1301 – 1307: Largo
1301 – 1307: Largo
The next several years were mostly quiet and peaceful.
OrunErgül:
Gung-bey-e settled down to building a strong and viable community on the plains. Exploration continued, crops were planted and harvested, herds expanded and trade flourished. Suitable clays for ceramic production had been located, the plentiful tanaha’ provided meat and hide that reduced the need to slaughter cattle and sheep for food, so the production of wool and dairy was not limited by the butchering of their own livestock.
The increasing number of horses in their herd allowed more time to be spent turning their children into horsemen. Older boys now frequently joined the Mongol men in the hunt and were quickly learning the skills of the horse archer. Even the older girls were learning to ride. Their Ngöbe mothers for the most part preferred the relative comfort of carts and wagons, but their daughters had found the freedom on the back of a horse alluring. The Khan encouraged this interest although more effort was spent training the boys.
Relations with the Yatasi continued to flourish. Trade, joint hunts, shared festivals, commercial voyages along the rivers and teaching of new skills cemented the bond these two peoples had established. A common pidgin was developing combining aspects of Caddo, Mongol and Ngöbe languages which greatly facilitated communications between the two communities. Dehahuit’s people now had growing herds of livestock themselves and their fields were producing increased yields of maize as well as other crops, some old and familiar and others new and exotic. Gung-bey-e had even given a small number of horses to the Caddi as a personal gift; thereby further strengthening Dehahuit’s standing in the Caddo community. The True Caddi felt somewhat slighted, but he had kept himself above contact with the newcomers and since the horses were a gift from man to man, not people to people, he felt it would be improper to show envy.
The Yatasi had always been renowned for the quality and strength of their bows, which were a major source of trade, but they had witnessed the range and power of the smaller Mongol bows and made efforts to duplicate them. They had limited success, not realizing the importance of the combining of different materials to achieve the necessary strength. The Mongols were flattered by the attempted imitation and, remembering the siege of Alagh and the effect of the Mayan versions, which were quite good, spread the belief that the power came from the Mongol spirits and that the Yatasi were otherwise making the bows correctly.
This story was having an unexpected effect on the Yatasi. The Mongol, Ngöbe and Caddo all shared a common underlying belief that the world was full of spirits. Everything was a manifestation of either the spirits or their work; mountains, rivers, trees, rocks, clouds, rain, wind, grass, the sun, moon and sky itself. Spirits were everywhere, benevolent, malign and indifferent in their attitudes toward man.
The Yatasi shamans and medicine folk had recognized this commonality, but also saw a distinct difference. There were some among the Mongols who seemed to move a bit above the spiritual plain of the rest. They were wise, thoughtful, less prone to extremes, and moved easily among the different beliefs, respecting them, but not necessarily following them. Now led by Shīfù, the Buddhist monks seemed to have more influence than their number could account for. There were only a handful in OrunErgül, but they seemed to always be present. The people sought them out as mediators and advisors, teachers and doctors, councilors and comforters. The Khan himself was rarely without the company of Shīfù and clearly paid great attention to his council.
The Yatasi holy men had observed the monks in meditation and recognized that it was akin to the trances they sometimes engaged in, but unlike their experiences it was a quiet and peaceful event, both spiritually and physically. The monks seemed not to be inhabited by spirits as the shamans frequently were, but to be somewhere else entirely, their body patiently awaiting their return.
There was none of the drama and spectacle of the shaman’s magic in the monks either, although they did possess one skill that the shamans could only describe as magical, and powerfully magical indeed. The marks and lines they made, looking so much like the scratching of animals in the dirt. A monk in Natchitoches could listen to the Caddi, make some marks on a piece of wood and send it to the Khan. The Khan’s monk would look at the piece of wood and repeat the words and thoughts of the Caddi as if the two men were sitting next to each other.
The Bows had magic, there was magic in the scratches, and there must have been magic in the monks.
The recognition of the magic and influence of the monks lead to a sharing of religious ideas and the Yatasi spirit world met the Buddha. It was a peaceful and extended introduction without structure or program, based on casual conversation between monk and shaman, questions asked and answered, observations made and understood, beliefs questioned and explained. Part of it was also the sharing of magic as the shamans and medicine folk began to learn the secrets of writing and reading.
Secrets were not only being shared but each people were keeping some for themselves.
Dehahuit did not share all the knowledge he received from the Mongols with the True Caddi. Some secrets were kept for the unique benefit of the Yatasi. As the quality and value of their pottery increased, the other Caddo were mystified as to the new techniques employed by the Yatasi. They wondered at the increased fertility of Yatasi fields and the new foods the Yatasi ate and traded. Dehahuit, for his part tried to keep the Mongols shielded from the influence and interest of the True Caddi. Dehahuit’s importance and prestige had risen because of his contact with the Mongols and he did not necessarily want to share more than was necessary, so he limited the contact between the Caddo and the Mongols as best he could.
Gung-bey-e was keeping his own secrets, other than the “magic” behind the compound bow. The biggest of these, the great state secret, came into existence in 1303. That spring, after heavy rains and the seasonal floods, the Mongols discovered iron in the river valley, not two days ride from OrunErgül. More valuable to them than gold or silver, the existence of the deposit was hidden from the Yatasi as the Mongols began the process of re-arming themselves appropriately. The Khan’s motive was self preservation. He knew the Yatasi were partners, but he also knew that partnerships break-up. The Yatasi vastly outnumbered the Mongols so the Mongols had to be vastly better armed…just in case.
With iron came steel and with steel came durable swords, metal arrowheads, armor, strong shields. With iron also came better tools, more tools, more effective farming, and better pots for cooking. Eventually, with iron came better trade…but not yet.
At the age of 21 Gung-bey-e took his first wife. Narantsetseg was the oldest daughter of a Ngöbe woman whose first husband had died, like the Khans real father, during the plagues. Her mother had later been taken by a Mongol horseman and metal-smith as his wife and her children adopted as his own. She was 16 when she married the Khan in the presence of all of OrunErgül amid great festivity and celebration.
In June of 1306, Cakilceleger was born. The first son of Gung-bey-e.
Mayapan and Alagh:
This period was also quiet in the lands of the Mayans. Ahau Cuat Cocom was overseeing the exploration and integration of the technologies and skills he had inherited from the Yuan invaders. The bow had been improved, roads were being widened to accommodate ox carts, pastures for the cattle they had captured were enclosed, and carpets of wool were beginning to cover the floors of his palace. Bronze tools were beginning to supplant many stone and bone tools because of the superior casting techniques they had learned and pottery was becoming not only more beautiful, but of higher quality and function as well.
A herd of horses was carefully being bred by his Mongol and Uyghur captives. The captives themselves were increasingly part of the population, adopting Mayan ways, at first to survive, but then to prosper. Mayan warriors were learning to ride and the king already had an elite mounted guard, small but present. The pace of construction in the cities of the league had increased with the introduction and adoption of the wheel, as well and the improved copper and bronze tools. His magicians were experimenting with gunpowder in it’s simplest forms and several had accidentally committed suicide.
Mayan carpenters were having problems understanding Asian shipbuilding, particularly since there was no iron available. The King would not let any of the arms captured from the Mongols be melted down nor the existing ships dismantled. It was slow and tedious work, but eventually they achieved some sort of success and launched the first Mayan built sailing vessel. It was held together by wooden pegs and lashing and was not as long as their trading canoes, but it had greater draft and broader beam and was capable of carrying as much as two of the canoes. In the right weather, it could travel faster both up and down wind. As wonderful as it was, they knew it was far from the ships which had carried the Mongols on their exodus.
Ah Kom Xiu in Alagh was in a better position, largely because of the efforts of the Mongols before their expulsion. His city was still under construction and was progressively less Asian and more Mayan in character, but it would never look 100% Mayan. The remnants of Songghumal’s city: the rectangular grid of streets, the shape of the towers, the height and thickness of the walls, and the tiles on the roofs and floors would forever mark it’s foreign ancestry.
The King, pre-occupied as he was with his own integration efforts, had left his governor on a very long leash. Xiu was assiduous in making sure the King was happy with his new conquest, but was also very carefully enhancing his own prestige and power. He too had his horses and cattle, cared for by the Ngöbe villagers. The presence of many Uyghur and Chinese craftsmen who had been loath to leave their families with the Khan meant that much did not have to be figured out. His carts were better; tools were better, pottery better, textiles better than those of Mayapan. He actually had shipwrights and smiths, something he was careful not to brag about.
A brisk trade had developed centered on Alagh. Cargoes from both seas passed through it’s markets and he and the Mayans who had emigrated to Alagh prospered and grew rich. As his power grew, many of his relatives quietly re-located to the city from their homes in the Yucatan to the Isthmus. There were those who remained, those who already had power and connections, but Xiu plied them with gifts and favorable trade concessions.
He also cultivated the Ngöbe by keeping the hand of the King from weighing too heavily on them. Their villages blossomed into towns with stone buildings and tile roofs. The shamans built temples at holy sites that had previously been marked with symbolic stone piles or thatch shelters. The Mongol settlement of Asi Ügei grew and became the primary port on the other sea, mostly inhabited by Ngöbe.
Mu-ri Ti-ed-eba had established himself at Asi and many of his folk had joined him there. They proved to be excellent merchants and became particularly adept at seamanship. They had been coastal fishermen before the arrival of the Khan and were quick to learn from the Asian expatriates still among them. In time, they would become the most accomplished seamen in the other sea.
Chan Chan and Cuzco:
The Empire of Chimor had become awash in commerce. Goods traveled the length and breadth of the land and beyond, into the endless forests east of the mountains as well as south beyond the lands of civilized men. Fresh fish from the cold waters of the sea were served in the highest cities and ice from the heights cooled the Dōngbù Emperors bedchamber.
Zi Yi had begun to rebuild Chan Chan in wood and stone. The city, as beautiful as it was, had been originally constructed of mud. The refurbishment of much of the city after the rainy season was an annual and expensive task. Moreover, the city was largely composed of walled precincts which were the home and stronghold of the powerful families. The Emperor, always aware that he was a conqueror and not one of the local race, was careful to retain the style and motifs of the old capitol. Where Chinese sensibilities prevailed, he compromised by clothing them in Chimor dress or by applying Chinese ornament to Chimor designs. The city became something new, a hybrid of Asian organization and principals that would always be recognizable as a Chimor city.
With time, the Emperor also took an Empress, Pillcu Ocllo, the daughter of Mayta Cápac. In the Inca princess he had found a kindred soul who shared many of his values. During the time she had been at the Emperor’s court she had demonstrated wisdom, discretion and compassion. She had also shown that when she felt strongly about something she was more than capable of presenting her position with compelling logic. She had rapidly learned to speak Chinese and was well on her way to reading and writing. She had also learned to ride and even to use a bow.
To Zi Yi, her talents, skills, adventurousness and grace combined into a most appealing woman. Her beauty only added to the pleasure he experienced in her company.
The young Pillcu, for her part, was attracted to the exotic, powerful, and handsome man of 35. She was not intimidated by his title, after all, she was the daughter of the King of Cuzco, but she admired the dignity, intelligence and foresight with which he ruled his empire. She also recognized and appreciated the attention he gave her and the value he placed on her thoughts.
Both knew that this marriage was not only a personal demonstration of their feelings, but a powerful diplomatic symbol of the bond between Chan Chan and Cuzco, Zi Yi and Mayta Cápac.
Beyond the capitol, Chimor hegemony expanded at a rapid pace. Many cities near the frontier petitioned to join the empire in order to share its wealth and protection. Stronger and more distant lands sought the Emperor’s favor in order to avoid being swallowed up or to fend off enemies. The borders were in a state of continuous change, always expanding.
Mayta Cápac extended his rule to the shores of the sacred lake and beyond, laying claim to the entire region and the valleys that lead to the borders of Chimor. Roads were built to accommodate carts and the growing caravans of llamas bearing trade between the lands. He had yet to gain access to the Emperor’s iron however and his ability to capitalize on new technologies was limited. What iron and steel he did have was due to the generosity of Zi Yi. His hope was that the situation would change once Pillcu was the Emperors consort.
He did exploit the skills of Xin Du Xian, the Chimor Ambassador. The King wanted the book that the Emperor had given to him to be copied and distributed to his nobles, as a demonstration of the respect shared between the two monarchs. Mayta Cápac had many artists at his disposal, but they could not produce the faithful copies he wanted. They were unfamiliar with the materials being used and the purpose of the strange symbols was unknown to them. The King appealed to Xin Du Xian for his assistance and the monk began to train a cadre of scribes to reproduce the gift of the Emperor.
In this way, to satisfy the ego of a king, writing came to the Inca people. With the example of the book of Zi Yi, they quickly discovered it’s value as a means of recording events and thoughts as well as talleys of goods being traded and the keeping of accounts.
When the copies were completed and given to the nobles with great ceremony, Mayta Cápac lead a procession to the home of his father, Lloque Yupanque. There, he placed a copy on the lap of his father’s mummy. It was also at the feet of his dead father that it occurred to him to have a record of the accomplishments of his reign and that of his forefathers written down, and in 1306 the first written history of the Inca people was begun, by the scribes who trained under Xin Du Xian.
1301 – 1307: Largo
The next several years were mostly quiet and peaceful.
OrunErgül:
Gung-bey-e settled down to building a strong and viable community on the plains. Exploration continued, crops were planted and harvested, herds expanded and trade flourished. Suitable clays for ceramic production had been located, the plentiful tanaha’ provided meat and hide that reduced the need to slaughter cattle and sheep for food, so the production of wool and dairy was not limited by the butchering of their own livestock.
The increasing number of horses in their herd allowed more time to be spent turning their children into horsemen. Older boys now frequently joined the Mongol men in the hunt and were quickly learning the skills of the horse archer. Even the older girls were learning to ride. Their Ngöbe mothers for the most part preferred the relative comfort of carts and wagons, but their daughters had found the freedom on the back of a horse alluring. The Khan encouraged this interest although more effort was spent training the boys.
Relations with the Yatasi continued to flourish. Trade, joint hunts, shared festivals, commercial voyages along the rivers and teaching of new skills cemented the bond these two peoples had established. A common pidgin was developing combining aspects of Caddo, Mongol and Ngöbe languages which greatly facilitated communications between the two communities. Dehahuit’s people now had growing herds of livestock themselves and their fields were producing increased yields of maize as well as other crops, some old and familiar and others new and exotic. Gung-bey-e had even given a small number of horses to the Caddi as a personal gift; thereby further strengthening Dehahuit’s standing in the Caddo community. The True Caddi felt somewhat slighted, but he had kept himself above contact with the newcomers and since the horses were a gift from man to man, not people to people, he felt it would be improper to show envy.
The Yatasi had always been renowned for the quality and strength of their bows, which were a major source of trade, but they had witnessed the range and power of the smaller Mongol bows and made efforts to duplicate them. They had limited success, not realizing the importance of the combining of different materials to achieve the necessary strength. The Mongols were flattered by the attempted imitation and, remembering the siege of Alagh and the effect of the Mayan versions, which were quite good, spread the belief that the power came from the Mongol spirits and that the Yatasi were otherwise making the bows correctly.
This story was having an unexpected effect on the Yatasi. The Mongol, Ngöbe and Caddo all shared a common underlying belief that the world was full of spirits. Everything was a manifestation of either the spirits or their work; mountains, rivers, trees, rocks, clouds, rain, wind, grass, the sun, moon and sky itself. Spirits were everywhere, benevolent, malign and indifferent in their attitudes toward man.
The Yatasi shamans and medicine folk had recognized this commonality, but also saw a distinct difference. There were some among the Mongols who seemed to move a bit above the spiritual plain of the rest. They were wise, thoughtful, less prone to extremes, and moved easily among the different beliefs, respecting them, but not necessarily following them. Now led by Shīfù, the Buddhist monks seemed to have more influence than their number could account for. There were only a handful in OrunErgül, but they seemed to always be present. The people sought them out as mediators and advisors, teachers and doctors, councilors and comforters. The Khan himself was rarely without the company of Shīfù and clearly paid great attention to his council.
The Yatasi holy men had observed the monks in meditation and recognized that it was akin to the trances they sometimes engaged in, but unlike their experiences it was a quiet and peaceful event, both spiritually and physically. The monks seemed not to be inhabited by spirits as the shamans frequently were, but to be somewhere else entirely, their body patiently awaiting their return.
There was none of the drama and spectacle of the shaman’s magic in the monks either, although they did possess one skill that the shamans could only describe as magical, and powerfully magical indeed. The marks and lines they made, looking so much like the scratching of animals in the dirt. A monk in Natchitoches could listen to the Caddi, make some marks on a piece of wood and send it to the Khan. The Khan’s monk would look at the piece of wood and repeat the words and thoughts of the Caddi as if the two men were sitting next to each other.
The Bows had magic, there was magic in the scratches, and there must have been magic in the monks.
The recognition of the magic and influence of the monks lead to a sharing of religious ideas and the Yatasi spirit world met the Buddha. It was a peaceful and extended introduction without structure or program, based on casual conversation between monk and shaman, questions asked and answered, observations made and understood, beliefs questioned and explained. Part of it was also the sharing of magic as the shamans and medicine folk began to learn the secrets of writing and reading.
Secrets were not only being shared but each people were keeping some for themselves.
Dehahuit did not share all the knowledge he received from the Mongols with the True Caddi. Some secrets were kept for the unique benefit of the Yatasi. As the quality and value of their pottery increased, the other Caddo were mystified as to the new techniques employed by the Yatasi. They wondered at the increased fertility of Yatasi fields and the new foods the Yatasi ate and traded. Dehahuit, for his part tried to keep the Mongols shielded from the influence and interest of the True Caddi. Dehahuit’s importance and prestige had risen because of his contact with the Mongols and he did not necessarily want to share more than was necessary, so he limited the contact between the Caddo and the Mongols as best he could.
Gung-bey-e was keeping his own secrets, other than the “magic” behind the compound bow. The biggest of these, the great state secret, came into existence in 1303. That spring, after heavy rains and the seasonal floods, the Mongols discovered iron in the river valley, not two days ride from OrunErgül. More valuable to them than gold or silver, the existence of the deposit was hidden from the Yatasi as the Mongols began the process of re-arming themselves appropriately. The Khan’s motive was self preservation. He knew the Yatasi were partners, but he also knew that partnerships break-up. The Yatasi vastly outnumbered the Mongols so the Mongols had to be vastly better armed…just in case.
With iron came steel and with steel came durable swords, metal arrowheads, armor, strong shields. With iron also came better tools, more tools, more effective farming, and better pots for cooking. Eventually, with iron came better trade…but not yet.
At the age of 21 Gung-bey-e took his first wife. Narantsetseg was the oldest daughter of a Ngöbe woman whose first husband had died, like the Khans real father, during the plagues. Her mother had later been taken by a Mongol horseman and metal-smith as his wife and her children adopted as his own. She was 16 when she married the Khan in the presence of all of OrunErgül amid great festivity and celebration.
In June of 1306, Cakilceleger was born. The first son of Gung-bey-e.
Mayapan and Alagh:
This period was also quiet in the lands of the Mayans. Ahau Cuat Cocom was overseeing the exploration and integration of the technologies and skills he had inherited from the Yuan invaders. The bow had been improved, roads were being widened to accommodate ox carts, pastures for the cattle they had captured were enclosed, and carpets of wool were beginning to cover the floors of his palace. Bronze tools were beginning to supplant many stone and bone tools because of the superior casting techniques they had learned and pottery was becoming not only more beautiful, but of higher quality and function as well.
A herd of horses was carefully being bred by his Mongol and Uyghur captives. The captives themselves were increasingly part of the population, adopting Mayan ways, at first to survive, but then to prosper. Mayan warriors were learning to ride and the king already had an elite mounted guard, small but present. The pace of construction in the cities of the league had increased with the introduction and adoption of the wheel, as well and the improved copper and bronze tools. His magicians were experimenting with gunpowder in it’s simplest forms and several had accidentally committed suicide.
Mayan carpenters were having problems understanding Asian shipbuilding, particularly since there was no iron available. The King would not let any of the arms captured from the Mongols be melted down nor the existing ships dismantled. It was slow and tedious work, but eventually they achieved some sort of success and launched the first Mayan built sailing vessel. It was held together by wooden pegs and lashing and was not as long as their trading canoes, but it had greater draft and broader beam and was capable of carrying as much as two of the canoes. In the right weather, it could travel faster both up and down wind. As wonderful as it was, they knew it was far from the ships which had carried the Mongols on their exodus.
Ah Kom Xiu in Alagh was in a better position, largely because of the efforts of the Mongols before their expulsion. His city was still under construction and was progressively less Asian and more Mayan in character, but it would never look 100% Mayan. The remnants of Songghumal’s city: the rectangular grid of streets, the shape of the towers, the height and thickness of the walls, and the tiles on the roofs and floors would forever mark it’s foreign ancestry.
The King, pre-occupied as he was with his own integration efforts, had left his governor on a very long leash. Xiu was assiduous in making sure the King was happy with his new conquest, but was also very carefully enhancing his own prestige and power. He too had his horses and cattle, cared for by the Ngöbe villagers. The presence of many Uyghur and Chinese craftsmen who had been loath to leave their families with the Khan meant that much did not have to be figured out. His carts were better; tools were better, pottery better, textiles better than those of Mayapan. He actually had shipwrights and smiths, something he was careful not to brag about.
A brisk trade had developed centered on Alagh. Cargoes from both seas passed through it’s markets and he and the Mayans who had emigrated to Alagh prospered and grew rich. As his power grew, many of his relatives quietly re-located to the city from their homes in the Yucatan to the Isthmus. There were those who remained, those who already had power and connections, but Xiu plied them with gifts and favorable trade concessions.
He also cultivated the Ngöbe by keeping the hand of the King from weighing too heavily on them. Their villages blossomed into towns with stone buildings and tile roofs. The shamans built temples at holy sites that had previously been marked with symbolic stone piles or thatch shelters. The Mongol settlement of Asi Ügei grew and became the primary port on the other sea, mostly inhabited by Ngöbe.
Mu-ri Ti-ed-eba had established himself at Asi and many of his folk had joined him there. They proved to be excellent merchants and became particularly adept at seamanship. They had been coastal fishermen before the arrival of the Khan and were quick to learn from the Asian expatriates still among them. In time, they would become the most accomplished seamen in the other sea.
Chan Chan and Cuzco:
The Empire of Chimor had become awash in commerce. Goods traveled the length and breadth of the land and beyond, into the endless forests east of the mountains as well as south beyond the lands of civilized men. Fresh fish from the cold waters of the sea were served in the highest cities and ice from the heights cooled the Dōngbù Emperors bedchamber.
Zi Yi had begun to rebuild Chan Chan in wood and stone. The city, as beautiful as it was, had been originally constructed of mud. The refurbishment of much of the city after the rainy season was an annual and expensive task. Moreover, the city was largely composed of walled precincts which were the home and stronghold of the powerful families. The Emperor, always aware that he was a conqueror and not one of the local race, was careful to retain the style and motifs of the old capitol. Where Chinese sensibilities prevailed, he compromised by clothing them in Chimor dress or by applying Chinese ornament to Chimor designs. The city became something new, a hybrid of Asian organization and principals that would always be recognizable as a Chimor city.
With time, the Emperor also took an Empress, Pillcu Ocllo, the daughter of Mayta Cápac. In the Inca princess he had found a kindred soul who shared many of his values. During the time she had been at the Emperor’s court she had demonstrated wisdom, discretion and compassion. She had also shown that when she felt strongly about something she was more than capable of presenting her position with compelling logic. She had rapidly learned to speak Chinese and was well on her way to reading and writing. She had also learned to ride and even to use a bow.
To Zi Yi, her talents, skills, adventurousness and grace combined into a most appealing woman. Her beauty only added to the pleasure he experienced in her company.
The young Pillcu, for her part, was attracted to the exotic, powerful, and handsome man of 35. She was not intimidated by his title, after all, she was the daughter of the King of Cuzco, but she admired the dignity, intelligence and foresight with which he ruled his empire. She also recognized and appreciated the attention he gave her and the value he placed on her thoughts.
Both knew that this marriage was not only a personal demonstration of their feelings, but a powerful diplomatic symbol of the bond between Chan Chan and Cuzco, Zi Yi and Mayta Cápac.
Beyond the capitol, Chimor hegemony expanded at a rapid pace. Many cities near the frontier petitioned to join the empire in order to share its wealth and protection. Stronger and more distant lands sought the Emperor’s favor in order to avoid being swallowed up or to fend off enemies. The borders were in a state of continuous change, always expanding.
Mayta Cápac extended his rule to the shores of the sacred lake and beyond, laying claim to the entire region and the valleys that lead to the borders of Chimor. Roads were built to accommodate carts and the growing caravans of llamas bearing trade between the lands. He had yet to gain access to the Emperor’s iron however and his ability to capitalize on new technologies was limited. What iron and steel he did have was due to the generosity of Zi Yi. His hope was that the situation would change once Pillcu was the Emperors consort.
He did exploit the skills of Xin Du Xian, the Chimor Ambassador. The King wanted the book that the Emperor had given to him to be copied and distributed to his nobles, as a demonstration of the respect shared between the two monarchs. Mayta Cápac had many artists at his disposal, but they could not produce the faithful copies he wanted. They were unfamiliar with the materials being used and the purpose of the strange symbols was unknown to them. The King appealed to Xin Du Xian for his assistance and the monk began to train a cadre of scribes to reproduce the gift of the Emperor.
In this way, to satisfy the ego of a king, writing came to the Inca people. With the example of the book of Zi Yi, they quickly discovered it’s value as a means of recording events and thoughts as well as talleys of goods being traded and the keeping of accounts.
When the copies were completed and given to the nobles with great ceremony, Mayta Cápac lead a procession to the home of his father, Lloque Yupanque. There, he placed a copy on the lap of his father’s mummy. It was also at the feet of his dead father that it occurred to him to have a record of the accomplishments of his reign and that of his forefathers written down, and in 1306 the first written history of the Inca people was begun, by the scribes who trained under Xin Du Xian.
