser Jin. This made the task of centralizing the government a more difficult task especially with the official incorporation of its northernmost tundra territories. Although Bahai would pay lip service to the Ming and bring in certain Chinese influences like the Lesser Jin, the Han Chinese model would not be the one to be followed. Instead, Bahai would look towards Japan for inspiration in reforming his more decentralized political model. He brought in Japanese advisors, especially in the adaptation of efficient agricultural practices to help transition many of the peoples living on the northern frontier towards a more sedentary lifestyle. This would bring about a style of centralized feudal governance that fused both Japanese shogunal methods of governance with traditional Jurchen practices and systems, including the banner system of Jurchen militaries. The Amur Khanate also began to levy and train a professional core of gunpowder infantrymen to supplement the horse archers and heavy cavalry that encompassed the vast majority of the Amur military. Meanwhile, in its foreign policy, the Amur Khanate was colored by its ties to more advanced and powerful neighbors similar to how its domestic policies were. With Ming-Japanese support, it was able to recapture Albazin and later settle permanent borders with Russia at the Treaty of Nerchinsk after years of raids and counterraids. Even after Azuchi downsized its presence in the Amur Khanate, Japan continued to be the realm’s closest and most reliable ally.
Depiction of the Nanai people, a descendant ethnic group of the Wild Jurchens
Nowhere was Bahai’s effort towards a more centralized and sedentary khanate more obvious than the early years of Nurgan as the new capital of the Amur Khanate, a decision made due to its distance from the realm’s borders and its status as a temporary capital during the war. Previously a 15th century Ming outpost established with the purpose of collecting tribute from the Jurchen tribes, Nurgan had evolved into a small urban settlement like the late 17th century. Its new status, however, saw a flurry of construction take place and by the 1680s, it had become a shiny new urban city beginning to attract permanent settlers and enterprising merchants. Sections of the new city were divided to separate the steppe warrior and townsfolk from one another while the center was occupied by the khan’s palace and various Buddhist temples and Shamanist shrines. Overall, it presented itself as the capital of a sedentary khanate striving to modernize and catch up with the rest of Asia and that alone encouraged many attracted to the capital to abandon their old lifestyles and embark upon new lives of their own.
Whereas Ming China and the Jurchen khanates thrived in the aftermath of the Asiatic Northern War and confidently strode towards promising destinies, Joseon would plunge into a period of decline and turbulence. Its influence over the Lesser Jin khanate mostly evaporated while the court fell into disarray as neo-Confucian scholars took over the government only to begin feuding with each other. Two factions quickly arose, a more conservative one led by Song Si-yeol and the other, more moderate faction, led by Yun Jeung. The latter specifically adhered to the Sirhak school of thought which supported reforms that responded to the plight of the people even if it meant breaking the rigid norms of neo-Confucian thought. Initially, however, the older and more experienced Song Si-yeol held the reins of power for the child king Sukjong, meaning a reversion to reactionary and conservative governance. While this saw Hanseong engage more deeply into Beijing’s orbit, Si-yeol’s politics also stalled a recovery of Joseon-Japanese relations and allowed trade with the outside world to drop. Worst of all for the kingdom, its veteran military that had valiantly protected Joseon from the Japanese was left out to dry. Because of this, the officer corps came to despise Si-yeol and his faction.
Portrait of Song Si-yeol
Tensions finally boiled over in 1680, when a group of young officers stalked the Confucian state councilor while he was taking an evening walk in the city and attempted to assassinate him. Only the presence of Si-yeol’s guards prevented his seemingly inevitable murder as the 73 year old politician managed to escape his enemies while his guards fended the officers off. Although he had survived the attempt and the officers responsible would later be rounded up and arrested, the incident was a stain on his reputation. The next year, unable to shake off the shame and still traumatized from the attempt, he resigned his post and lived 13 more years as a Buddhist monk before passing away at the age of 87. His faction, now leaderless, quickly lost power to the competing faction led by Yun Jeung and a new political agenda would be implemented. Relations with Japan would be restored while the military was fully reconciled with a government that had ignored its needs and underappreciated its contributions to the earlier war effort. By now, the king had grown up and would enthusiastically begin to preside over a new era of reforms inspired by Sirhak principles.
