Mongols in the Americas

1299: A Fateful Year: Part 11

1299: A Fateful Year: Part 11

Orghui felt that this was not the time to be choosing a new leader. The threat from the Mayans was strong and there were no allies to come to their rescue if needed. Chun Bo Fen seemed to be walking a path of his own and had apparently betrayed the Khan. The Ngöbe had abandoned the Khan and were taking a middle ground. It simply was not a good time for a Kurultai.

Nugün Ürije, on the other hand was pleased by the aspect of a change in leadership. He and Shīfù had concocted a plan to bring the remnants of the Khan’s army together and hopefully survive as a unified people. He relied on his knowledge of his own Ngöbe culture as well as his experience with the Mongols. He knew that the Mayans would not long tolerate an independent Asian presence nor the Ngöbe a dominant one. The King of Mayapan would probably view the natives as a source of goods and trade, to be allowed to continue their ways under the eyes and to the benefit of the Mayapan League. He would not accept a potential military challenge.

The Mayans in fact had their hand full integrating their conquest of Alagh into the League. What had been an interesting but minor trade area was now the source of technology, resources, wealth and power. There would be some culture shock as the Mayans learned new ways. They had to adjust to the reality of herding large animals in great numbers, learn how to exploit them, what they could provide, how they would enhance the life of the Mayan cities. For the first time, they had a potentially plentiful source of animal protein that they could control. Additionally, cattle provided them, for the first time, with a draft animal, one that could haul goods more efficiently than a human. There was also the concept of the wheel and it’s logical extensions, carts and wagons. Although they had used wheels for small things, such as toys, they had never made the leap to using it as a labor saving device. Here they had received it, fully developed and with many of it’s applications in use. They had not even begun to consider all the implications.

Horses had already made an impression, but now they had a substantial number and were learning to breed them. They also provided a multitude of possibilities, speed of communications and transport, speed and mobility on the battlefield, horses were going to have a huge impact.

Other technologies such as advanced looms, new agricultural techniques, medical knowledge, enhanced metallurgy, sailing, shipbuilding and other maritime knowledge would be greatly beneficial. The possession of gunpowder, however, and the ability to produce it had implications that Ahau Cuat Cocom was only now beginning to dream about.

As the Mayans tried to absorb the riches and knowledge that had fallen into their hands, they were less concerned with the immediate expulsion of the Asians. The Ngöbe had realized where their long term interests lie and would not support the invaders, so Asi Ügei could wait a bit.

The Kurultai was a hastily arranged affair under the circumstances, with minimum ceremony. It began two days after the confrontation between Nugün and Orghui and ended late that night. The general walked in believing that he would be proclaimed Khan easily. He was already the de-facto military leader, he had impeccable Mongol credentials and he had experience that the boy could not match. Nugün Ürije on the other hand was not a Mongol, although the Khan had adopted him, he was barely a man and he had little practical military experience. Orghui was surprised, therefore by the strength of the support for the Prince.

Many of the commanders there were backing Nugün for a number of different reasons. Some felt that Songghumal had designated the Prince by giving him crown while he was still alive. Others had gained respect for the Prince’s leadership skills as demonstrated by the utter loyalty of his command. Still more recognized the native intelligence and budding insight and wisdom possessed by the young man. In the few years he had been with the Mongols, the Ngöbe boy had become a promising Mongol leader. There were also those who simply didn’t like Orghui and thought he was overbearing and arrogant.

When the decision came, it was that Nugün would be Khan and Orghui his regent until the prince turned 20. Orghui was not happy, but at least it gave him three years to influence the Mongols path. Nugün surprised everyone, except Shīfù when he stated;

“I will have no regent. I am of age to fight in battle and to lead in battle. I will lead you if you wish, but I will not be directed.”

There was turmoil as the Prince resumed his seat. There was murmuring and swearing, prayers and denunciations, Praise and anger. The debate began anew and the opinion that the Princes act demonstrated the dignity of a Khan and the decisiveness of a Khan took hold. In the end, Nugün Ürije was declared Khan in his own right.

Orghui accepted his loss with much disappointment and some anger, but he was wise enough and a good enough soldier to know when he was beaten and he reluctantly joined the others as they went before the new Khan and swore oaths of loyalty.

Nugün chose to be called Ghung-bey-e Khan, meaning solitary.

As Orghui completed his oath to the Khan, Ghung-bey-e paused the proceedings. He spoke privately to the General for a moment before addressing the gathering.

“Orghui Biskigür has been a loyal and trusted lieutenant for my father, achieving many honors and distinctions. He has sworn his loyalty and will serve me as Khan as he did my father. He is my advisor and my councilor, my servant and my friend.”

Approval of the new Khan’s first act swept like a wave over the commanders. It was hoped that this act would defuse any resentment or strife caused by Orghui’s defeat. All knew that they needed unity to survive.

A few days later, the Khan went with Shīfù to meet with Nu-gro Ti-roon and Mu-ri Ti-ed-eba at their camp on the shore. There were several thousand Ngöbe and other local villagers who had been drawn to protect the Shaman and the Headman. The four of them walked some distance down the beach before sitting down and discussing the issues before them as equals.

Shīfù simply recorded what was happening, occasionally making an observation to the Khan or proposing a question to be asked. The meeting lasted several hours, and a mid-day meal of fish, cooked Ngöbe style, was brought to sustain them.

In essence, the Ngöbe leaders told the Khan that the Mongols and their troops were no longer welcome. The natives wished them to leave. The Khan argued that he was one of them as well as a Mongol and that he would impose nothing on them. They responded that though they believed the Khan would be benevolent, the mere presence of the Asians would bring the wrath of the Mayas down upon them, meaning destruction and slavery. The three Ngöbe knew that this was not quite accurate, but the Khan understood their meaning and feelings and did not correct them. Shīfù, for his part, took them at their word.

It was decided that the Khan and his people would leave, but not immediately. They were given some time to decide their course of action and they would meet in a week to finalize the exodus.

Ghung-bey-e assembled his commanders, with Orghui by his side. Some wanted to fall upon the Ngöbe and subjugate them, but they were told there were too many Ngöbe and too few Asians. They were also reminded that their wives were largely Ngöbe and their children half Ngöbe. Options for a march to the west were discussed, but that would take them closer to the K’iche and the Pipil, who were far stronger than the local Ngöbe. To the east was a Jungle that seemed impenetrable and showed little promise until they neared Chimor, a very long march.

They discussed trying to ally with the Maya, but that got very little traction since the sacrifice of their countrymen to the Mayan gods had horrified them. Awful vengeance upon those who have wronged you was one thing, but sacrificing enemies to the gods was something else. The only reason for human sacrifice was to assist a great man in their journeys after death.

It was finally determined that the only viable solution was to take to their ships. Where would they go though? The great bays of Jibqulang toque and Hasighun mören to the east were heavily populated, as were the lands around them and farther east along the coast. The Dorunadu islanders, far to the east had been welcoming initially, but demonstrated limited patience before letting the explorers know they should leave. The Islands that stretched northward from there had been hostile and determined to chase the explorers away.

To the northwest along the coast was the land of the Maya, and they had a sense Of possession over the islands along that coast. But a few hundred li to the northeast of the Mayan country was a large island which had recently been discovered. The people were not as advanced as the Ngöbe and not as numerous as in the Dorunadu, nor were they as hostile as those in the chain of islands.

It was decided that they would make for this Island, called Cirtai Aral. There they would claim good land and if the natives did not accept their presence they would drive them out or eliminate them. They would be close enough to the Mayans to keep watch over them but farr enough away that they would have time to build their strength.

There was an island off the coast of Cirtai which the explorers had named Gacur-a Aral because of the pine trees there. It was large enough to support a good population and provide land for herds and farms, but it was far enough from the main island to limit incursions by the natives for some time. That is where they would go.

When the Khan told Nu-gro Ti-roon and Mu-ri Ti-ed-eba of their decision, the two were greatly satisfied. It was agreed that the Ngöbe would help them finish building their ships, which would take about a month, and that they would take cattle, pigs, sheep, poultry and of course their horses. The refugees would consist of the Asians themselves and their native families. If some of the Asians wished to stay with the Ngöbe, and take on their lifestyle, they could do so, but would be dispersed among the native villages.

With this decided, instructions were given, work begun, supplies and provisions collected. Orghui was put in charge of the gathering and preparation of the livestock and the necessary feed for them. Ghung-bey-e took charge of the completion and outfitting of the fleet.

The Ngöbe headman, Mu-ri Ti-ed-eba let it be known that there was to be no interference with the preparations and if assistance was required, it should be given in order to hasten the departure of the Asians. Nu-gro Ti-roon supported the headman with prayers to the spirits who protected and provided for the Ngöbe and visions they sent him which showed their approval. The Mayans had allowed the Ngöbe to deal with the Asians themselves, but were keeping an eye on the events in Asi Ügei. They approved of the exile of the invaders as an economically reasonable solution to their presence.

Only a few of the Asians decided to stay and they were re-settled in the villages of their wives. Of them, little was recorded, and they vanished into the native population, leaving only their skills as metal workers, farmers, carpenters and herdsmen behind to mark their presence.

With a total of Thirteen ships, the Khan and his people departed Asi Ügei in early November. There were a bit more than a twelve hundred souls, several hundred cattle, sheep and swine, a similar number of chickens and ducks, three hundred horses, plants and seeds for the new farms.

They sailed north for some days in fine weather with fair winds, and eventually turned northwest toward Gacur-a Aral having stayed well out to sea and away from the Mayan coast. The weather started to deteriorate a few days after their change in heading. The winds grew and became fickle, seas began to mount and the sky grew dark clouds, particularly to the east-southeast. They were forced westward until the navigators were certain their destination was now behind them to the northeast.

The fleet attempted to claw their way back toward Gacur-a Aral b ut as they made slow progress eastward the sky grew darker the seas more confused and the winds grew angry. A late season storm, a huracan as the Mayans called it after their storm god, had fallen upon the fleet and was about to subject the exiles to the whims of the gods.

The conditions worsened through the night and the dim morning light showed exactly how sever the sea state was. Waves towered above the ships on all sides, lifting them singly and in groups to their crests and then pulling them down into the troughs, providing alternate views of a world seeming to tear itself apart and a world surrounded by walls of moving water that reached for an angry sky. Rain and spray blinded them. Wind tossed them and their ships and tore at the few remaining sails aloft. There were mariners among them who had experienced typhoons in the waters of the China Sea, and survived, and they shared their courage with the rest of the party as they fought the violence of the storm. Eventually there was nothing left for them but to run before the storm under bare poles.

When the Huracan had passed and the seas began to moderate, they had been blown far to the north and west, into a new sea. The ships had all survived the storm with varying degrees of damage. Only a few people had been lost, mostly washed from the decks and blown from the rigging. None of the ships were crippled and the vast majority of their animals were alive, though traumatized.

They continued to sail in a generally northerly direction, having no knowledge of how far or in which direction the storm had taken them. The voyage that was supposed to take about two weeks stretched into a month. They were struck by another, but less sever Huracan during the third week.

In mid December, they finally saw a low island ahead of them. It looked to be little more than a sand bar and they started to sound the water depths. Moving eastward along the island, they looked for an inlet that might lead to a calm anchorage. Eventually, they were able to discern trees on the coast and the sand bar turned into a forest and then to a mangrove as the continued their approach. Late in the day, the eastern end of the island came into view. As they neared the terminal cape, they saw land and trees, swamps and mangroves stretching northward into the distance. They had found a huge bay.

Rounding the eastern end of the island the fleet sailed into the bay, found a safe anchorage and dropped anchor for the first time since leaving Asi Ügei. None had the energy or interest that night to think about naming this place. All slept with the exception of small watch crews who were happy to stay awake and smell land and trees.

The next morning, one of the night watch on the Khans ship said he had spent the night savoring the odor of good earth, and the bay was named Toque Darim köser, Bay of Good Earth.

Boats were sent out to explore the bay. They discovered there was very little solid ground anywhere near where they ha anchored, so the fleet moved farther into the bay to a place that was protected by good islands with tall trees. There was still no place for a general landing, but at least the people could walk on real ground.

They did learn that there were people here; living in small villages amongst the mangroves and marshes, but few had been seen. The villages appeared to be incredibly poor judging by the sad quality and materials of their huts. The natives seemed to be terrified of the Asians, for when they were seen, they quickly melted into the swamps.

It was discovered that the bay was at the mouth of a great, brown river, many li wide. Soon other outlets of this river were found and some of the men had compared it to the Yangtze or the Hatan Gol. The opinion was that this river, as large as it was, carrying as much soil as it did, had to flow through a vast country. Within a few days, the fleet was again under sail, this time, sailing up the river.

Much of the riverbank was swamp and there was very little real land bordering the main channel. For several days, the Asian fleet made slow progress against the flow thanks to favorable southwesterly winds. Eventually, the banks began to solidify in larger and larger stretches of hard ground. They stopped several times, hoping to find a place to make camp, but there was never enough open ground to accommodate the livestock. Finally, after a week and a half, they came across a major tributary which flowed in from the northwest. A little way up from the juncture of the two rivers they found a clearing of elevated ground that appeared to have good grazing for the animals as well as enough room for the people. Water was plentiful and trees readily available. The ships pulled to the shore and the Khan ordered the construction of a camp and the unloading of the remaining livestock.

This would be a place of rest. It was now mid December, the weather was sometimes quite cool. They would winter in this place.
 
Hi Guys...random thoughts below

[FONT=&quot]OK, [/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Extra points to anyone who can identify the new geography of the above update![/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Where / What is Cirtai Aral?[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Where / What is [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Gacur-a Aral?[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Where / What is [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Toque Darim köser? [/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Which river empties into Toque Darim köser?[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]What river is the tributary mentioned?[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Sorry for the quiz, I haven’t found a map suitable to my needs yet.[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]I have come to a point where I need to re-think how I am doing this TL. I now have 3 stories to follow;[/FONT]

· [FONT=&quot]The Chimor Empire in South America and the impact on the Incas and subsequent Andean history (this point IOTL is at the beginning of the Inca road to Empire).[/FONT]

· [FONT=&quot]The Mayapan League and the developments in Central America including the development of the civilizations in the Valley of Mexico (the Aztecs are not a force yet and IOTL won’t be for a while yet).[/FONT]

· [FONT=&quot]Ghung-bey-e Khan and the story of the Mongol refugees on the banks of the ___ River in ___ and their impact on the ___ and ___ cultures and the future of the ___ ___ (This area and it’s cultures were also at some sort of turning point IOTL).[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]I don’t have any plans for abandoning any of these story lines, but I need to make it more efficient. I stopped the original TL because I was getting too caught up in details and now I’m doing it again, but this time I like what is happening.[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]As things are going now, It may take the rest of my life to get to 1492. I still have 198 years to go.[/FONT]
 
[FONT=&quot]OK, [/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Extra points to anyone who can identify the new geography of the above update![/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Where / What is Cirtai Aral?[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Where / What is [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Gacur-a Aral?[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Where / What is [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Toque Darim köser? [/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Which river empties into Toque Darim köser?[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]What river is the tributary mentioned?[/FONT]

Let's see:
* Cirtai Aral is Cuba
* Gacur-a Aral is Jamaica
* Toque Darim köser is Breton Sound
* The large river is the Mississippi
* The tributary is the Arkansas River
 
Let's see:
* Cirtai Aral is Cuba
* Gacur-a Aral is Jamaica
* Toque Darim köser is Breton Sound
* The large river is the Mississippi
* The tributary is the Arkansas River

Cuba - Si!:)

Jamaica - No:(

Breton Sound - :(

Mississippi - Yes!:)

Arkansas - No:(

I gotta be honest about your Breton Sound answer. If the Mississippi stayed put, you would probably be right, but it doesn't.

Thanks for reading!
 
News

I will be posting the first update of the 14th century later today or tomorrow. Thenk you everyone for your patience.

By the way. The bay was Terrebonne Bay, which actually was a primary outlet for the Mississippi about 1300.
 
1300: Yatasi Lands

1300: Yatasi Lands

The trees and shrubs on the banks of the Bah'hatteno provided little shelter from the bitterly cold wind as the sun rose on that January morning. The eight men on the shore pulled their buffalo hide robes closely around themselves and gazed at the strange sight across the river. They spoke quietly, pointing thing out to each other as they tried to interpret what they saw. There was much that they could identify, dwellings and storehouses, the smoke of cooking fires and such, but there was far more that was new to them.

In the Bah'hatteno floated several great wooden things, far larger than any canoe. They appeared to be tethered to the shoreline and possible to the river itself as ropes fell into the water from the end that was upstream. They had huge sticks that rose out of the main body and seemed to have other sticks tied to them that carried huge pieces of cloth. Their dwellings were strange, but recognizable, and also seemed to be made from cloth. The people who were moving about the village wore odd clothes that were often brightly colored and some of them wore clothed that seemed to shin in the early morning light. They had built pens, which resembled, slightly, the traps used in the buffalo hunt, but they were inside the village, not in the countryside or hunting grounds. They were also closed on all sides, so buffalo could not get in, but any animals inside could not get out. That, in fact seemed to be the purpose because most had birds like small turkeys or pheasant inside. Some however contained animals that were as large as a big dog, but much longer and heavier. The men could not identify these animals, for they had never seen anything like them with one exception; the strangers kept dogs as well.

These strange people with the great wooden things tied to the river seemed to keep many different types of animals, as the Yatasi people kept dogs, and, occasionally, a few turkeys. They kept more of them though. Besides the birds and the big fat dog size animals, they had kept an animal that had whitish fur and spindly legs. These animals grazed on the grasses and did not appear to be afraid of the villagers, who moved easily amongst them. They had another animal, far larger, about the size of a buffalo. It did not have a hump and seemed to come in many different shades of white, brown and black. It had horns like a buffalo but it’s head was longer. They kept many of these animals, including some that were obviously quite young. Some of these were used to pull things around the village on these…the Yatasi had no word for what they saw. It was a wooden platform with a fence that was between these…wooden circles. They seemed to be capable of carrying a great deal of things however.

By far though, the most amazing animal they kept had short fur, long legs, a long head like a deer, but without antlers and a tail that seemed to be made of hair. As tall as the horned animals, or taller, they were not as heavy and moved with speed and grace, like an antelope. Indeed, they somewhat resembled a large antelope, but again, without horns and with a more massive neck and head. The villagers would sit on these beasts, which would carry them wherever they wanted faster than the fastest man could run.

The eight men watched the strangers all day and saw them taking goods and supplies off of the things in the river, feeding many of the animals and moving them from place to place with the help (it seemed) of the dogs. They saw one of the big fat dog animals slaughtered and then butchered so they knew these people used them for food. Some of the men had gone down to the river and caught fish as well. Eventually, on the flats just up river from the village, they witnessed the men on their hornless antelopes being carried back and forth very fast. Moving along the shore to get a better vantage point, they saw that the strangers were in fact shooting their bows at a target as they were carried past it by their animals. They would fire arrows in rapid succession as they approached and continued to fire as they were carried away, turning and shooting behind them. Each would shoot six or more arrows from a short, oddly shaped bow, each time they went by, accompanied by much shouting and cheering. It looked to be a game, and a game they were very good at, for nearly all the arrows found the target. Although the Yatasi vastly outnumbered the people of the strange village, they would not be easy to beat in a fight, at least based on their skill with their strange bow.

Three of the Yatasi men set off to return to their chief in the primary Yatasi settlement the next morning. They left the other five warriors behind to keep watch on the strangers, one of whom was a runner who would bring any important news to the chief. They struggled to find ways to describe what they had seen and to find the meaning of it.

Who and What were these people. They were not from the great chiefs farther up the great rivers for even they did not possess any of the wonderful animals that seemed so ordinary to the strangers. They seemed to have good hunting skills, and that translated to fighting skills. They were very organized, although there was no sign yet of a leader, and they seemed to have a peaceful and happy village. The War Chief would want to see their skill with bow and arrow, and would probably want one of their bows himself. The leader of the three Yatasi was most puzzled by the animals though. Although he greatly enjoyed hunting and saw it as a pleasurable necessity of life, he had sometimes thought of how easy it would be if the buffalo and deer and turkeys and antelope would simply stay around the villages and stand quietly to be taken for food. Why did the animals stay with these people, what did they get from the villagers, why don’t they just run away?

The animals that they sat on were by far the most troubling. They seemed to be bound to the men as dogs were bound to people, willingly carrying the strangers wherever they wanted to go. Running and walking with a man on their back until he decided to get off, and then patiently waiting for him to sit on them again. Very strange behavior. These people must have very great magic and be specially loved by Kadhi-háyuh. It had even been said that their huge wooden things in the river had come up the river on the breath of the wind. Great magic indeed.

Ghung-bey-e and the rest of the Mongols were not aware that they were under surveillance from the other side of the river. They were busying themselves with preparing for the coming winter. The Khan, having spent his entire life in the tropical land of the Ngöbe, had little idea of a northern winter, and deferred to the guidance of Orghui and the others who had experienced the winters in Mongolia. As was usual, he plunged into the necessary work and learned all he could.

They had discovered that there were large amounts of game in the region, including a huge lumbering version of cattle that provided massive amounts of meat, sinew, hide and bone. With enough of these, as well as the deer and other game, not all of which was identifiable, they might be able to avoid eating all their livestock during the winter and have a good chance at growing herds and flocks in the spring. The pastures were good and the horses had taken to them readily and were thriving. The winds were fairly constant and getting very cold, but the Mongols were making certain that everyone stayed warmly dressed and the fires were constantly tended. This was particularly important since there were many women who had accompanied their men and many children as well.

Scouts sent out by the Khan had found signs of many people who used this land, although they had not seen any of them as yet. There were village sites that were apparently used seasonally every year or so and regular visited camp sites that were probably used by hunting parties. They had found little but some broken pottery, woven baskets and stone implements. They had seen no signs of gold, copper, bronze or iron in the refuse left behind at these sites.

Others had continued up the river by boat to find out where it led. They returned within a few weeks with tales of a huge logjam which closed the river to the ships. It began about a day’s sail or so up the river. Small boats could work their way through the jam, but none of the ships could journey beyond it. The logjam extended up the river for a hundred li or so, a massive tangle of fallen trees and branches which clogged the river from shore to shore. In some places they had to portage the boats across particularly dense portions and had even walked across the river at one point. The trees had all appeared to have fallen naturally and been in the river for a very long time. The fleet was about as far up this river as they could go.

Plentiful wood in the lowlands kept their fires burning and allowed repairs to the ships. Men had been sent out to scour the countryside for various resources and they found many, from medicinal plants to edible fungi to free growing variants of maize and rice. The pinewoods provided not only lumber but sap for pitch and other uses. Rabbits and squirrels furnished not only meat but furs. There were plentiful fish in the rivers and swamps as well as shellfish and water plants that could be used. They found few usable minerals however. This place would require that they carefully use their plant derived resources until they could plant and reap a harvest. This would be a winter of mostly meat and fish for food.

When the warriors returned to Natchitoches they were brought before Dehahuit, the Caddi, or chief, and the priest, Ta’Sha. They told the two leaders what they had seen at the stranger’s settlement and answered many questions as well as they could. The Caddi had received word from other settlements in the bayous along the great rivers of the passing of the strangers, and how they moved against the current is oddly shaped canoes of great size, and that these moved without paddles. Trees with cloth hanging from the branches grew from the canoes and seemed to catch the wind, which was kind enough to push them up stream. These canoes were the things tied to the river. But nothing about the strange animals had been learned as the strangers journey had continued, until now.

Dehahuit sent runners to other settlements, including Kadohadacho and the True Caddi, to let them know what his warriors had seen. He asked for a council of the Caddi to determine what was to be done. At the same time, he selected 50 of his most impressive warriors and sent them down the river to confront the strangers and return with some understanding of their intentions. He placed Aashi, a community leader who was both a strong and brave warrior as well as a wise and respected man in charge of the mission. He was to return to Natchitoches before the council began in order to tell the gathered Caddi what he had learned.

Aashi’s band took a few days to reach the strangers village. They brought with them some trade goods and foods which were prized by neighboring settlements, including copper items and pottery, which was favored as far away as Great Cahokia.

He camped in the woods on a small rise, just upriver from the strangers. His campfires were clearly visible in the stranger’s village, which was what he wanted. Aashi wanted them to come to him.

In the Mongol encampment, the presence of the nearby fires was reported to Ghung-bey-e. The sentries were increased and a close watch was kept through the night. The Khan and Orghui decided that they would take a small detachment of men accompanied by Shīfù and another monk to greet their neighbors at dawn. The soldiers would take positions among the trees to protect the Khan, general and monks.

As dawn broke, the Mongol Archers had taken their positions in the woods and the Khan and his party rode into a clearing on the river bank, a short distance from the Yatasi camp. They stopped, and waited for a response.
It took some time for the response to come. Aashi had been aware of their approach, and his warriors had taken positions to cover the Mongol warriors. The advantage was his. Two hours after dawn, Aashi and three of his warriors walked out of the trees and approached the men sitting on their animals with a dignity that belied the nervousness they all felt. He was taking the measure of the men as he came down the hill, which one was the leader? Two were similarly dressed in brilliantly colored robes of cloth, but they hung somewhat behind the other two men, they could be dismissed as underlings. Of the other two, which was the senior? They sat side by side on their animals, position giving no hint of rank. Their clothes were of different colors and configuration, but both wore vests of metal plates, like fish’s scales, one dark and the other bright. They also wore hats of metal and cloth that were unlike anything he had ever seen. These people had plentiful cloth apparently and wore little animal hide, indeed only as few pieces of animal fur could be seen in their dress. One, wearing the darker metal, was distinctly older than the other, who seemed to be a mere boy. Curiously, the boy also looked different than the other three. His eyes were shaped differently as was his nose. His skin was of a different color as well, much healthier looking than the three men, who looked pale in comparison. Aashi and his party stopped some distance from the Mongols. He made his decision, and turned clearly toward the older man in front.

The four men got down from their animals, which grazed patiently as the strangers walked toward Aashi. The man and the boy exchanged a few words on their approach. Aashi kept his focus on the man however. They carried the strange bows that he had heard about and a quiver of arrows each as well. When they were a few feet away, they stopped and placed their bows on the ground and removed the quivers from their backs. The Yatasi did the same. The strangers carried knives of metal in their belts, which they did not remove, so the Yatasi retained the axes they wore in a similar manner.

Aashi gave a sign and deerskin blankets were laid on the ground between the two parties. He motioned that they should sit, and the boy sat first. Had he come to the wrong conclusion about the leader? Then the boy reached up to steady the man as he sat.

Silence…

The eight men sat and looked at each other in silence…

Finally, Shīfù spoke up, slowly and clearly, but softly as well. The monk made the introductions, repeating their names several times. The Yatasi, caught on and Aashi did the same in his turn. The Khan tried some Ngöbe, but that was just as unintelligible as Mongol to the others. He and his party could make no sense of the Yatasi language either and the conversation quickly became one of signs and drawings in the dirt. This was something the Yatasi were quite used to, and also familiar to the Khan, who became the interpreter for the Mongols.

The eight met several times more in the coming days and the sentries behind the trees were dispensed with. The Yatasi were invited into the Mongol camp and shown whatever they had an interest in seeing. The goods they had brought were exchanged for pieces of fabric, carved wooden objects and one steel knife which was a gift to the Caddi from the Khan. The Yatasi saw the sheep, pigs and cattle close up and walked among the horse herd. True wonders. They were taken on board the ships as well and were amazed to find that there were dwellings inside these huge wooden things. Finally, the Khan had a feast prepared for the entire Yatasi party, who were quite surprised at the variety of meats and fowl presented.

Aashi needed to return to Natchitoches and Dehahuit. He left behind several of his men to learn how to communicate with the Mongols and to teach them the Yatasi language. With him went Shīfù. He had learned much in the few days he had spent with the Mongols, including that they were the entire tribe, they were looking for a place to settle and raise crops and their animals, they were generous and, while peaceful, not weak. There were many things they could teach his people, and many things about this land they could learn.

There was one thing he had not been able to determine though, He did not know who was the leader, the man or the boy.
 
1300: Shīfù and Dehahuit

1300: Shīfù and Dehahuit

Natchitoches was located several days journey up river from Ghung-bey-e’s winter camp. Shīfù walked with Aashi most of the time and the two tried to teach each other words and phrases in their respective languages. Shīfù would point to something and say the name in Mongolian, Aashi, would repeat the word several times and then tell the monk it’s name in Yatasi. Shīfù would repeat it several times, followed by the Mongol word and then, once Aashi had nodded in approval, quickly write the words on a wooden tablet with a piece of charcoal.

The Yatasi warrior was amused and somewhat mystified by the writing at first, but quickly grasped the concept when Shīfù sat with him by the fire the first evening and read the days vocabulary back to him. And in this way, Shīfù began to learn Yatasi.

Forest, tree, pine, pinecone, needle, green, alive, dead, bark, brown.

Deer, stag, doe, fawn, male, female, child.

Walk, run, sit, stand, climb, eat, sleep, carry.

The man walks through the pine tree forest carrying a pine cone for the child.

Shīfù had needed to learn several languages in his life and had little difficulty recognizing the patterns, context and underlying structure of Yatasi. Aashi, on the other hand, was not a linguist. He learned the Mongol words, but made no conscious effort to learn how to use them. The strangers would have to learn how to speak properly; after all, there were far more Yatasi and their fellow Caddo tribesmen than Mongols.

The Khan had wanted to send several representatives to the Yatasi settlement, but Aashi would only accept one, and had taken a liking to the young monk, who always seemed to be with the man and boy (he had determined that these two, Ghung-bey-e and Orghui, were the leaders, and probably shared power or rank somehow). The Khan, although he would be without his most trusted councilor for a time, realized that Shīfù was probably the best representative he could have among the Yatasi. It was agreed that he would spend several weeks with the Yatasi and then return to the camp with a Yatasi representative for a similar amount of time. The Khan, mindful of his own beginnings, had no feeling of superiority over the locals. He saw them as merely different and looked for commonalities. He frequently had to remind his commanders and leaders that they, the Mongols, were the interlopers and might need the friendship and knowledge of these people.

Dehahuit did not greet his warriors when they returned to Natchitoches. He saw to it that the stranger’s man was comfortably accommodated, fed and bathed after his trek, but delayed meeting him for several days. This gave Shīfù some time to learn about the way of life of the Yatasi.


They were farmers, hunters and traders. They kept no animals, but often hunted deer and the huge hairy beasts that looked a bit like the yaks he had once seen in China. They grew squash, maize and beans and other vegetables that he could not recognize. Their pottery was exceptionally beautiful, but not as refined as Chinese ceramics. These pots, along with salt which they made, they traded to other settlements for copper and stone tools, preserved foods and other things not readily available in the region. They wore animal skins and had limited textiles, but the hides were wonderfully processed and as finely decorated as their pottery. The town itself possessed permanent dwellings made of wood and earth with conical roofs. Some of the buildings were obviously storehouses and a few, raised on earthen platforms above the rest, appeared to be religious in nature or perhaps dwellings for the hierarchy.

In many ways, the Yatasi were more advanced than the Ngöbe had been when the Mongols first met them.

Dehahuit gathered the Yatasi elders together in the council house, one of the largest structures in the town, situated near the center and atop one of the largest platforms. His war captains, shaman, medicine folk and most important people, men and women were in attendance. All had been carefully observing Shīfù during the previous days, some just watching and others interacting with the Buddhist monk. The Caddi asked them in turn, what their opinions were about the stranger. Shīfù had impressed most of them as a gentle, intelligent and curious man with some strange habits. Not dangerous, but odd. Those who had been in contact with him universally had developed a liking for him, and many a respect and appreciation for the manner in which he would try to learn from them. None feared him or distrusted him. The most negative opinions were that he was not worth the attention that had been given to him.

Aashi spoke last, since he had had the most contact, not only with the monk but with the Mongols. He chastised those who dismissed Shīfù as insignificant, because he knew that the Mongol leadership listened to and valued his council. The monk may not be a great warrior, but he was wise, learned and perceptive. This was echoed by the shaman and medicine folk who had spent time with Shīfù. Aashi told the council that he felt the Mongols would be either good or bad for the Yatasi, but they would not be inconsequential.

Although they did not have great numbers, they had very different skills and knowledge. Their mastery of animals, rendering so many large beasts docile and willing to give their milk, horn and hair, to be sat upon as they ran where the sitting man wanted to be taken, to give up their young and themselves to provide meat and eggs for the people. All that spoke to him of great spiritual favor and great magic. The shaman and medicine folk nodded in support. They had different metals, and used them in many ways. Their metal tools were superior to the Yatasi stone and bone tools. Their bows were more powerful than even the Yatasi bows which the other tribes coveted, and they were great archers. While not as tall or well built as the Yatasi or other tribes, they were physically strong and agile. The air took them against the flow of the rivers without paddling. The only truly bad thing he could find to say about them was that many of them smelled badly. At this, several of the men who had been with Aashi on his mission nodded and laughed.

Dehahuit considered what had been said at the council for a day and sent Aashi to bring Shīfù to his dwelling and meet with him and a few selected elders. Shīfù had brought his best and cleanest robes with him for such an occasion. The sight of the warrior, clad in finely worked skins decorated with bird feathers and fur, accompanied by the monk in flowing saffron colored robes created quite a parade through the town to the Caddi’s home. None had seen such fabric, which was a rarity to the Yatasi, needing to be imported from far away at great expense. This cloth flowed and moved as Shīfù walked, and the color, pulled from the setting sun, dazzled them.

The audience went far into the evening as Dehahuit and the elders questioned the monk through signs and drawings made in the ground. They were surprised at the amount of language the monk had learned. He had an awful accent and could barely put a thought together coherently, but in a few weeks he had learned enough to be understood.
Many questions were asked and much was learned. The people were called Mongols. The men came from a place called China which was very far away and the women from a place called Alagh, which was not so far, but still far away. They had crossed the sea in the wooden things called junks. They were looking for a place to be their home. Their Caddi was called Khan, and he was very young, but very wise (so it’s the boy who’s the leader thought Aashi). Shīfù was a scholar, a learned man, and a religious man; though he made sure they did not think he was similar to a shaman. He followed the ways of a man called Buddha who had lived many years ago. Some of the Mongols believed in the spirits of the sky and the earth and the elements. So did the people from Alagh, although not quite the same spirits. The animals were called cow, sheep, pig, chicken and, most important to the Mongols, horse.

The Shaman was most interested in their beliefs and would spend time with this religious man. The medicine folk wanted to find out what knowledge the Mongols had of plants, herbs and magic. Other elders wanted to know about agriculture, hunting, crafts and other domestic ways. The Caddi wanted to know all these things to one extent or another, but he mostly wanted to know about their warriors and weapons. He needed to come to a conclusion regarding the threat the Mongols posed, if any, and what benefit they could be to the Yatasi, if any.

Over the next few weeks, Shīfù had little time to himself. A constant stream of visitors came in the mornings to learn about various aspects of the Mongols and to teach him about the Yatasi. The afternoons were mainly occupied with questions from the Caddi, usually with Aashi present to translate. Evenings were spent with the ordinary people learning about their way of life. As the Yatasi leadership learned about Shīfù and the Mongols, and slowly formed their opinions, Shīfù learned about and evaluated them.


One evening, Dehahuit and Aashi approached Shīfù as he watched a craftswoman throwing a pot. The three men walked toward the center of the town. This was the first time Shīfù had been with the Caddi outside of their afternoon discussions. Shīfù felt something different was in the air. Dehahuit told him that there would be a great meeting of the Caddo people in a few days. Each town was sending representatives to Natchitoches to meet him, including the True Caddi in Kadohadacho. It would be a great event and an important meeting.

Shīfù, who had learned that there were many settlements related to the Yatasi, had not been able to confirm that there was a high chief of some sort, although he felt there must be. Now that belief was confirmed. He had a title and the name of the great leader’s city. While Dehahuit did not state as much, Shīfù correctly guessed that this was a council that would largely determine the relations between the Caddo Nation and the Mongols in the future.

There was a feast the night before the council, with many different foods which were apparently for special occasions. The Yatasi performed dances wearing fanciful costumes of animals and birds as well as elaborately decorated headdresses and masks. The dignitaries from the other towns sat away from Shīfù but focused their attention on him. He, for his part, made it a point to constantly interact with the Yatasi near him.

In the morning, the blessings of the spirits were called down upon the council house by several of the attending shamans. Once properly sanctified, the delegates from the other towns gathered in front of the building for there were too many to fit inside. Shīfù was kept at a distance where he could neither hear nor see the meeting taking place on the high platform. The story of the discovery and observations of the Mongols was retold and Dehahuit responded to innumerable questions.

At long last, Shīfù was summoned to the council. His Yatasi had greatly improved since his arrival and he impressed the attendees by answering most of the questions verbally. Signs and drawings played a much smaller part of this interrogation.

The man sent by the True Caddi, an old shaman of great renown, was most interested in writing. He had heard of the monk drawing symbols he used to remember Yatasi words, and inquired about them. Shīfù sent one of the attendants back to his dwelling to fetch his brush, ink and paper. When he returned, the monk demonstrated writing for them. The old shaman quietly considered what he had seen, Shīfù had written his name, and wondered if there was magic behind the marks, and if so, how powerful.

The delegates to the council dined in private that night, discussing what they had seen and heard. In the morning they would meet again and reach a consensus of how to respond to the Mongols presence in their lands. Toward the end of the meal Dehahuit spoke about what he had learned of the Mongols. He told his guests that the Mongols had shown caution, but not hostility. They were on land that was of little use to the Yatasi and took no more game than they needed, and since they had these animals of theirs to provide much of their food, actually less than would be expected. They knew many things that would be of value and would probably be good trade partners. In all the years that the Caddo had called this land their own, these were the first people who had not tried to take their land and game by force and had to be pushed out by war, or begged the Caddo to provide food and shelter to them and been hurried through their land. The Mongols were, it seemed to him, more likely a potential advantage and benefit than threat. The man they had sent as ambassador was gentle, learned and curious, and he was trying very hard to understand the Caddo ways.

Shīfù was to return to the Khan in a few days and his own men who had stayed at the Mongol camp would be back soon. A wise decision was critical.

At noon the next day, Shīfù was again summoned to the council. He was given fine animal skins, copper ornaments, exquisite pottery filled with salt and finely crafted stone tools and implements. Dehahuit told him that the council had decided to allow the Mongols to stay the winter. Whether they would be allowed to stay beyond that had yet to be seen. The Caddo would provide help to them if needed and wanted to know them better.

The old shaman from Kadohadacho rose and called down the favor of the spirits upon Shīfù and then presented him with one of the prized Caddo bows and a deerskin quiver of arrows, a gift from the True Caddi to the Khan. Shīfù bowed humbly, a habit the Caddo had still not gotten used to, and expressed his gratitude to the council on behalf of the Khan. He then presented the old shaman with a scroll onto which he had written the words for various animals and things in Yatasi, accompanied by the Mongol translation and a drawing of the subject. To Dehahuit, he gave his metal knife, knowing the Caddi had sent the one from the Khan to the True Caddi.

Aashi again accompanied Shīfù on the journey back to the Mongol camp. They could actually have a discussion now and Aashi was amazed at how much the monk had learned, although he still had a terrible accent.
 
1300: A winter of decisions

1300: A winter of decisions

Gung-bey-e Khan walked through the Mongol camp with Shīfù and Orghui. It was cold and the wind blew constantly so they were silent as they approached the river and the shelter of one of the junks. Most of the people in the camp were huddled in their shelters, a combination of Ngöbe style huts and Mongol inspired yurts. The livestock that was not under cover in lean-tos were crowded together with their rumps to the wind, sharing their body heat.

In the warmth of the junk’s quarters, the three sat around a brazier of hot coals and drank a tea made from a local plant which was similar, but not really as good as suutei tsai, for there were no real tea leaves left and their rice supplies were low, so reserved for food. Even so, the tea warmed them and comforted them.

The Khan and the general listened to the monk as he told them of his time with the Yatasi. They asked questions and commented on similarities and differences between the two peoples. Of particular interest to the Khan was the political and religious structure of the native society while Orghui focused on what was known about their arms and military capability. They compared Shīfù’s experience in Natchitoches with their experience with the Yatasi who had stayed behind in the Mongol camp. They talked about agriculture, animals, hunting, geography, religion and industry, such as they had been able to distinguish.

Shīfù noted that the Yatasi and their Caddo brothers were good farmers, but that farming was not as structured as in Asia or Alagh, so there could be improvements made to productivity increasing the harvests. At the same time, there were plants that would be good additions to the Mongol diet. The Yatasi had very good knowledge of the medicinal properties of the local plants and herbs and that would be of great benefit to the Mongols as many plants they relied on for medicine were absent here. Yatasi kept no animals other than dogs, which were used as pets, hunting companions, pack animals and, occasionally, food. They relied primarily on hunting, trapping and fishing for their animal protein. The adoption of animal husbandry would be of great advantage to them, particularly combined with Asian farming techniques. They prized hunting quarry were deer and the large yak-like animals which they called tanaha’. These large creatures were able to supply almost all of the needs of the people if necessary, from food to shelter to clothing to tools and weapons.

The Yatasi religion was somewhat similar to Ngöbe and, at a greater separation, traditional Mongol beliefs than any of the other religions held by the Asians. It was focused on the spirits of nature, although there was a strict hierarchy of spirits who lived “above, here or beneath”. Each town and village had shamans and medicine people who functioned as religious leaders and they had great power and influence. Each settlement also had a Caddi, or chief, who was the political, economic and military leader. The Caddi were hereditary leaders, with the position going from father to son. They ruled in consultation with a council of elders and the religious leadership, but had tremendous power and influence. Over all the villages and towns, there was the True Caddi, as the ultimate chief was called, who ruled from Kadohadacho, a very large town some distance away.

The lands of the Caddo people were centered on the rivers, and extended many li inland. Largely pine forests such as those surrounding the Mongol camp, there were supposed to be open lands to the north and west, sometimes without a tree as far as a man could see.

They had some copper which they worked, but little other metal. Their pottery was very accomplished and highly prized, although it could be improved with Asian technology. They practiced little weaving as their supply of textile materials was very limited. There was a strong trade network however which brought goods from many hundreds of li away, including shells from the sea, copper from the far north, prized stones and gems from the east and west as well as many other luxury goods.

The religious, political and economic center of their universe was a city they called Great Cahokia. It was located many weeks journey to the north east and only a few had been there. Tens of thousands of people lived in the city and its influence was vast. There were many tall platforms with temples and palaces and massive plazas and markets.

In essence, they were a peaceful people, but had a strong warrior tradition. They had few local enemies and the primary threat was from tribes to the north which raided the fringe settlements of their territory. There had been some major battles between the Caddo and these people, who did not live in fixed locations but in seasonal camps which followed game and resources. They were supposedly being pushed off of their own lands by even stronger tribes moving west.

This was consistent with what they had learned from the Yatasi who had stayed in the Mongol camp. Orghui had let these men spend time with his troops and had observed them competing with his men in games of strength and skill. Taller and leaner than the Mongols, the Yatasi had fared well, limited mostly by their less advanced bows. Despite their weapons shortcomings in power and range, they had shown themselves to be as accomplished as the Mongols at archery, as quick and as accurate as the best of his men. Of course, since they had never seen horses they had no skills as horse archers and the Mongols had great fun watching them attempt to ride, which the Yatasi took with good humor. By the end of their stay however they had begun to get the feel for the horses and showing some promise.

The Yatasi could be good neighbors and partners, if they were so inclined. Many of the Mongols were tired of wandering and wanted to find a land to call their own, to settle down with their families and animals. Gung-bey-e was feeling some pressure to find them a home.

In Natchitoches, similar discussions were held between Dehahuit, Aashi and the council with their people who had remained with the Mongols. They had different priorities and concerns than the Khan and general. They did not want strangers on their lands or competition in their territories. They did not want a strong, powerful neighbor with strange ways, foreign animals and unknown intentions. They would accept a profitable trading partner and a capable ally though, but not so close. Their conversation centered on where to send these strangers and how to make the best use of them.

Dehahuit recognized that there was much to learn from the Khan’s people and that the Yatasi could benefit greatly from them and their animals and knowledge. As dangerous as the Mongols might be, they were an opportunity for his people to grow more powerful, more influential and more prosperous. He only needed to handle them correctly.

He encouraged communication and trade with the Mongols as a way to learn more about them, and to profit from their presence. Their relations were always within the framework of host and guest. Many times discourse between the two groups was preceded with the statement “While you are guests in our lands…” There was little doubt in the mind of any of the Mongols that their welcome could be outlasted and that they would have to move come spring.

The Khan, recognizing that his people were not strong enough to defeat an entire nation and take the land for themselves, began to look for alternatives. He sent riders to explore the region on both sides of the river. He also sent junks out to continue up the great river and look for potential lands for them to settle.

Most of what he heard was not encouraging. The pine woods seemed endless to the east and along the river, and there were many substantial towns and villages scattered through the countryside, not all of them friendly. Only to the northwest, farther up their river, beyond Natchitoches, was there a break in the woods and sparsely occupied land. They would need to move overland to get there since the great log jam blockaded the river to their junks just upstream of their camp. This would mean going through the most densely populated of the Yatasi lands. They would want to do that with the Caddi’s blessings if they decided to go that way.

Dehahuit, for his part, was struggling with a similar question. He knew from his conversations with Shīfù that the Mongols preferred open land to forests and woods. That while they had lived in cities and towns for much of recent history, they originated in vast, cold plains where their horses roamed and their villages moved with the herds.

The pine woods thinned and ended some distance to the north and west, where the river flowed from the far distant mountains into their lands. This was Caddo country as well, but this was where they often found bands of the people who called themselves Ni-U-Kon-Ska. These meetings usually ended in a fight as these were the people being pushed out of their own country.

Behind the Caddo resistance to the arrival of these eastern tribes was the fact that the intruders were not polite to them. They felt that they could simply take the land they wanted, and their way of life required a great deal of land. The Ni-U-Kon-Ska, despite the fact that they were fleeing their own invasion, looked down on the Caddo and felt them to be less important, less worthy than themselves. The Caddo, understandably, had therefore developed a strong dislike for the easterners whom they viewed as rude, unmannered and uncivilized.

Shīfù periodically returned to Natchitoches as the Khan’s emissary. With time, he, Dehahuit and Aashi came to understand the desires and concerns influencing the Yatasi and Caddo and the Mongols.

Dehahuit decided what to do about the Mongols, if they would agree. If not, they would be dealt with appropriately. He made certain that the True Caddi was satisfied with his proposed solution before he told Shīfù that he wished to invite the Khan to Natchitoches for the celebration marking the equinox and the approach of spring.

The Khan happily accepted the Caddi’s invitation, and in mid March set out for Natchitoches with a substantial retinue including Orghui, Shīfù and many of the other Mongol leaders. They rode with several wagons pulled by cattle and driven by some of the Ngöbe women which carried gifts for the Caddi and his people, including fermented mares milk, some metal tools, cotton cloth from Alagh, ceramics of the Ngöbe design and Asian technique and pigs and sheep to be slaughtered and roasted for the feast. Gung-bey-e also brought with him chickens, two sows and two boars so the Yatasi could have a lasting gift that would grow into a valuable food source if taken care of.

The arrival of the Mongols and their train created great excitement among the Yatasi townsfolk and their compatriots from the countryside and the other Caddo towns who had gathered for the festival. With few exceptions, they had only heard rumors of the strangers and their even stranger animals. The sight of Mongols on horseback and oxen pulling wagons was beyond their imaginations and was the source of wonderment, fear and fascination.

This was also the first time that they had exposure to the Mongol’s women. Somewhat shorter and stockier than the Yatasi women, the Ngöbe wives stood out in their colorful cotton dress. The Yatasi marveled at the reds, yellows, blacks and blues woven into the cloth and the Ngöbe were amazed by the suppleness and fine workmanship of the hides in which the Yatasi dressed. They had been taught a few words by Shīfù and used them to quickly endear themselves to their native counterparts.

Dehahuit was surprised at the youth of the Khan, even though he had been told that the Mongols were lead by a boy. Even though he had been informed of Gung-bey-e’s wisdom and intelligence, he was hard-pressed at first to take the boy-Khan seriously. His inclination to try to take advantage of the Khan was swiftly overridden by the respectful familiarity shown to the boy bay all his people. It was something the Caddi recognized as being derived from trust, admiration, faith and affection and it was returned by the Khan. Dehahuit also recognized that the boy was not of the same ancestry as the other Mongol men. The fact that the seemingly powerful Mongols were lead by a foreign boy became a primary reason for the Caddi to treat him as an equal and to be cautious in his dealings.

Gung-bey-e greeted Dehahuit in the Yatasi language, further surprising the Caddi. He was far from fluent but had learned enough to conduct a basic conversation. After the introductions and greetings, Dehahuit, Aashi and the Shaman climbed the platform to the council house with the Khan, Orghui and Shīfù. Attended by several Yatasi women who were quite taken by the boy in the company of men, they took some time to get to know each other. There was no substance to this discussion; it was familiarization, led by the Caddi. Through this he was able to learn much about the person of the Khan and his advisors as they learned of their Yatasi hosts.

While they sat in the council house, the preparations for the next day’s feast were underway. The Yatasi were skilled butchers and made short work of the pigs and sheep destined to be part of the meal. The women from both groups rapidly found common ground in the domestic tasks surrounding the preparation of food. Yatasi, Ngöbe, Mongolian and Chinese styles of cooking were combining into a feast that none present would ever forget. This interaction became an open and unguarded exchange of cultural differences and commonalities, which is exactly what the Khan had wanted when he decided to bring the women. It was creating common ground and shared experiences between the peoples, an approach whose value was not lost on Dehahuit.

The Khan and his party had built a small camp just outside of the town where they spent the night. At first light, Dehahuit arrived at the Khans tent. The guards would not let him pass, something that was unexpected since he and all the Caddi Did not have guards at their homes. The guards did not speak Yatasi and Shīfù was sent for. He arrived, disheveled and barely awake, for he had stayed up very late with the Khan and Orghui talking about the conversations with the Caddi and his men. Dehahuit said he wished to walk with the Khan before everyone was up and about, so Shīfù went it wake Gung-bey-e. He actually met the Khan as soon as he entered the tent. The khan had been awakened by the commotion outside and was coming out to see what was happening.
Dehahuit made it clear that he wanted to walk with the Khan only and the two of them set off. At some distance from the town was a small shelter. There they stopped, Skins had been laid out for them and there was a small fire burning to ward off the morning chill. The Caddi set about stoking the fire and soon they were warm and comfortable.

In the little Yatasi that the Khan had learned and the even smaller amount of Mongolian that Dehahuit had picked up, they began to talk, supplemented by the now usual signs and drawings on the ground. The conversation could be paraphrased in this way;
Dehahuit: “The Mongol people are welcome to stay the winter at your camp on the river. This country has enough people already and will be crowded if you stay beyond spring.”

Gung-bey-e: “We are happy to stay there as long as we are welcome, but we want to find our own home and do not want to crowd the Yatasi or the Caddo.”

Dehahuit: “It is good that you understand and agree. There is a place to the north and west of here which is not crowded, it is almost empty, but it is in Caddo country. The trees are fewer there and the land open. I hear that is the kind of land the Mongols like.”

Gung-bey-e: “Mongols prefer open country because it is good for the horses. It would be a good place if there is water.”

Dehahuit: “This same river that waters this country flows through that one.”

Gung-bey-e: “A good place then.”

Dehahuit: “The Yatasi do not want you to go far from us. This place is only several days journey from here. Our peoples could trade together and learn from each other.”

Gung-bey-e: “I should go to this place and see it. A home near our Yatasi friends would be good.”
They talked for some time longer and agreed that Dehahuit would take Gung-bey-e to this proposed Mongol home and if the Khan agreed that it was a good place, the Mongols would leave their camp before summer.
 
A little clarification

The "Ni-U-Kon-Ska" referred to in the above update we know as the Osage IOTL. They were forced out of their home territory on the Ohio and migrated to the lands occupied by the Caddo. This took place in the 18th century and the Osage fought and won a war with the Caddo for the land.

There are some who say that the migration began as early as the 13th century, although reliable history for that period in North America is virtually non-existent. I have decided to work with this view, although I am not working with a full-fledged migration of the Osage.

I also want to make clear that the description I give is not necessarily historically accurate. It is skewed to the viewpoint of the different beliefs, lifestyle and point of view of the Yatasi and Caddo. I do not believe that the Osage were inferior to the Caddo, just different. there are no personal value judgments implied.

So please, don't anyone plan on stringing me up for bigotry!
 
1300: The Isthmus and the Mountains

1300: Yucatan; Experimentation, Integration and Assimilation

The conquest of Alagh and the departure of Gung-bey-e and his people had an impact that was not fully appreciated at first by Ahau Cuat Cocom and the other Mayan leaders. The Ngöbe and their neighbors, on the other hand had several years of exposure to the gifts which the Yuan fleet had brought, and those Asians who had stayed with them after the Mongol exodus continued to practice their trades and spread their crafts. From a technological standpoint, the peoples of the Isthmus were now the most advanced north of the Empire of Chimor. In the past decade, their already wonderful pottery, metalwork and textiles had been enhanced by Asian techniques and tools.

Their ceramics were finer and more sophisticated, with improved firing and glazing techniques. Metal casting was being practiced and the quality of bronze had improved. The Asian designed looms not only improved the quality of the fine textiles they already produced, but increase the production of fabric, making it more profitable. To the cotton and other plant fibers they had employed, they now added wool from their sheep. Dyes introduced by the Asians had added a vast spectrum of colors to their repertoire. Transport had taken a huge leap with the adoption of the wheel, cart and the Ox. The sail and other imported marine design and construction techniques along with navigation and seamanship skills were revolutionizing fishing and trade. The new agricultural methods enhanced the already successful indigenous practices and crop yields had soared, as had the variety of produce being farmed. Meat had become a major part of the diet thanks to the introduction of cattle, swine, sheep and chickens.

As a result of the rapid progress the population was growing, as women were freed from constant labor and dairy production freed them from extended nursing of the young. Chinese medical ideas had taken hold and, combined with the enhanced diet, the Ngöbe were now among the healthiest of the peoples they knew of. Immunization, as introduced by the Chinese, had greatly reduced the impact of the plagues which periodically swept the region as Ngöbe shamans and Chinese physicians adapted the technique to other diseases.

Immigrants from the Yucatan were arriving regularly and the Mayan presence grew ever stronger. Ah Kom Xiu, functioning as the viceroy of Alagh, had continued the construction of the city, although with the addition of temples, ball courts and other Mayan urban necessities. Industries established by Songghumal to facilitate the building of his capitol were resumed. The Manufacture of tiles for roofing, flooring and wall covering as well as the milling of lumber and the quarrying of stone expanded to supply the city’s construction as well as demand from the Ngöbe villages. In the villages, the more prominent and important structures were being fitted with stone or tile floors and there was some discussion of replacing existing buildings with stone buildings and tile roofs.

In the late winter, a ship from Chimor sailed into Alagh and the Ngöbe learned of the success of the Chinese to the south. They told the sailors of the fall of Alagh, the arrival of the Mayan colonists and the departure of the Mongols. The Chinese did not try to contact the Mayans and their stay was very short, but word did reach Ah Kom Xiu after they had departed. The presence of the Chinese to the south was information he storred away for the future, there was no reason to bother the King of Mayapan about it.

In Mayapan, Ahau Cuat Cocom and his ministers, priests and other officials were learning as much as they could from the prisoners brought back from Alagh. They had returned with men and livestock as well as goods that had been manufactured in Asia as well as Alagh. Their Asian captives were mostly Uyghur soldiers used to caring for animals and not particularly adept at farming. There were skilled smiths and carpenters among them however. The ling realized that he would need additional artisans and craftspeople in order to fully benefit from the technological and commercial windfall. People were sent to Alagh and Asi Ügei to learn the new skills and bring them back to the League, further increasing the importance of Alagh as a center of knowledge. In the meantime, he learned as much as possible from his captive soldiers and began to integrate new ideas, tactics and strategies into his own military. The Uyghurs, used to fighting in other people’s wars, were happy to share their skills, particularly since it kept them alive and out of the hands of the Mayan priests. In fact, they were very well treated by the King and lived in comparative luxury.

The first steps in an unexpected partnership were being made. The Ngöbe were laying the foundation for unheard of commercial prosperity and artistic influence under the protection of growing Mayan military and political power. Arts, industries, agriculture and beliefs were blending together, benefiting from the strengths and overcoming the weakness of each other. The prospect of a brilliant new culture was on the horizon, although few, if any, saw it yet.
[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]
1300: Chimor and Tawantinsuyu; Mutual Respect

The Dōngbù Emperor had busied himself with the consolidation of his empire and securing his source of iron. His ships now regularly plied the coast carrying trade goods, food and iron ore. People of Chimor, seeing and feeling their growing prosperity under his light hand were enthusiastically adopting the new ways introduced by the Chinese, as the Chinese were quick to see the values of Chimor ways.

Regular trade with the cities of Tawantinsuyu, the land of the King of Cuzco, as well as lesser polities, increased the wealth and power of the empire and, correspondingly, it’s influence. The flow of goods, ideas and beliefs was constant and growing. In the empire, Zi Yi planned roads that would link the cities of the coast with each other and with the interior to facilitate the transport of goods, communications and the movement of troops. Irrigation projects were planned as were harbors, warehouses and foundries.

High in the mountains, Mayta Cápac was also making plans. The conquest of the valley surrounding the sacred lake and the valleys leading to the Empire of Zi Yi were the primary focus of his thoughts. He not only was considering the details of the campaign, but also the implications of success. Trade with Chimor had already dramatically increased and was reaching the limits imposed by the roadways in the mountains, so the roads would need to be improved to accommodate the flow of goods and troops that would result from his conquest. Trade goods would need to be stored, as would supplies for his army. There would be many more mouths to feed so ways to increase production needed. Most of all he needed to keep Chimor out of the coming conflict. He did not want a powerful enemy on the coast, nor did he wish to share his conquests, so he looked for ways to enforce neutrality on the emperor.

Pillcu Ocllo, Mayta Cápac’s daughter and offered wife of Zi Yi kept her father informed of the Emperor’s thoughts. While not truly an Incan spy, she had a vested interest in continued good relations between the two monarchs. The Emperor was becoming comfortable with her presence and they spent increasing time in each other’s company. She was making a strong effort to learn Chinese and Chimu and much of her free time was invested in this endeavor, but she was happy to let Zi Yi believe that he was responsible for most of her continued improvement in Chinese. The Princess was learning to read and write at the same time which further impressed the Emperor. Over time, the relationship between the two became more comfortable, warmer and more rewarding and both began to relax their guard.

The Emperor had received reports of the fall of Alagh and the subsequent Mayan colonization of the Isthmus. Ships had been sent to confirm the intelligence and Ngöbe friends had told of the Exodus of the Mongols from Asi ügei. No contact had been made with the Mayans but Zi Yi was already viewing them as a potential market for Chimor goods.

When the seasons changed there was prosperity and peace on the coast and in the lands of Chimor. Tensions had grown in the mountains as Mayta Cápac became increasingly intransigent and belligerent in his dealings with his other neighbors, but between Chimor and Cuzco there was growing economic partnership and the beginnings of cultural interchange. Chimor, under the influence of it’s Chinese ruling class, was learning much from the Incas as well as the other peoples it had absorbed. All the subject cities and nations felt that they made valuable contributions to the others, and that they got fair exchange for it. Everyone had value and everyone was benefitting. Tawantinsuyu, for it’s part, was able to plan it’s conquests in peace, knowing that the great power of Chimor was friendly, and at the same time, was a great unknown and additional concern to the lands the King wished to conquer.
 
1300: Homecoming

1300: Homecoming

Dehahuit’s people had warned the Mongols about the coming spring floods. They were an annual event which kept the river’s banks fertile and productive. Steps had been taken to protect the junks from flotsam that would wash downstream and there was nothing of value that remained in the floodplain.

Gung-bey-e had visited the place that Dehahuit suggested the Mongols settle, and he had been pleased. Perhaps of greater importance, Orghui had nearly broken down in tears as he gazed over the seemingly endless vista. The river and stream valleys were filled with trees, but above the land was open and full of the promise of good grazing for the herds of horses and cattle. It reminded Orghui of his home on the steppes of Asia.

As spring marched toward summer and the river rose and fell, groups of the Khan’s people had traveled to their new land to begin laying the groundwork for the arrival of their full company. Orghui had been among the first to relocate with a troop of horsemen to secure the place from any would be interlopers. In the camp on the river preparations for the migration were in full swing and, as promised, the Mongols would be on their way before summer.

Preparations had not been without problems. The Khan and the Caddi had to negotiate a resolution to the Khan’s ships. He would be far from them and the Yatasi could not sail them. The solution they arrived at was beneficial to both. The ships would remain at the site of the camp with small crews. Mongol and Yatasi would establish a settlement that would act as a port for the ships and a trade center. The ships would take trading parties as far up the great river as they were able and the parties would trade with the local towns as far as Great Cahokia. The junks would make the journey perhaps twice a year carrying great quantities of goods in both directions generating a huge increase in commerce along the rivers. The Yatasi and the Mongols would both derive wealth from the joint effort.

The time finally came for the Mongols to begin their final journey north and west. Traveling up the river, past the logjam, they were a sight never seen in this land. Wagons pulled by oxen and horses, horsemen herding cattle along the path, Flocks of sheep, Cages with chickens, Swine being prodded. Mongol cavalry, Buddhist monks and Tngri shamans, Asian men, Ngöbe women and children of mixed ancestry. At the head rode the Khan and his troop of horsemen, banners waiving in the air and armor gleaming in the sun. It started as a slow and stately progress, but as it passed it got increasingly chaotic as trained soldiers gave way to household carts and undisciplined animals. It would take three weeks for them to reach their new home.

Arriving at Natchitoches, Dehahuit and his people welcomed the Mongols warmly. A place near the town had been prepared for them to camp and the Yatasi offered the best of their hospitality. The warmth of the welcome that the Mongols received served to strengthen bonds of comradeship which had already begun to develop between the ordinary people. The strangeness of the Mongol men was tempered by the vague familiarity of the Ngöbe women and the straightforward, guileless friendship offered between the children of both peoples furthered the commonality they had come to feel. It was said both in the camp and in the town “These will be good friends.”

The Mongols rested a few days at Natchitoches before resuming their trek up river. Dehahuit, Aashi and many warriors joined them for the journey to OrunErgül. This was the name chosen by the Khan for this new place, meaning Gift of Land and Gift of Opportunity. The Yatasi were pleased by this name since it acknowledged their generosity. The warriors continued to be amazed at the speed with which the horses could carry the Mongolian cavalrymen off to scout the path ahead allowing the men to cover great swaths of territory without tiring. Gung-bey-e made a point of walking with Dehahuit, although his horse was always nearby.

For two weeks they traveled, sometimes following the river, sometimes overland, but always north and west. When they returned to the river the last time, they had reached their destination. Orghui came galloping over the plain with his men, flags flying and horns blaring. The Mongol riders surrounding the Khan and the Caddi were eager to charge off toward their comrades and Gung-bey-e was eager to see the old general as well. Dehahuit, seeing the building excitement, signaled that the Khan’s horse should be brought up and then motioned to the Khan to go and greet his friend.

With a broad smile, Gung-bey-e leapt onto his horse and charged off in the direction of the approaching horsemen, his guard spurring their horses behind him to catch up with their Khan. Dehahuit laughed and said to Aashi “Is that the king or the boy I see? The boy I think.”

That evening the Mongols were once again re-united. This time they were at their new home, hard by a flowing river in a wooded valley below endless plains watched over by the eternal blue sky. For the first time in nearly a decade the horsemen of the steppes felt the ease of familiarity and began to feel whole.

There was much hard work that needed to be done. Shelters constructed, fields laid out and sowed, horses, sheep and cattle pastured, pens built for the swine and poultry. Orghui had selected a fine site for the settlement, on a bend in the river above the floodplain on a slight rise which fell to the river on the south, west and east sides and overlooked the plains to the north. A stockade was under construction along the northern edge of the site, just below the crest of the hill. The settlement itself would be on the gentle southern slope, which ended in a steep drop to the valley floor on three sides. The crest of the hill would protect the town from the cold north wind and the stockade on high ground would force any enemy to fight their way uphill.

Tanaha’ could be frequently seen traveling the plains in great herds that often took days to pass from sight and there were many game birds, rabbits, hares and such which called the plains home. In the valley were deer and wild goats and sheep and other birds who prefer the cover of trees. Foxes, wolves and other wild dogs wandered the land as did a tawny animal like a jaguar, but larger. The land was full and rich, but not without dangers to men of beasts.

The rest of the year went well. There were regular contacts with the Yatasi and with the trading port on the river. Maize grew well as did many other plants, but some of their food crops did not suit the climate and were lost. They discovered new plants and herbs for food and medicine and were gratified by the success of the herds. Some livestock was lost to marauding predators and some hogs and horses escaped into the wild. The Yatasi came on their annual tanaha’ hunt, which was more successful than ever with the participation of Mongol horsemen. So many were killed that the Khan provided wagons and oxen to the Yatasi to help carry the bounty back to Natchitoches. There were numerous storms, many violent, which the Mongols were unaccustomed to, but none were disastrous. When there was damage, it was rebuilt stronger. They learned to read the clouds in this new sky and taste the winds.

In the late summer, the first trading voyage of the junks took place. The ships carried not only Yatasi and Mongol traders, but traders from all the towns of the Caddo people. There was wonder along the shores of the great river as villagers and townspeople watched these great winged canoes go up river, with no one paddling. When they landed at a town, the local people were amazed to see that these were Caddo ships and even more amazed to see the strange short men who made them move.

The True Caddi had made certain that there was no shortage of trade goods on board the ships, from ceramics and Caddo bows to salt. The Mongols were able to add small amounts of things that had never been seen before, cast bronze, metal knifes and axes, fine cotton cloth, warm wool and even some cocoa that they had brought from Alagh. No animals had been loaded onto the junks, but there was smoked pork, which the Caddo had developed a strong liking for. This new meat quickly became a prized delicacy.

None of the Mongols joined the Caddo trades when they went to Great Cahokia. They stayed with the ships on the river. The Caddo had made small carts that a man could pull and these were laden with the most prized goods from the ships. These they hauled through the open forests beyond the range of the junks on the way to the great city. The decision had been made not to bring any of the Mongols for a couple of reasons, not the least was the protection of the ships. One of the reasons was mystery. The Caddo knew that the news of these short dark men would reach the leaders of Cahokia, but they wanted the Mongols to remain an unknown. Countless thousands lived at Great Cahokia and it was the greatest and most powerful place in their world. It was the center of commerce and the center of religion. It was the center of power and influence. An unfamiliar race of men who made marvelous things and who had become the partners of the Caddo would greatly increase the standing of the True Caddi and his people. Cahokia had long looked on the Caddo in their far country as poor relatives. Granted they were poor relatives who made marvelous pottery and exceptional bows, and provided them with salt for their food, but poor relatives nonetheless.

This trade mission was unusual as well because the Caddo made this trip only once in several years. It was a journey that could take a full season or more. Just the prior year, a group of traders from Cahokia had visited the True Caddi and returned having made great profit, but they had been away for nearly six months.

The impression made in Great Cahokia by the traders was greater than expected. The new types of cloth in their variety of colors, unimaginably fine pottery, smoked pork (what kind of animal was this?) all of these things were previously unseen. The few iron knives and tools were wonders; cast bronze figures contained enough of the precious alloy to ransom a village. Quite unexpectedly, the carts used to transport the goods became prized but the leaders of Cahokia. They had never contemplated the wheel, much less seen or used one. The Great Priest, seeing the carts was heard to say that with these he could build the greatest temple platform in a year!

And so, the traders returned to the ships with fewer, but overloaded carts carrying not only the staple goods of Great Cahokia, but large quantities of it’s most valued merchandise. Copper from the lakes to the north, prized shells from the great sea, hides of animals the Caddo had never seen, utensils made by even more distant nations, medicinal plants that grew only in the far north or east, prized woods, valuable stone for tools and ornamentation.

The Mongols appreciated some of the goods but found many of them to be of little value. Stone tools and such were, to them, symbolic of poverty. They thought the Caddo merchants had been taken advantage of. Of course, value is relative; an iron knife is wonderful as long as you know how to take care of it. The Caddo had learned this from the Mongols, but had not shared that knowledge with the merchants of Cahokia. Rust would soon dull the shine and the edges of the knifes. The stone scrapers and such were familiar; the Caddo knew how to care for them, how long they would last and how to re-purpose the tool when it wore out. They only hoped that they could get more knifes from the Mongols. The traders did not know that there was an extremely limited amount of iron available and that any new iron tools were indeed made from older ones. They knew iron was a metal, but they had no idea that it came from the other side of the world.

By the arrival of autumn, OrunErgül resembled a strange cross between a Ngöbe village and a Mongol settlement. There was a permanence growing about it that the camp on the river had never possessed. The houses were more substantial, even if many resembled yurts, and there was a market plaza and the beginnings of a temple precinct. The streets followed a regular grid, like a classical Chinese city plan in miniature, with a royal quarter reserved for the Khan and his officials and advisors.

The Khan had sent out parties to scour the countryside looking for necessary resources such as clay for ceramics and stone for building. High on the list of needed resources was copper and iron. Copper was available from their Caddo partners if necessary, but no source of iron had been located. It was the same problem that had plagued Songghumal. Without iron, there were severe limits on what the Mongols could accomplish.
 
Top