Moonlight in a Jar: An Al-Andalus Timeline
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Planet of Hats
Donor
The biggest thing is a division between attitudes towards the church - German rulers tend to expect more control over the church, rulers in Italy and along the Mediterranean are more invested in the idea of the church as autonomous. There's also a sense in Germany that the Church tends to be weighted against the Germans.
Universally, though, the Schism undermined confidence in the Church among lay people and is somewhat being credited with bringing in the Plague.
Planet of Hats
Donor
Interestingly, they are not - at least not in a form we would recognize. OTL, Radbot of Habsburg was born about nine years after the POD, and Habsburg Castle was erected 40 to 50 years later.
ITTL, Radbot was still born, but led a different life. He still built a castle on the River Aar, but a hawk never perched on it (A flock of sparrows did; he called it Spatzburg). But Radbot never married into the House of Lorraine and the family never really advanced outside of the Aargau. The Spatzburgs are presently middling counts within the newly-divided domain of the Geroldsecks, who did significantly better in achieving politically important marriages.
Planet of Hats
Donor
I'ma do one, but this weekend I'm on the road for Canadian Thanksgiving. Keep your eyes peeled.
Yeah, just finished Thanksgiving dinner. I can't wait for that map update, however I hope you ( and this is half sarcastically) don't arrange the map south up.
ACT V Intermission I: Map of the Haemus and Asia Minor in 1220
Planet of Hats
Donor
I'll show you mercy and give you a standard north-up map this time.
You can see the precarious position that Bouchras's empire is in, but also that the Patzinaks are in; Bouchras took quite a bit of the Bulgarian and Christian element of the Patzinak army with him. Hungary is currently the big boy in southeastern Europe, having served as Christendom's bulwark against the Pecheneg/Patzinak advance for many years now, while Rome still holds wealthy lands in Greece but has also seen better days.
Since the Mongols were butterflied, might we see Kazakhs serving the role of the Mongols in this TL? Like I could see large hordes of Kazakhs invading the Cuman's and other Turkic groups around Eastern Europe, pushing them farther into Romance territory.
Planet of Hats
Donor
There is likely to be a steppe horde. But the term "Kazakhs" is not relevant in this TL; Kazakhs only began to identify this way in the 15th century OTL.
At the moment, the horde pushing the Cumans from the east is the Naiman Khaganate, preceded by their subject groups, the Argyns and Tuvans. Argyns and Naimans did make up some of the big jumble of Turco-Mongolic peoples who became the Kazakhs later. But they do not have the critical mass of the Mongol Empire. There are still large steppe groups out there, though - the Khamag Mongols among others.
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markus meecham
Banned
I can't read the map in this weird germanic way, turn it back to the right way please, the countries get all messed up.I'll show you mercy and give you a standard north-up map this time.
You can see the precarious position that Bouchras's empire is in, but also that the Patzinaks are in; Bouchras took quite a bit of the Bulgarian and Christian element of the Patzinak army with him. Hungary is currently the big boy in southeastern Europe, having served as Christendom's bulwark against the Pecheneg/Patzinak advance for many years now, while Rome still holds wealthy lands in Greece but has also seen better days.
Every map update from now should have north-up and south-up maps. having cake and eating it too
having cake and eating it tooAlso, might it be possible for Bouchras and/or his inner circle to convert to Catholicism, thereby gaining the support/patronage of Hungary?
This would accomplish three things:
1. Secure a powerful ally against the Patzinaks and the Turkmen Mamlakah more generally.
2. Secure a powerful ally against the Roman Empire, which might want its old heartland back.
3. Allow the Hungarian church and state to add another achievement on behalf of Catholicism on their resumes, allowing them to stand their ground when faced with German-Church or Italian-Church demands for obedience.
This would accomplish three things:
1. Secure a powerful ally against the Patzinaks and the Turkmen Mamlakah more generally.
2. Secure a powerful ally against the Roman Empire, which might want its old heartland back.
3. Allow the Hungarian church and state to add another achievement on behalf of Catholicism on their resumes, allowing them to stand their ground when faced with German-Church or Italian-Church demands for obedience.
Planet of Hats
Donor
Bouchras actually did try to ally with Hungary in the early going.
The biggest problem is that Bouchras is also seen as a Patzinak and therefore one of the Turkmens, and his claim to Constantinople is far less legitimate than that of the Roman remnant despite the fact that they can't figure out who the Basileus is anymore, if anyone. Hungary's campaign north of the Danube was conducted under the alliance with Bouchras, but it's stalled out because of, basically, territorial ambition: Bouchras claims to be the Tsar of Bulgaria and the lands north of the Danube and is pissy that Hungary is holding on to that occupied area rather than recognizing his claim.
Bouchras's best bet for allies might be the nomadic Cumans, many of whom follow the Greek rite of Christianity thanks to their interplay with the Russians. The Kipchaks of the Black Olesh are not really in play because they mainly have city-level leadership and their polity refers more to Greco-Slavo-Cumans who have adopted a settled way of life than to a stiff political boundary. Hiring in nomadic Cuman clans, though? Totally within Bouchras's purview. Of course, Hungary can also hire the Cumans. The Patzinaks probably can too.
Finally! After two months offline and 2 days of reading, I've caught up with the timeline!! (again).
So Constantinople falls, not with a bang but a whimper. I wouldn't be surprised if the plague sticks around in the city for decades afterwards as waves of invaders try to claim it for themselves. Warring in and out of the city, the soldiers would continually "mix" the plague all over the lower Balkans and western Anatolia, decimating Constantinople in wave after wave with every war or takeover. Given the apocalyptic (for this world) death toll and the instability of the region, there could even be "The Curse of Constantinople" entering popular history, like so:
Besides that, I am very intrigued at the path of Al-Andalus. The plague has basically turned the Cordoban Caliphate into a Muladi-powered state: An Andalusia governed, worked, and administered (at least in part) by Andalusians.
The styles, sensibilities, and culture of the common people would carry more weight from now on, turning the place into an ethno-cultural centered polity. I wouldn't be surprised if this plague-overturning leads to a cultural awareness and 'style' that pulls Muslim Iberia into a distinct area that acculturates invaders, rather than the invaders forcing their culture on the locals.
In a nutshell, Andalusia has pulled a Safavid Persia or Qin China from the other direction!!
So Constantinople falls, not with a bang but a whimper. I wouldn't be surprised if the plague sticks around in the city for decades afterwards as waves of invaders try to claim it for themselves. Warring in and out of the city, the soldiers would continually "mix" the plague all over the lower Balkans and western Anatolia, decimating Constantinople in wave after wave with every war or takeover. Given the apocalyptic (for this world) death toll and the instability of the region, there could even be "The Curse of Constantinople" entering popular history, like so:
An Invader conquers the Queen of Cities, only to see his army die in the thousands from pus-filled boils. Weakened, he falls in battle to a new Conquerer, who experiences the horror of his soldiers dead in the cobbled streets. His armies gone, the Conqueror is slain by the Investor, who tries to keep his armies from staying within the city. Still, his men die one after another, sickened with boils. Such is the Curse of Constantinople. The City of Hell. Eater of Men. Devourer of Worlds.
Some say it the punishment of God for the despoiling of his Jewel. Some say it is a curse, buried under earth, sealed in the time and glory of Rome, now unleashed. Some say the last Emperor laid a spell before his deathbed; if He goes, so will his City, and all whom dare claim it.
And some say the rulers of that land made a pact with the Dark Ones. Supplying endless violence to the pleasure of Those Beyond. Celebrating continuous pain as they speak the Black Oath of Hellas:
"With this, our blood, it belongs to the Dead Caesars."
Woah, I didn't expect to get this deep or poetic. The story almost sounds like something out of Alagadda. Some say it the punishment of God for the despoiling of his Jewel. Some say it is a curse, buried under earth, sealed in the time and glory of Rome, now unleashed. Some say the last Emperor laid a spell before his deathbed; if He goes, so will his City, and all whom dare claim it.
And some say the rulers of that land made a pact with the Dark Ones. Supplying endless violence to the pleasure of Those Beyond. Celebrating continuous pain as they speak the Black Oath of Hellas:
"With this, our blood, it belongs to the Dead Caesars."
Besides that, I am very intrigued at the path of Al-Andalus. The plague has basically turned the Cordoban Caliphate into a Muladi-powered state: An Andalusia governed, worked, and administered (at least in part) by Andalusians.
The styles, sensibilities, and culture of the common people would carry more weight from now on, turning the place into an ethno-cultural centered polity. I wouldn't be surprised if this plague-overturning leads to a cultural awareness and 'style' that pulls Muslim Iberia into a distinct area that acculturates invaders, rather than the invaders forcing their culture on the locals.
In a nutshell, Andalusia has pulled a Safavid Persia or Qin China from the other direction!!
ACT V Part IX: Reaping the Harvest of Shu'ubiyya
Planet of Hats
Donor
For items centuries old, the collection of jewelry glittered with gold as though each individual had just been gifted. Rings, earrings, chains, necklaces, all lay upon velvety-soft green and gold cushions behind their secure glass case, bathed by the gentle glow of a light to set off their lustre all the more.
The gleam of them captivated Iqal, and he found himself hard-pressed to not put his hand on the jewel case to let him lean forward further. But that would've put a handprint on the glass and marred the view - and besides, the surly museum curators would've thrown a fit. Instead he just stared with wonder at the thirteenth-century relics, taking in the sight of them. "I can't believe these have lasted for all these years," he murmured without thinking.
"Oh yes," remarked the middle-aged woman standing on the other side of the case, gesturing across the collection with one hand. "We have quite a collection from the period after the Great Plague. Artifacts like this tell us a lot about what life was like for the people in Andalus."
The class had drifted out around the museum, exploring various exhibits, but Iqal, Feyik and a couple of other students from another class had stayed to check out the gold. "Yeah? How do you tell that just by looking at jewelry?" he questioned, notepad in hand.
With a neat smile, the woman, dressed in the kind of crisp white coat Iqal would've expected from a professional naturalist,[1] held a gloved hand just over the case, curling a finger to point downwards towards one particular piece of jewelry - a golden ring with a swirling green stone mouned elaborately within it. "Well, for instance, this ring here," she explained with a smile. "We know a lot about what makes up the ring."
"The gold is Malian, right?" asked one of the girls with the small group - Asta, Iqal recalled her name, matching it to the pretty, glasses-adorned face of the sandy-haired, half-Anglish girl from the other class. "I remember reading that a lot of the world's gold comes from West Subsahara."
The naturalist nodded briskly. "Yes, actually! Most of these artifacts are made with gold that came north from Subsahara, most of it from the Mali Empire. But the green stone is interesting, too," she remarked. "It's actually a malachite from the Ural Mountains."
Iqal blinked sharply. "Didn't a lot of the Saqaliba come from around there?"
"That's right," the naturalist confirmed. "One of the luxury goods sometimes bought by the Saqaliba was gemstones like this - they were sold as coming from home, and the green colour had special resonance to them because it was seen as associated with Islam. We've found a few pieces like this - Malian gold and Uralic malachites. But what's interesting with this one is the inscription on the band, which says it was a gift from someone named Gharsiya."
The small group looked at each other. It was Iqal who ventured a guess, tentatively. "So the owner wasn't one of the Saqaliba?"
Shaking her head, the naturalist explained, "The owner was Andalusi. This ring was found in a merchant's house in Isbili and dated to the 1250s - fifty years after the Plague. It and other finds of expensive jewelry really show that a lot of symbols of status formerly associated with the ruling classes in Andalus were beginning to find their way into the hands of native people."
"...Which shows how native people were more powerful after the plague," Iqal finished the thought. "That's kind of amazing. From something as horrible as the Plague, something good happened after all."
"Something good did happen, yes." The naturalist's lips curved upwards into a knowing smile. "I suggest you explore the exhibit about the Late Saqlabids. It might interest you."
"Where's that?" Iqal asked, interest well and truly piqued.
Excerpt: Al-Andalus in the Precrossing Period - Gharsiya Jalaleddine, Academia Metropress, AD 1996
With increasing economic and military power falling into the hands of native Andalusis - the people known at the time as muwalladun - it was only a matter of time before the formative issues of Andalus would come to a head.
At its heart, Al-Andalus shared the same core problem as many frontier Muslim lands: It began as a tiny Arab ruling class holding power over a restive minority it had never truly converted. But more than five centuries after Tariq ibn Ziyad's landing in Iberia, much had changed. Now, the people of Al-Andalus were by far mostly Muslim. By 1220, approximately 80% to 85% of the population followed the faith, and the number of brushfire rebellions had gradually decreased as the population became increasingly Arabized. While Andalusi dialects of Romance remained spoken in Christian circles and particularly in rural areas, the Andalusi dialect of Arabic gradually came to predominate as the language of conversation, trade, learning and government.
In the years following the Plague, with labour at a premium and soldiers in immediate need, Andalusis began to make up more and more of the raiding parties sent against neighbouring lands in the summer jihad. While many early troops came from border cities, like the junds of Mansura in the Central Meseta, most cities gradually began to develop urban militias as local rulers sought defenders at a time when hired Berbers were hard to come by due to the Plague. It's in this period that the archetypal medieval Andalusi soldier took place: Armoured with mail and quilted cloth and carrying the crossbow, known as the qaws ferengi in Arabic. Christian documents of the time speak to the skill and discipline of Moorish crossbowmen, who proved effective against the heavy cavalry of Santiago and the Provencal and Frankish lordlets who came down to harry the borderlands of Al-Andalus.
A major attack on Barshiluna in 1222, carried out by Grand Duke Ramon-Berenguer of Provencia and his vassal, the Count of Carcassone, demonstrated the effectiveness of native Andalusi troops. The main Provencal charge was broken up under a wall of crossbow fire; the subsequent siege was hampered by the loss of much of the Provencal knight column, depriving the attacking army of key leaders and creating uncertainty. The city held and the garrison there was strengthened, with a military governor placed there to focus on threats from the eastern gap of the Pyrenees.
In 1228, after seeing Al-Andalus through the Great Plague and beginning to lay the foundations of an effective recovery, hajib Sa'd al-Din finally died. The number of cats at the Alcazar gradually declined.
The influence of Andalusi soldiers became evident in the resulting succession dispute. It was Sa'd al-Din's wish that his eldest son, Asbag, succeed him. But Asbag - who took on the regnal name of Rukn al-Din - was unpopular at court, viewed as a marginally-competent man with a great deal of rhetorical flourish but little actual skill.[2] The preference of the court was divided between two candidates, but over two years of unimpressive rule, the focus shifted to one of Sa'd al-Din's middle sons, Husayn, his son by his fourth wife Bahar.
The rebellion which brought Bahar into power was quick, decisive and relied on support from native soldiers. With Rukn al-Din out conducting a summer raid, the court proclaimed Bahar the rightful hajib and sent word that Rukn al-Din was to be imprisoned. When Rukn al-Din turned around to march back towards Córdoba, the coup supporters - much of the court, really - met him in the field with a mixed army of Saqaliba and Andalusis. Again the presence of native crossbowmen proved decisive, and the coup faction defeated Rukn al-Din's army and captured him. Bahar was quickly enthroned under the regnal name of Nasir al-Din.
Yet Nasir al-Din's reign would also prove to be short-lived, though in the five years of his rule he would conduct a series of successful raids against the Normandos of Santiago, extracting a yearly tribute from King Geofredo III. In 1235, however, the promising young hajib died, apparently suffering a stroke, and power was left in the hands of his 12-year-old son Muhammad - the young Fahr al-Din.
An ambitious faction at court immediately saw an opportunity to shuttle the boy aside. However, Fahr al-Din was well-attended: His supporters included most of his uncles and some of the leading Saqaliba, but most important is that his chief wazir was Gharsiya ibn Bilayu, a member of the Banu Junzalu of Beja and by far the most powerful muwallad Andalusi at that point in history - certainly the most influential since the general Ghalib in the time of Hisham II. Gharsiya, a vigorous believer in the equality of the Andalusis to the Arabs, had enemies at court but was respected for his ability to command the loyalty of the Andalusi junds and citizen militias.
A faction of Arabs and Saqaliba moved to try and remove Fahr al-Din. According to the historian Ibn al-Barbushtari, two Mande household slaves were brought into the conspiracy with orders to drown Gharsiya in his bath. But the attempt failed, and Gharsiya was able to slay both assailants before being run out of the palace. Fahr al-Din was placed under house arrest, and the northern Siqlabi general Al-Jalal was raised as regent.
However, Gharsiya proved to be a powerful enemy to have. Quickly sending word to his allies, he mustered an army of Andalusi crossbowmen and Berbers from the Maghreb, then linked up with his supporters among the Saqaliba, led by the general Sufyan and two of Fahr al-Din's uncles. The army marched on Córdoba, defeating a much smaller army of Al-Jalal's supporters well outside the city, then entering Córdoba itself with little resistance and capturing the Alcazar, with many of the palace servants turning on the rebels as it became evident which way the wind was blowing. Fahr al-Din's faction - largely due to Gharsiya's influence - enjoyed popular support in the city, and Ibn al-Barbushtari reports celebrations in the streets when it was announced that Al-Jalal had been captured and put to death.
The defeat of the coup marked the beginning of the last major stretch of the Rule of the Slaves. Fahr al-Din found himself in an unusual position: An inquisitive and pious young lad to be sure, he was nevertheless a member of a minority ghilman caste who ruled a country on behalf of a disinterested Caliph (Caliph al-Musta'in-billah being known for his life of idleness and debauchery) and under the watchful eye of a regent who represented a majority population beginning to feel that the Saqaliba should serve at their pleasure. Increasingly, Andalusis - and to some extent their Berber allies - came to wield influence at court.
The seeds of shu'ubiyya had been sown generations before: Andalusis and Berbers in Al-Andalus had taken the Rule of the Slaves as occasion to assert their own rights. Now, with Arabo-Andalusians all but an afterthought, it would only be a matter of time before the ethnic house of cards upon which Al-Andalus sat for 500 years would be upended.
[1] Scientists still have labcoats.
[2] Rukn al-Din is a historical example of a professional bullshit artist. He is not a good ruler.
The gleam of them captivated Iqal, and he found himself hard-pressed to not put his hand on the jewel case to let him lean forward further. But that would've put a handprint on the glass and marred the view - and besides, the surly museum curators would've thrown a fit. Instead he just stared with wonder at the thirteenth-century relics, taking in the sight of them. "I can't believe these have lasted for all these years," he murmured without thinking.
"Oh yes," remarked the middle-aged woman standing on the other side of the case, gesturing across the collection with one hand. "We have quite a collection from the period after the Great Plague. Artifacts like this tell us a lot about what life was like for the people in Andalus."
The class had drifted out around the museum, exploring various exhibits, but Iqal, Feyik and a couple of other students from another class had stayed to check out the gold. "Yeah? How do you tell that just by looking at jewelry?" he questioned, notepad in hand.
With a neat smile, the woman, dressed in the kind of crisp white coat Iqal would've expected from a professional naturalist,[1] held a gloved hand just over the case, curling a finger to point downwards towards one particular piece of jewelry - a golden ring with a swirling green stone mouned elaborately within it. "Well, for instance, this ring here," she explained with a smile. "We know a lot about what makes up the ring."
"The gold is Malian, right?" asked one of the girls with the small group - Asta, Iqal recalled her name, matching it to the pretty, glasses-adorned face of the sandy-haired, half-Anglish girl from the other class. "I remember reading that a lot of the world's gold comes from West Subsahara."
The naturalist nodded briskly. "Yes, actually! Most of these artifacts are made with gold that came north from Subsahara, most of it from the Mali Empire. But the green stone is interesting, too," she remarked. "It's actually a malachite from the Ural Mountains."
Iqal blinked sharply. "Didn't a lot of the Saqaliba come from around there?"
"That's right," the naturalist confirmed. "One of the luxury goods sometimes bought by the Saqaliba was gemstones like this - they were sold as coming from home, and the green colour had special resonance to them because it was seen as associated with Islam. We've found a few pieces like this - Malian gold and Uralic malachites. But what's interesting with this one is the inscription on the band, which says it was a gift from someone named Gharsiya."
The small group looked at each other. It was Iqal who ventured a guess, tentatively. "So the owner wasn't one of the Saqaliba?"
Shaking her head, the naturalist explained, "The owner was Andalusi. This ring was found in a merchant's house in Isbili and dated to the 1250s - fifty years after the Plague. It and other finds of expensive jewelry really show that a lot of symbols of status formerly associated with the ruling classes in Andalus were beginning to find their way into the hands of native people."
"...Which shows how native people were more powerful after the plague," Iqal finished the thought. "That's kind of amazing. From something as horrible as the Plague, something good happened after all."
"Something good did happen, yes." The naturalist's lips curved upwards into a knowing smile. "I suggest you explore the exhibit about the Late Saqlabids. It might interest you."
"Where's that?" Iqal asked, interest well and truly piqued.
+
Excerpt: Al-Andalus in the Precrossing Period - Gharsiya Jalaleddine, Academia Metropress, AD 1996
9
THE DECLINE OF THE SAQLABIDS
The Late Rule of the Slaves and the Rise of Andalusis as Power Players
THE DECLINE OF THE SAQLABIDS
The Late Rule of the Slaves and the Rise of Andalusis as Power Players
With increasing economic and military power falling into the hands of native Andalusis - the people known at the time as muwalladun - it was only a matter of time before the formative issues of Andalus would come to a head.
At its heart, Al-Andalus shared the same core problem as many frontier Muslim lands: It began as a tiny Arab ruling class holding power over a restive minority it had never truly converted. But more than five centuries after Tariq ibn Ziyad's landing in Iberia, much had changed. Now, the people of Al-Andalus were by far mostly Muslim. By 1220, approximately 80% to 85% of the population followed the faith, and the number of brushfire rebellions had gradually decreased as the population became increasingly Arabized. While Andalusi dialects of Romance remained spoken in Christian circles and particularly in rural areas, the Andalusi dialect of Arabic gradually came to predominate as the language of conversation, trade, learning and government.
In the years following the Plague, with labour at a premium and soldiers in immediate need, Andalusis began to make up more and more of the raiding parties sent against neighbouring lands in the summer jihad. While many early troops came from border cities, like the junds of Mansura in the Central Meseta, most cities gradually began to develop urban militias as local rulers sought defenders at a time when hired Berbers were hard to come by due to the Plague. It's in this period that the archetypal medieval Andalusi soldier took place: Armoured with mail and quilted cloth and carrying the crossbow, known as the qaws ferengi in Arabic. Christian documents of the time speak to the skill and discipline of Moorish crossbowmen, who proved effective against the heavy cavalry of Santiago and the Provencal and Frankish lordlets who came down to harry the borderlands of Al-Andalus.
A major attack on Barshiluna in 1222, carried out by Grand Duke Ramon-Berenguer of Provencia and his vassal, the Count of Carcassone, demonstrated the effectiveness of native Andalusi troops. The main Provencal charge was broken up under a wall of crossbow fire; the subsequent siege was hampered by the loss of much of the Provencal knight column, depriving the attacking army of key leaders and creating uncertainty. The city held and the garrison there was strengthened, with a military governor placed there to focus on threats from the eastern gap of the Pyrenees.
In 1228, after seeing Al-Andalus through the Great Plague and beginning to lay the foundations of an effective recovery, hajib Sa'd al-Din finally died. The number of cats at the Alcazar gradually declined.
The influence of Andalusi soldiers became evident in the resulting succession dispute. It was Sa'd al-Din's wish that his eldest son, Asbag, succeed him. But Asbag - who took on the regnal name of Rukn al-Din - was unpopular at court, viewed as a marginally-competent man with a great deal of rhetorical flourish but little actual skill.[2] The preference of the court was divided between two candidates, but over two years of unimpressive rule, the focus shifted to one of Sa'd al-Din's middle sons, Husayn, his son by his fourth wife Bahar.
The rebellion which brought Bahar into power was quick, decisive and relied on support from native soldiers. With Rukn al-Din out conducting a summer raid, the court proclaimed Bahar the rightful hajib and sent word that Rukn al-Din was to be imprisoned. When Rukn al-Din turned around to march back towards Córdoba, the coup supporters - much of the court, really - met him in the field with a mixed army of Saqaliba and Andalusis. Again the presence of native crossbowmen proved decisive, and the coup faction defeated Rukn al-Din's army and captured him. Bahar was quickly enthroned under the regnal name of Nasir al-Din.
Yet Nasir al-Din's reign would also prove to be short-lived, though in the five years of his rule he would conduct a series of successful raids against the Normandos of Santiago, extracting a yearly tribute from King Geofredo III. In 1235, however, the promising young hajib died, apparently suffering a stroke, and power was left in the hands of his 12-year-old son Muhammad - the young Fahr al-Din.
An ambitious faction at court immediately saw an opportunity to shuttle the boy aside. However, Fahr al-Din was well-attended: His supporters included most of his uncles and some of the leading Saqaliba, but most important is that his chief wazir was Gharsiya ibn Bilayu, a member of the Banu Junzalu of Beja and by far the most powerful muwallad Andalusi at that point in history - certainly the most influential since the general Ghalib in the time of Hisham II. Gharsiya, a vigorous believer in the equality of the Andalusis to the Arabs, had enemies at court but was respected for his ability to command the loyalty of the Andalusi junds and citizen militias.
A faction of Arabs and Saqaliba moved to try and remove Fahr al-Din. According to the historian Ibn al-Barbushtari, two Mande household slaves were brought into the conspiracy with orders to drown Gharsiya in his bath. But the attempt failed, and Gharsiya was able to slay both assailants before being run out of the palace. Fahr al-Din was placed under house arrest, and the northern Siqlabi general Al-Jalal was raised as regent.
However, Gharsiya proved to be a powerful enemy to have. Quickly sending word to his allies, he mustered an army of Andalusi crossbowmen and Berbers from the Maghreb, then linked up with his supporters among the Saqaliba, led by the general Sufyan and two of Fahr al-Din's uncles. The army marched on Córdoba, defeating a much smaller army of Al-Jalal's supporters well outside the city, then entering Córdoba itself with little resistance and capturing the Alcazar, with many of the palace servants turning on the rebels as it became evident which way the wind was blowing. Fahr al-Din's faction - largely due to Gharsiya's influence - enjoyed popular support in the city, and Ibn al-Barbushtari reports celebrations in the streets when it was announced that Al-Jalal had been captured and put to death.
The defeat of the coup marked the beginning of the last major stretch of the Rule of the Slaves. Fahr al-Din found himself in an unusual position: An inquisitive and pious young lad to be sure, he was nevertheless a member of a minority ghilman caste who ruled a country on behalf of a disinterested Caliph (Caliph al-Musta'in-billah being known for his life of idleness and debauchery) and under the watchful eye of a regent who represented a majority population beginning to feel that the Saqaliba should serve at their pleasure. Increasingly, Andalusis - and to some extent their Berber allies - came to wield influence at court.
The seeds of shu'ubiyya had been sown generations before: Andalusis and Berbers in Al-Andalus had taken the Rule of the Slaves as occasion to assert their own rights. Now, with Arabo-Andalusians all but an afterthought, it would only be a matter of time before the ethnic house of cards upon which Al-Andalus sat for 500 years would be upended.
[1] Scientists still have labcoats.
[2] Rukn al-Din is a historical example of a professional bullshit artist. He is not a good ruler.
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Iqal checking all them girls out first chinese now english, wait so english girls there, is she a tourist or local? So whats with all these non-Andalusians around. So the regent has a regent who himself is ruling for the ruler?
So crossbows are OP. Andalusians have a proper force and integrated into the military. Now all is leftis to intergrat the jews as well.
So crossbows are OP. Andalusians have a proper force and integrated into the military. Now all is leftis to intergrat the jews as well.
Planet of Hats
Donor
The Saqlabid Amirate is basically a little pile of recursive regents of regents, but the pattern established since the 1060s is that the Caliph attends to spiritual matters and the hajib is the effective head of state, with authority "delegated by the Caliph" (read: the Caliphs let the Saqaliba do what they want or the Saqaliba kill 'em). At the moment, however, the hajib is a kid and the one he relies on for power is Gharsiya.
“In 1228, after seeing Al-Andalus through the Great Plague and beginning to lay the foundations of an effective recovery, hajib Sa'd al-Din finally died. The number of cats at the Alcazar gradually declined”
I’m very sad
I’m very sad