Mongols in the Americas

REVISDED 1298

This is a re-post.

The first post I made for 1298 was rubbish. I learned so much in the last few days that I had to re-do it because it was ASB.

One of the things I love about this exercise is that, if you do it right, old ideas are blown away by new knowledge. In this case, the knowledge that the coast of Peru, at this time, was a hotbed of activity. Cities were growing, falling, expanding, shrinking. Canals were being built and abandoned, roads as well. Civilizations were in their death throws just as others were rising to replace them.

When I started this, I thought I had a reasonable handle on the period. Was I Wrong! This is an exciting, dynamic period. The Inca are just getting their footing, The Aztec have just found a home, The Maya still have power and are struggling to keep their cities viable. It is, in short, a pivotal time in the history of the Americas that I have decided, inadvertently, to invade with an influx of Asian technology.

1298

Chan Chan

In Chimor, Chun Bo Fen was planning an expedition to mine the iron deposits found far to the south. The territory between Chimor and the ore was mostly dry and barren, coastal desert interspersed with green valleys. Many of the valleys were densely populated and possessed substantial cities with roads, canals and terraced fields growing the grain called maize, another plant called manioc and the fiber called cotton. The coastal plains were full of herds of the humpless camels, called Llamas, which were herded by large golden dogs.

In most cases, the valleys were quite narrow and the cities would be set on the slopes to preserve croplands. Many of these were related and a strong trade network existed which provided fish to the mountains and potatoes to the coast. It was a vibrant economy and one where many different peoples lived, mostly in peace.

Chun’s scouts had received warm welcomes in some locations, but had been harassed in others. Horses were their trump card, allowing escape or engendering awe among the populace. The scouts had progressed nearly to the mining sites when they came across a rich river valley which had been missed by the previous explorers. This valley had a barren stretch of nearly 60 li, which is where the first scouts had passed. They had not seen the great cities both upstream and downstream of this empty gorge. This place was very close to the source of Iron.

Chun considered his options. This rich valley provided much food, which was shipped to the cities near Cuzco and the great lake of the mountains they had heard of. Fish from the coastal cities, Maize from the terraces, wool from the Llamas, Manioc, squashes, many othjer strange vegetables and tubers found their way to the other centers of population. It was, in fact, as rich as any valley the Chinese in Chimor had yet seen.

Chun Bo Fen made a decision. With this, and the other river valleys extending from the ocean he would be able to challenge the Khan. There were more people in these lands than the center of the Khanate, the land was rich in food and minerals, If he could dominate several of these valleys, he could rule this side of the world. Of course, as populous and rich as Chimor was, it was not ready to challenge and conquer the entire coast. He would need to bide his time, and find a way of retrieving his wife and child from the hospitality of the Khan.

Ambassadors were sent to as many of the nearby kingdoms as he could. Most importantly, Chun sent envoys to the most important cities in the valley, Chiribaya and Omo which were nearest to the Iron ore. He wanted to ingratiate himself to them so that he would be able to use their manpower in the mines.

This is what was going through the mind of Chun Bo Fen at this time:\

· The Khan has my family

· Chinese completely outnumber the Mongols and their close allies, the Uyghur

· China is under the thumb of the Mongols

· If I can rouse the Chinese within the army and fleet, the Mongols will lose control.

And so, Chun Bo Fen determined that he would found a new Chinese Empire in this new land. He would learn from the Mongols that which was good and employ that knowledge to defeat them. There was enough wealth in this land for him to prevail.

He would need to gain control or at least dominance of the kingdom of Cuzco. They would be an important ally.

Chun began a campaign of disinformation, not telling the khan everything that was known of the populated coast south of Chan Chan.





Alagh:

Songghumal received the news of the discovery of iron with much satisfaction, but he was appalled by where the ore was located and the difficulty of exploiting it. His resources were stretched thin as it was and he was unable to send much more than a few junks to Chan Chan with their compliment of naval infantry. Chun Bo Fen had asked that a war junk be sent as well, in order to contain the people of Chincha. The Khan complied, but made sure the captain of the ship was his man. His orders were to protect the transports and stay independent of the governor. Shortly after arriving in Chan Chan, this captain, who was Korean, lost his way and was found the next morning, floating in the sea.

The Khan was not ready to get into a war in Chimor, he was still consolidating his forces to confront the Maya, but he was also aware of the need for men and resources to process the ore. Chun Bo Fen had informed him of the “barrenness” of the location and the need for wood and other resources. Lumber was not a problem in Alagh, there were rich forests in the area and the new capital required the clearing of much land. He also ordered facilities built to process ore in Alagh, on Aral Arslan, the island at the head of the bay. He would ship some of the charcoal to Chan Chan, the ships would then sail to the mines (he would need to build a settlement there to store the ore) with supplies and return to Alagh with ore for processing. Chun’s ships would sail to the mines with supplies and return with ore for smelting in his furnaces. Both centers would have iron for weapons and tools.

There was still the problem of providing workers for the mines.

Ike Mense suggested that they mount a military expedition to subdue the natives on the coast of the other sea. They had been a thorn in the side of Orghui Biskigür since he had arrived at Asi ügei. By capturing several of the villages the Khan could remove the annoyance to Orghui and obtain the workers necessary for the mines. These troublesome natives would then be Chun’s problem, not theirs. The Asians had not engaged in slavery since their arrival and to move a population of several hundreds of people would be no small undertaking.

The Khan felt that once these people were so far from their homes and in a strange land so different from their own, they would be cowed sufficiently to become productive subjects of the Khanate. He accepted Ike Mense’s suggestion and charged him with the leadership of the expedition.

The duplicity of the Governor of Chimor in providing misleading information caused the Khan to expend great resources that he could have used elsewhere, including an invasion of the borderlands of the Maya.

In the mean time, progress on the capital was moving forward. The Ngöbe had never seen anything like this is their lands and were amazed by the skills of the Khan’s carpenters and builders. They also continued to demonstrate their ability to learn new skills from their overlords. Soon they had begun to master the art of stone cutting and the walls of the city rose and the streets were paved. The Palace, temples to various gods, markets and residences were planned and built. The city would not be as grand as that of the Great Khan in Dadu, but it would be more than suitable for this new world.

The Other Sea:

The ships transported to Asi ügei and then sent into the other sea discovered many more people along the coast. They encountered several canoes carrying trade goods from one center to another and discovered uncountable islands with fishing villages. Eventually one of the ships arrived at Tulum. When the Mayans came out to meet the junk in their canoes, the captain, in an over abundance of caution fired his one canon. The shot did no physical damage, but the local king was drowned when his canoe capsized in the confusion.

The fact that these strange men in their winged temples could kill the king without even touching him terrified the Mayans. All the remaining canoes withdrew in a panic. A representative of Ahau Cuat Cocom demanded of the local military that the vessel be destroyed. They did not know how it could be done and discussed it far into the night.

On board the ship, unaware of the king’s death, the Chinese made plans to land and explore the city. They could see the stone temples behind the walls and knew this was an important discovery. They would land with naval infantry and investigate the port under the protection of the gun and the catapults of the ship. They would record all that they saw for the Khan and demand tribute from the city leaders.

Early in the morning, several canoes paddled quietly from Tulum towards the ship. They did not go unnoticed, but they also did not come too close. The watch on the deck aroused the crew in case they needed to defend against the canoes. As the crew prepared the canon to fire, the Mayans hurled sealed pots at the ship. Some crashed against the hull and shattered, others fell to the deck and broke open, and still others broke against the masts and rigging. From every broken pot came swarms of bees and wasps, swirling about the ship and stinging anything they could. Many of the Asians jumped to the safety of the water only to be struck by arrows from the canoes or stone axes wielded by Mayan soldiers. The captain was able to regain control of his remaining men and unleashed a flurry of arrows from their bows, killing many in the canoes, but not before he had lost nearly a third of his men.

As soon as the Mayans withdrew, he raised anchor and sailed for Asi ügei.

The Mayans celebrated a victory, sacrificing one of the few survivors they had captured. Ahau Cuat Cocom was not happy when he heard that the people of Tulum had sacrificed one of the Asians before he was aware of their presence and even less happy that the ship had gotten away. He needed more information about these strangers. The few remaining survivors were immediately sent off to Mayapan to the tender mercies of the King.

[FONT=&quot]The other ship was also sailing back to Asi ügei, having ranged some 5,000 li to the east. They had explored the long coast with its huge bays and many islands as far as a two large island which signaled the coast’s turn to the southeast. These they named Dorunadu jaq-a aral or “Great Eastern Island” and Dorunadu bagh-a aral “Small Eastern Island”. They were both heavily populated and the natives, though wary and suspicious, were not hostile.[/FONT]
From the Dorunadu bagh-a aral, somewhat northeast of Dorunadu jaq-a aral, they turned northwest to investigate rumors of a chain of islands trending far to the north. The first of these was about 200 li from the two islands. This was a mountainous place with many bays and reefs along the south and eastern coasts. The west coast was easier to sail because there was no lee shore and the waters and winds were calmer, although there were fewer harbors. They sailed for over 100 li along the coast before reaching the northern tip of the island. Along the way they had several encounters with the local inhabitants, who came out to meet them in their canoes. These people were warlike and quickly attacked the junk before being repulsed by archers on board.

The ship continued along the coast, constantly followed by canoes and constantly greeted by new attacks from canoes launched from the shore. The attacks only eased when the ship sailed north beyond the island into a chain of lesser isles, some of which were not inhabited. They named the island they had just escaped Aghurlal Nutugh, or “Angers Homeland”. These smaller islands were far more peaceful and afforded the crew a bit of a rest. These they called Amur Nutugh, “quiet homeland”.

These islands stretched for 200 li towards the north northeast where they came in sight of another larger island about 70 li from south to north. Again they were met by hostile natives as they sailed along the coast. A few firings of the canon were sufficient to force the local canoes to keep a safe distance. Steep and heavily forested, there was a smoking volcano in the North of the island which caused them to name it Sughunagh aral, “Smoke Island”.

Here the captain decided to return to Asi ügei and make his report to the Khan. He had found that the peoples of the coast had much gold and silver, as well a copper and a quantity of emeralds, but no iron. They were good farmers and good hunters led by local chiefs who appeared to have some loyalty to a king in the hinterlands. There were no stone cities, and the language many spoke was similar to that of the Ngöbe. Much of the shore was marshland and for long distances there were no anchorages, but there were also many islands in some areas which offered protection as well as a few large bays. The largest of these actually consisted of an outer bay, 450 by 180 li. From this, an inlet extended to the south for 120 li before opening into a bay that reached nearly 400 li southward and 300 east to west. Completely surrounded by land, this great bay was shallow and brackish. The people who lived here dined on great quantities of fish and shellfish harvested from the waters if this inland sea. The outer they named Jibqulang toque, “Grandeur Bay” and the inner Ghasighun mören, “Bitter Lake” because of the bitter taste of the water.

Ike Mense and the invasion of the Mayan lands:

Ike Mense, looking for bodies to work the mines of Chimor, crossed the mountains in an effort to subdue and capture the troublesome people of the Other Sea. He brought with him as large number of the available Mongol cavalry as well as a large force of archers. He quickly defeated local forces and extended the Khan’s control over the great bay west of Asi ügei, capturing many men and sending them to Alagh to be transported tpo the mines of Chimor.

In this conflict, Ahau Cuat Cocom, realizing that this enemy was different from anything his people had seen, ordered his troops in the area to stand back and observe the way the strangers fought. How did they use these animals, what were their tactics, their weapons, how did they compare against the best the Maya had. He had supplied the local villages with the most advanced and best Mayan weaponry.

He learned the strength and range of the Mongol composite bow, as well as how the Asians used it. He learned that they favored deceit in that they employed feigned retreats to lure the other side into traps. Most importantly, he learned that their use of thunder and lightning was very limited. If his men could endure it, they had a chance of victory.

Once he had his reports from the battles, he had the Mongols in his custody interrogated to fully understand what he had learned. These men, who had been the Kings prisoners for some time, were very helpful in interpreting what the king had learned. They saw the four horses captured by the Maya, and their foals as theis salvation and would do anything to protect them. Some of the priest had suggested to the king that the horses be sacrificed to Kukulkan.

Ike Mense, in the meantime, had consolidated his conquest of these regions west of Asi ügei and returned to the Khan, leaving his senior Uyghur commander in control of the new territories. He brought with him a great number of captives for the Chimor mines. The Khan, pleased by this, sent word to Chun Bo Fen, carried by a fast war junk, of the new labor force.

Chun, knowing that this forced labor was probably not needed, wanted the Khan to be forced to support them and sent a message back that he had no means of employing them yet. He needed to secure the site of the mines and needed troops to do so. He knew that then Uyghur and Mongol forces were stretched very thin and were the primary defense for the Khan. If the Khan, needing the iron from his mines, sent troops to Chimor, they would be Chinese.

And so it was. Songghumal sent a force of infantry to Chan Chan, aboard sound ships and fully equipped. Chun Bo Fen, at the first opportunity, co-opted the loyalty of these men and was soon, at least on paper, as powerful as the Khan, but also possessed the ethnic loyalty of nearly all his troops. He felt the Mandate of Heaven descending upon him.
 
1298: Mayapan

Ahau Cuat Cocom continued his preparations for war with Songghumal. His scouting parties harassed the fringe of the troops left to consolidate and hold the Khan’s new lands. Efforts were made to gain possession of as many of the newcomer’s weapons as possible, not only to deprive the enemy but to educate the Mayans about what they would face.

The Lord of Mayapan came into possession of swords, knives, axes, lances and Mongol armor. Most importantly to him were several of the strange bows used by the Asians and a supply of their arrows. From these things the Maya learned that the steel weapons they had captured from the scouting party the previous year were standard items of the enemy’s arsenal and that they were uniformly superior to their counterparts among his troops.

He ordered copies made of various materials and his craftsmen were unable to match the effectiveness and quality. The bow in particular was causing them great problems. They were surprised at the force required to draw it and amazed at the range of the weapon. They took a great deal of time discovering what it was made of and even longer to arrive at the method of it’s manufacture. Near the end of the year they finally made a reasonable copy of the bow. It did not have quite the range but within the expected range of actual use, it was just as powerful. The arrows were the simplest weapon to copy since they were able to replace the steel arrowheads with duplicates of copper or bronze.

In the end,
Ahau Cuat Cocom began to equip his archers with the new bow and metal pointed arrows. He gave up on swords and determined that the lances would be unwieldy in the forests. The axes also could not be duplicated and the traditional Mayan war axe was refined to capture some of the advantages of the foreign ones. His spearmen and slingers would continue to use the same weapons as before.

He determined that he would be the War Leader and construction of the palanquins that would carry himself and the chosen deities into battle was begun.

While he did not trust the Mongol prisoners in his custody, he had begun to make them feel less like prisoners. His goal was to win their loyalty as much as possible; therefore they had plentiful food, many comforts and women to attend to their needs. The horses had foaled and his herd now numbered seven animals. He used them to entertain the people of Mayapan at festivals and ceremonies and also used them to intimidate subordinate rulers who were less cooperative than he wished them to be.

His goal was to confront the strangers in the spring of the year and drive them back to the sea they came from.


1298 Chan Chan:


Chun Bo Fen quickly earned the loyalty of the Chinese troops sent by the Khan to re-enforce him. Of course there were a few Mongol and Uyghur officers that needed to be dealt with. They were removed from their troops in the night by Chimor agents and not seen again, although they continued to send reports to the Khan, as ordered. These reports always emphasized the loyalty and cooperation of the Governor.


The ships sent by the Khan were less of a problem, since they were captained and manned almost entirely by Chinese.


To help support the troops, the Khan had also sent cattle, hogs and poultry. These Chun Bo Fen set to graze on the fallow fields near the city. With this addition, he now had substantial herds with which to produce meat, milk, leather and more livestock.


There were dry forests along the coast which provided a hardwood tree that was very difficult to cut and work. These trees did not produce lumber suitable for most of his needs due to it’s hardness, but it was able to produce a superior charcoal that would fuel his ironworks. He built furnaces and gathered as much of the wood as possible in order to have a plentiful supply of fuel when the ores started to arrive.


In preparation for his conquest of the south, he sent representatives to the cities of the Jequetepeque and Lembayeque Valleys instructing the local leaders to raise military forces and join him at the walled city of Chepen by year’s end. While at Chepen, he would train and challenge the native troops and discover how to best combine them with his own men.


He wanted to field a great army that would intimidate the cities along the coast and in the valleys. His first target however would be a large and strong fortress city in the mountains above Jequetepeque, northeast of Chan Chan called Kuelap. By capturing and holding this stronghold, he could secure his frontier in the mountains. The campaign against Kuelap would begin early in the year and be a test for his new army.


Ultimately, he wanted to be in control, either directly or through tributary states, of the entire coast and it’s fertile valleys, as far as the mines, within a year.


The one remaining thing which consumed him at this time was the return of his wife and son, who were still guests of the Khan at Alagh. With every dispatch to the Khan he requested that they be returned to him, accompanying the dispatches with substantial gifts of gold, silver, emeralds as well as llamas and the extraordinary wool they produced. He could not establish himself until his family was out of Songghumal’s hands.


1298 Alagh:


The Khan received Ike Mense with great celebration, greeting him at the gate of his still unfinished capitol. Ike Mense told Songghumal of the conquest of the bay of islands and the surrounding countryside and displayed the captives he had brought to work the mines of the far south.


The Khan had the people of the Other Sea put to work in the fields under guard and shackled to prevent escape. They needed to be strong for the work in the mines, and so they were well treated on the whole, adequately sheltered fed and clothed.


He had lost only a few troops in the expedition and was relieved at Ike Mense’s report that they did not encounter large numbers of Mayans. Songghumal’s intelligence was that the Mayan heartland was far to the northwest of his holdings. But he also realized that they were competent seamen and could move easily along the coast. He would need to strengthen his control of the Other Sea which meant he needed more ships. Once he had the iron, he could make the nails and fittings necessary and build new ships at Asi ügei.


The reports from his agents in Chan Chan were positive and painted the picture of a loyal governor working hard to expand and enrich his Khanate. Periodically they would suggest that the governor’s wife and child be returned as a sign of the Khan’s favor, but Songghumal did not feel ready for that. He wanted those mines first.


He took great pains to see that Chun Bo Fen’s wife, a Ngöbe woman who had been re-named Dōnggé when Chun took her as his wife, and his son, Bohai, were treated as members of his own family. The boy was well cared for and the Khan had become quite fond of him as well. Dōnggé, while having everything she needed and being among her own people sorely missed her husband. She took every opportunity to ask the Khan to send them back to him. Personally, her pleas moved the Khan, but he had more important priorities.


The year closed with the Khan controlling substantially more territory than at it’s beginning. The khanate was prosperous, his capitol was well under way, his herds grew and prospered, trade was growing and a substantial army was in the making. His forces had achieved peace on the shores of the Other Sea, although there was sporadic raiding near the Bay of Islands. Roads were being built to link the different parts of the Khanate. His ships had explores many thousands of li of coastline in both seas opening new trade routes and finding new trading partners.


In the south, the Governor of Chimor had found a source of iron and he was taking necessary steps to gain control of it. The province was stable and growing and had earned the respect of it’s neighbors.


The Khan’s plans for the next year included further expansion along the coast of the Other Sea, smelting of iron and building of ships, more exploration on both coasts and new settlements to consolidate his conquests. He planned to dedicate his new capitol by the end of the year.


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1299: A Fateful Year: part 1

1299: A Fateful Year:
The Khan was satisfied that all was going well. The new lands conquered by Ike Mense were relatively calm, only occasional raids across the frontier disturbed the peace, and these were manageable. The construction of his city went on apace and he was on schedule to dedicate it before the end of the year. His population was growing and there was a surplus of food and grain. The training of his native army was going well, but he still could only equip them with a few Asian weapons due to the lack of steel, but that would soon be corrected he was certain. The herds were doing well and he now had additional horses available for his cavalry as the first generation of horses were of the right age and well trained.

Construction would soon begin on a new junk at Asi ügei as well. He had cannibalized several older ships to obtain sufficient fittings and that material was now on it’s way to the Other Sea. The two ships already there were patrolling the coast and had captured several Mayan canoes. Based on what he had learned from the traders on board the canoes he felt confident in his ability to defeat the Mayans when the time came.

Nugün Ürije, nearly 15 years old, would soon take on the mantle of manhood and ride with the Khan’s Mongol warriors. He had learned well under the tutelage of Ike Mense and was an accomplished rider, skilled bowman and on his way to being an able leader. Of great importance was the high regard the troops and sailors had for the boy, whom they called DegüüDarugh-a, Young Brother Commander.

The rainy season came early this year and in late March a fever swept through the Bay. The Ngöbe suffered no more than a few days of discomfort, but the Asians who had the fever were in great distress. They experienced high temperatures, cold sweats, vomiting and, in the worse cases, delirium and unconsciousness and death. Recovery was painfully slow and once rid of the fever they found themselves weakened physically. The soldiers who had been afflicted found it difficult to draw the bow or ride for any great distance.

In Songghumal’s camp, Ike Mense was infected as were Chun Bo Fen’s wife and son. The Khan avoided the disease by retreating to the mountains and Asi ügei seemed not to be affected. Many Asians did not survive, and the Khan lost over 800 people in Alagh, including his guests from Chan Chan, the governor’s wife and child.

Many of the men who were lost were among the Uighur soldiers and Chinese craftsmen. The Mongols still at Alagh had mostly gone to the mountains with the Khan. The fleet fared well on the whole as many of the ships were sailing to Chan Chan with the forced laborers and additional supplies for Chun Bo Fen.

Ike Mense, in the mean time sailed to Adughud Bairi, the camp at the pastures 380 li West of Alagh, to recover from the fever. The ship anchored in the mouth of the river and a camp was set up for the general near the shore. With the care of the physicians the Khan had sent with him, he began to rebuild his strength and was soon galloping off to hunt deer and explore the area.

By late April, Ike Mense determined it was time to return to Alagh and ordered the junk made ready for the journey. He set out with a fair wind looked for a quick passage along the coast. The wind shifted a few hours after they left the anchorage and as it turned, it strengthened. The Junk tried to sail away from the coast to give them sea room and take them away from the lee shore but they made slow progress against the freshening wind and contrary current. As night fell, Ike Mense’s ship was fighting a full gale.

The storm was as strong as anything the captain had experienced in the seas of China. It’s sudden arrival and constant strengthening worried him greatly. He felt they were not making their way out to sea as he wished, but were being blown back towards the coast. Ike Mense was anxious to get back to the Khan and pushed the captain to keep make as much sail as possible, until the sails began to fail and blow out.

The captain shortened the remaining sails until he was sailing under bare poles, flying before the storm. He attempted to hold a course toward Alagh, as Ike Mense wanted, but knew that they were approaching the shore with little control of their ship.

His fears proved true. The ship was driven onto the lee shore and wrecked. In the mayhem of falling masts, splitting wood, pelting rain and overtopping seas, the general was lost, washed away by a huge wave along with several others. What crewe survived the wreck found his body washed up on the beach several li down the coast as they made their way back to Alagh on foot.
 
Nice, very nice... :cool:

One thing, to be honest it really doesn't matter that much, but I just felt like noting that Tulum was previously referred to as Zama. The name Tulum probably came way later as it is simply Mayan for 'wall'.
 
I am enjoying this timeline very much.

One thing about the map: I don't think the mongols would extend their territory so far to the east in Panama. There would be little to interest them in the nearly impenetrable Darien rainforest.
 
Nice, very nice... :cool:

One thing, to be honest it really doesn't matter that much, but I just felt like noting that Tulum was previously referred to as Zama. The name Tulum probably came way later as it is simply Mayan for 'wall'.

You couldn't have told me that earlier?????:D

Actually, I never saw that reference so was unaware of it. I would have used it otherwise. Thanks again
 
I am enjoying this timeline very much.

One thing about the map: I don't think the mongols would extend their territory so far to the east in Panama. There would be little to interest them in the nearly impenetrable Darien rainforest.

True, other than linking to Chimor, but it is probably in fact to early for that sort of thing.
 
1299: A Fateful Year: Part 2

1299: A Fateful Year: Part 2

Chun Bo fen, the governor of Chimor, spent the first two months of the year training his combined Chinese and Andean troops at Chepen. He had amassed a sizeable army of over 15,000 men, including 4,000 of the troops he had been able to cajole from the Khan. He had no cavalry top speak of, only enough horses for himself, his bodyguard and his Chinese subordinates, about 80 horse in all. Chun did posses artillery, including four cannon in addition to catapults, trebuchets and other siege engines.

In the beginning of March the Army of Chimor set off for Kuelap, 500 li to the west north west of Chepen, as the Condor flies, but over 700 li on foot.

Kuelap was a magnificent fortress situated on a ridge overlooking it’s river valley. The walls of the valley were lined with terraced fields where the people farmed and herded their llamas. The massive stone walls, five layers thick in some places were felt to be impregnable, so Chun would try to capture the city by intimidation.

It took him nearly a month to reach Kuelap, and even the Governor was impressed by what he saw. The fortress was indeed magnificent, and huge! How could they have built this? He thought. If there was no longer a great emperor here, there must have been one far into the past.

He sent scouts to look for weaknesses and spies into the villages surrounding the city to spread rumors. The city itself could not be entered by the main entries since the people had mostly taken refuge there. The only entry they saw with activity was the one facing west, across the valley. This was a minor gate and allowed the city to continue to farm the fields layered on the valley side below the walls. This would have been a very difficult approach because the terraces would act as outer fortifications and redoubts for the defenders, allowing them to rain down arrows, spears, slings and rocks on his troops as they attempted an assault.

The east side was not as steep as the west, and that is where the main gate was, but the land had been cleared and there was little if any cover. The southern end of the city was dominated by a large turret and the northern end by another turret and a large citadel. Not an easy place to storm.

Chun determined to approach the walls from the East, near the main gate. He made a great show of marching through the valley and around the northern walls of the city. There he set his camp in clear sight of the walls, but out of range of any of the weapons he believed Kuelap might have. He was certain that they did not have anything as powerful as the compound bow and certainly nothing comparable to the catapult. He had the cannon hidden under covers and would hold them for shock value when needed.

The horses he had paraded back and forth, as if there was great activity and he ordered many more fires built than were necessary so the city would not be able to guess his numbers. Many of these fires were maintained by small groups on the valley walls and hills around Kuelap, creating the impression of an unimaginable force surrounding the fortress.

At dawn, he sent a noble of Túcume, one of his subject cities, along with a guard comprised of men from all the cities of Chimor, including several Chinese soldiers on horseback, to the city as an emissary. The party approached the walls, the noble being borne on a magnificent palanquin, until they were challenged. The Noble of Túcume then stood, and with great dignity and a powerful voice, told the guards on the walls that he was there to speak with the Lord of Kuelap and save the city from the wrath of the all-powerful Governor of Chimor.

The emissary was told to step down from his palanquin and pass through the gate with half of his guard. The horses would not be allowed to enter the walls. The noble stepped down and selected eight of retinue to accompany him; two of them were Chinese soldiers. The remainder waited for him and he walked into the gate.

Once past the outer wall, the gate narrowed until it was only wide enough for one man to enter and the way climbed to the height of the wall. The fortress did not have a wall in the Chinese sense of a free standing wall that a city would shield behind. It was, rather a massive retaining wall supporting a vast terrace upon which the buildings of the city were built. This was not a surprise to the Andeans, for this was a typical way of building for them, but to the Chinese it meant that the cannon and attempts at undermining the walls would be futile. Even if the wall were to be breached, the city would still tower above them and they would be fighting uphill, over rubble and unstable earth.

The Lord of Kuelap received the embassy in the main plaza. A canopy had been hastily erected and cushions provided for the foreigners to sit on. The Lord himself sat on a throne mounted upon a palanquin. He was surrounded by a guard of twenty soldiers and the pavilion by several hundred more, who closed the gap through which Chun’s emissaries entered, completely enclosing them in a wall of spears, clubs and axes.

The Lord of Kuelap, an old man of great dignity but faded vitality, asked the Túcume noble why the governor of Chimor had come into his mountains, and come with such great power? Chimor had wealth, food and trade. What could the people of Kuelap have that he would want? They were, after all, nothing but poor farmers.

The lord from Túcume looked about him at the strong, well armed soldiers that surrounded them and then back towards the splendidly attired Lord on his throne.

“Your people may be nothing but farmers noble lord, but they are exceedingly good farmers. They have brought your land peace and plenty. The Great Governor of Chimor wishes that they should continue to do so. They have built for you this place of refuge to defend against those who would take from you what you have. He requires not your land, but these strong walls to protect both Kuelap and Chimor from those same bandits and thieves.

He came to Túcume for the same purpose, and our lands and people have prospered under his protection. He takes little and gives much in return, which is why all the peoples of the coast and valleys have joined with him and come to your gate.

The wrath of The Governor toward those who deny his wishes is as great as his generosity to those who favor him with kindness and loyalty. Swift and deadly is his anger, unmatched his power. More than one king lies headless where he fell as he defied the generous intentions of Chun Bo Fen. Provide him with this place and he will defend your people as he defends his own. You and they will live as you always have, but knowing that a great lord is protecting you.”

The Lord of Kuelap had seen foreign leaders come to his gates and demand his submission before. They had always retired to their own countries after throwing themselves against his walls futility. Though this army was more numerous and had strange weapons and animals, it was likely to be the same story again. He responded to the lord from Túcume:

“We are accustomed to welcoming those who come to trade, or who are traveling to distant places, but we do not welcome those who make demands beyond our hospitality or who trade unfairly.

Return to the Governor of Chimor without this city. We will retain it for ourselves and protect it ourselves, as we always have. Tell him he should make his kind offers to those who require his generosity. We do not.”

At that, he gave a signal and the Palanquin was raised onto the shoulders of his men. Before they could retire, the Túcume noble said to the Lord:

“I have the word of my Lord and Governor that he will give you three opportunities to accept his kind request before the middle of the day after tomorrow. As he requires this place for his own land’s security, refusing him will cause great harm to fall upon you and your people.”

The Lord of Kuelap looked back at the noble.

“And how shall he accomplish that when none other could?”

Again signing to his men, he retired to his hall. The guards moved into the space the Lord had been and herded the Chimor delegation back out the city gate.

Chun Bo Fen was indeed angry at the refusal of the lord of Kuelap to surrender his stronghold, but he realized that he would not be able to reduce the city with his few cannon and other siege weapons in any reasonable time. It would be like reducing the Earth. He determined that if the city did not surrender by noon of the next day, he would give them a demonstration of strength and generate as much terror as he could. He would threaten the city with a rain of stones and fire. His cannon would fire in high arcs so their shot would fall from the sky. The trebuchets and catapults would loft fire bombs into the midst of the city and set the thatch roofs alight.

Should that fail to produce the submission of the city, he would destroy one of the nearby villages and send their heads over the walls. The siege would then begin in earnest.

At noon the next day, a servant of the Lord of Kuelap appeared at the gate. His message was brief:

“My lord has ordered you to leave his lands and you have not. Leave now. You shall not have this place.”

Within moments of the servants retreat behind the walls, a loud roar was heard from the forest behind the Chimor camp. Flame and smoke could be seen. A moment later there was a strange whistling sound followed by the sudden collapse of several roofs. At about the same time, black objects flew from the camp over the walls and wherever they fell fire sprang up. This happened three more times, with similar effect, One of the whistling stones even destroyed the lintel of the entry to The Lord’s hall, narrowly missing The old man himself as he rushed out to see what was happening.

All outside the wall fell silent, but within the walls was chaos. Many of the defenders had left their posts to help put out the fires or make sure their own family was safe. People ran from one place to another to find vessels to carry water to the fires or to escape the burning and rain of stones.

Screams of terror mixed with shouted orders. The Lord of Kuelap stood before his ruined doorway, the fires and fallen stones draining his resolve.
By nightfall the fires were out and Kuelap was again quiet. One of the storehouses had burned and their supplies were reduced, several houses had also been destroyed by fire and falling stones. The ambassador of Chun Bo Fen had, it seemed, spoken the truth. With so many outside his walls and such great power that can call stones from the sky, how could his city and people defend against them? He had heard that the cities of Chimor were prosperous, as the ambassador had said, and that they indeed did live their lives as they had before the coming of the Governor. They plied their trades, tilled their fields, herded their llamas and worshipped their own Gods, just as before.

His councilors, seeing the destruction and the power, fearing for their own safety and welfare, had agreed among themselves to convince their lord to open the city to Chimor before Chimor destroyed it and them. Beset by doubt, fearing for his people and wary of strangers, the old Lord was torn. He did not want more devastation but he feared enslavement to another power. The councilors pleaded, argued, cajoled and threatened for most of the night, until the old man fell asleep from exhaustion. Their efforts resumed early in the morning as if they had continued all night and finally, weary of them, their arguments and their cowardice, while fearful for his city and it’s people, he acquiesced. The Governor of Chimor would have his city and his people would live.

He sent the councilors to deliver the surrender to the surrounding army and retired to his chamber where he fell into a fitful sleep.

Chun Bo Fen received the embassy from the city with grace and told them that their people would not be harmed nor their city destroyed. They told the Governor how they had convinced the old Lord to capitulate and how much they yearned to be the servants of Chimor. They were sent back to the city with fine gifts and instructions that the people should come out from behind the walls and return to their fields in safety.

He wished to enter the city, but in strength and safety. The gate was designed in such a way that a man on horseback could not pass through. He ordered a ramp to be built on either side of the gate, wide enough for ten men abreast to march up. Upon entering the city in splendor befitting a conqueror, he visited the old Lord in his hall, telling him to rule as always, but find new advisors. He would leave troops at the city along with some weaponry and his personal representative, who the Lord would be wise to take into his confidence.

Within a few days, most of the Army of Chimor left Kuelap. Messengers were sent to the cities of the coast telling them to send cattle and farmers to help make the land more productive. As time passed, trade between the cities of the mountains and the coast increased greatly. Roads were built, hillsides terraced and ties strengthened.

Chun’s last act before leaving Kuelap was to summon the councilors and their families to his tent where he thanked them for their assistance. To their wives and children he gave gifts and honor and sent them home. To the councilors he gave a beating, berating them for their selfishness and cowardice, telling them that they were stripped of all position. When one of them asked why they were being treated like this since they had shown loyalty to Chimor the governor spat back:

“Your loyalty should have been to Kuelap and it’s lord, not to the Governor of Chimor! You are untrustworthy and unworthy of power!”
 
1299: A fateful Year: Part 3

Most of the events detailed below take place in what is now Guatemala.

1299: A fateful Year: Part 3

Songghumal was distraught at the loss of Ike Mense on multiple levels. He had been a trusted advisor, reliable commander, Bridge to the Uighur contingent and, most importantly, old friend and comrade. While there were capable leaders worthy of promotion within Ike’s troops, none had earned the complete trust of the Khan, and none had the history he had shared with the dead general. He secluded himself in his camp and spoke to no one for nearly a week as the Uighurs sent Ike to his ancestors in their way.

Megujin, the old shaman, had fallen ill with the fever, but had survived and was slowly recovering. Songghumal, when he left his isolation, did so to seek the old man’s council. Surrounded by several Ngöbe women who took care of his needs, Megujin rested on a palate, propped up by cushions and covered with a colorful Ngöbe blanket. He told the Khan that the troops needed to re-enforce their loyalty to him and the best way to do this was a campaign. The country around Alagh was secure and peaceful but there was still the Mayan threat that needed to be dealt with. Songghumal should lead an expedition against the Mayans himself and show the army that he had not softened in his role as Khan.

Songghumal took this advice to heart and summoned his commanders. His army was now supplemented by local troops who had learned many of the arts of Asian warfare. They in turn had provided the Asians with new strategies and tactics specifically suited to the forests and mountains that surrounded them. A few of the Ngöbe had shown sufficient leadership and military skill to be placed in command of their own units, and the Khan relied on their knowledge and familiarity of the terrain.

The Mayan cities were not close. By land, the nearest was over 4,000 li to the northwest. He could sail up the coast 3,200 li and then march overland about 250 li to a city called Kaminaljuyu. According to the stories of local traders, this had been a great city in the past, but had fallen upon hard times and was a shadow of it’s former self. It lay in a valley in the highlands and was about 450 li from the city of Quiriguá.

The Khan’s army had been weakened by the fevers, but he was still able to field 10,000 troops, including naval infantry and Ngöbe units, and 250 cavalry. He would leave 3,000 or so troops and a small contingent of cavalry to defend Alagh. The force at Asi ügei would be left intact to defend the coast of the other sea. The journey up the coast would not be an easy one, with contrary currents and changeable winds, but it would be much faster than traveling by land. Once he reached his landing place, about 2 weeks sail along the coast; he would rest his troops on shore, pasture the horses and send scouts towards Kaminaljuyu.

As he formulated his plans, he sent a ship to Chan Chan with the news of the death of the Governor’s family and orders to send some of the Chinese units back to Alagh. The ship returned after the Khan departed on his campaign with the news that the Governor was himself engaged in a campaign to the south and the troops requested by the Khan were needed to defend the provincial capital. There would be no assistance from Chimor at this time.

On the first day of June, 1299, Songghumal Khan set off in his fleet to conquer the Mayans. Time, weather and a lack of resources had taken a toll on the fleet and there were far fewer ships available for the expedition. They were crowded and uncomfortable as they fought the current westward. Most of the Ngöbe had never been on a ship before and the motion was strange, resulting in widespread sea sickness among their ranks. As a result, when the army disembarked at their destination the Ngöbe were weak and in need of rest and recovery.

Despite his best efforts, Songghumal did not have very good intelligence. He rightly believed that Kaminaljuyu was in decline, but had no idea how far it had fallen. The city, once a great center of pilgrimage and power, was nearly empty. Quiriguá, his second target, he believed was a great trading city. It was in fact lightly populated with it’s trading days long past.

His scouts encountered nothing and no one until they came within sight of Kaminaljuyu. From a hill above the valley they saw great expanses of fields, mostly untended, and the remains of a huge city, with platforms and temples, ball courts and plazas. What they did not see were people. The landing on the coast had not gone un-noticed, nor had the journey of the scouts into the interior. The last people in the city had abandoned it and were making their way to Quiriguá to seek refuge.

Runners had been sent to the Maya cities in the lowlands to the northeast and to “The Man of the Mat”, Tz'ikin, leader of the K'iche' Maya at Jakawitz. Tz’ikin was also aware of the landing of the Khan and was marshalling his forces to meet them. His tributaries, the Rabinal, Kaqchikel and Tz’utujil were sending troops and he had made Ajkan, his successor, War Leader of the warrior Ilok'ab' caste.

The scouts returned to Songghumal’s camp with the news that the way was free of danger, all the inhabitants having fled. They told him of the condition of Kaminaljuyu and the resources available there. Form their reports, he was able to conclude that the city would not be a challenge and decided to march through it to Quiriguá.

Flawed intelligence continued to plague the Khan as he marched toward Kaminaljuyu. From all the reports he had received, he believed the Maya were a unified kingdom ruled by Mayapan. He also believed that this entire region was in decline and peripheral to the empire ruled by Ahau Cuat Cocom, his chosen foe. He was unaware of, or discounted the presence of the K’iche’, their importance or even their location, of which he only had rumors.

Ajkan had assembled his army in the meantime and was marching to Kaminaljuyu to meet the Khan. His army was twice the size of Songghumal’s, but armed with wood, stone and bronze weapons. Slings, bows and spears were their only ranged weapons and most of the men carried clubs, axes or wooden swords edged with obsidian shards for close combat.

Ajkan had heard about the strange animals the Asians rode upon and he had also heard of the power of their bows. Rumors were rife in the countryside about the thunder and fire that they had at their command and he had tried to prepare his men for a battle with magical foes so they would expect the unexpected. He divided his force into two components and concealed them in the hills on either side of the valley of Kaminaljuyu. His plan was to allow the enemy to enter the valley and then attack with the smaller force which would descend onto the flank of the Asian army. Once engaged, the larger portion of his army would fall upon the opposite flank, now the Asian rear, and crush them as if they were in a vice.

Songghumal marched forward, believing the way was clear. He had taken the precaution of sending advance units in a wide fan ahead of the main body of his army to scout for any potential resistance. These scouts had discovered evidence of the movement of large bodies of men, but had not encountered any of the K’iche forces. This was interpreted as signs of the flight of the local population by the Khan.

As he entered the valley, the Khan’s advance units finally came into contact with outlying elements of the K’iche forces. These were lightly armed reconnaissance detachments and they offered no resistance, melting into the forest with only minor casualties.

As the Khan’s scouts descended towards the main army in the valley, they encountered parts of Ajkan’s main forces hidden between the hills on the west side of the valley. Vastly outnumbered, they were quickly surrounded and nearly annihilated.

The Kahn received the news of the army on his left flank just as the K’iche began to descend into the valley. He was able to turn his troops to face the onslaught in good order, depriving Ajkan of the element of total surprise. The K’iche advanced at a run, creating a terrible noise. The sight of the mass of Mayans charging towards the Khan’s army, waiving their weapons, their commanders urging them on from palanquins adorned with images of their patron deities was indeed alarming. There was an order that Songghumal could discern within the apparent chaos of the enemy army, but the meaning of that order escaped him in the wildness of the attack.

The Khan’s horse archers rode just out of bowshot from the K’iche shooting arrow after arrow into the enemy. Their numbers were too small to have much impact of the Mayan troops and the advance was not slowed. Smaller units of K’iche soldiers broke off from the main body to engage the horsemen who were soon driven back to the Khan’s forces.

The charging K’iche were only slowed as they came into range of the composite bows of the Asian archers, but the onslaught continued with the enemy advancing over the bodies of their stricken comrades, and finally coming into their own range. Arrows and stones began to fall on the Khan’s line and Ajkan’s men continued their inexorable progress towards the front ranks of the Asian army.

All things considered, the Khan’s forces were doing well. Casualties were definitely higher among the Mayan troops, the forces were of nearly equal size and the advance had been halted. Songghumal was confident that he would rule the day.

Ajkan’s men began to give ground and the army of the Khan began to move forward slowly. The battle was now hand to hand in many sections of the front and the horse archers had once again broken out and were harassing the Mayan flanks. At this moment, the larger K’iche force burst from the forested hills to the east and descended upon the Khans rear guard.

The cannon that were in the Khan’s train had not been prepared for the initial attack and were only now being brought to bear on the first Mayan assault. They were ordered to wheel and fire on the forces now trying to envelope the Khan. Archers turned and fired into the advancing K’iche, infantry units were detached and sent to meet Ajkan’s fresh troops. Now outnumbered on both flanks, the slaughter was tremendous.

Ajkan, in the aspect of the Hero Twin, Xbalanque, (the leader of the first force to attack the Khan lead in the aspect of Hunahpu, the other Hero Twin) drove his men forward relentlessly until they were engaged hand to hand with the invading army. The close engagement rendered the bows of the Khan ineffective. Spears, axes, clubs and swords were now the most effective tools of war. The cannon fired into the elements of the mayan force that had not yet engaged the Khan, wreaking great havoc among the K’iche troops.

The tide of battle had turned against Songghumal. Outnumbered and nearly surrounded he was now trying to find a way to extricate his army before it was overcome.

Ajkan’s troops had failed to close on the southern flank of the khan’s army, leaving a narrow front that was free of the enemy. Songghumal began to fall back on this breach and was able to break through into the open fields beyond. Finally free of the encirclement, he mounted a rearguard action to protect his men as they retreated from the valley the way they had entered it.

Ajkan pursued the Khan for some time, harassing his rear guard and inflicting some damage, but his men were exhausted and he had to give up and return to the valley. In the process he lost the initiative and was unable to capitalize on his victory. The Khan’s army was greatly reduced, but still intact.

The Ngöbe leaders, whose men had performed well during the battle, pressed Songghumal to return to Alagh. War on this scale was not something they were used to and the carnage had been unnerving. The Khan took stock of his remaining forces. He had lost thirty horses and three thousand four hundred men, more than a third of his army. The cannon had been lost in the retreat as well as their position was overrun by Ajkan himself.

The Maya here were not the weak declining and degraded civilization he had been lead to believe. They were strong and numerous. He did not have the forces necessary to overcome them. He needed horses, many more horses.

His decision to withdraw to the coast and the fleet was made that much easier by reports from his pickets that a large body of soldiers was seen moving towards the valley of Kaminaljuyu. These were in fact the Pipil, who had heard that the K’iche were on the march towards their lands to meet the Khan.

Fearing the intent of the K’iche and the purpose of the Khan, they had sent their own force to defend their territory and their cities to the southeast.

Songghumal, surprised at the organization, belligerence and population of this region he had thought of as nearly empty, made the decision to return to Alagh and husband his forces against the possibility of a major invasion by the Maya. His retreat was hasty, but orderly and he soon arrived at the coast and the fleet.

He never learned that the Pipil army had fallen upon the forces of Ajkan as they recovered in the valley and soundly defeated them. The resultant war between the two neighboring peoples was short and bloody. The K’iche were absorbed into the expanding Pipil kingdom which soon dominated the highlands and would eventually threaten the Mayapan league itself.
 
A short story from Turtledove (or Anderson), but I don't know its name. I believe its in the same series as Delenda Est, and some story about a Persian king if I remember right...Wasn't the series Time Patrol? Anyway, there was a short story about Mongols in America I believe.
 
1299: A Fateful Year: Part 4

Upon the submission of Kuelap, Chun Bo Fen retraced his path to Cajamarca and then down to Chan Chan to follow the coast road to Paramonga. Passing through the capital, he re-supplied his troops and added additional men who had been sent from the valleys around Chepen and Jequetepeque.

Paramonga was approximately 700 li to the south of Chan Chan along the coast and near his southern border. He had developed good trading relationships in the city and exchanged regular embassies with the leaders of the area. He knew that they were prosperous but also not militarily inclined. They maintained their position in the region through negotiation and trade. He felt certain that the city would submit to his control with little resistance.

He had actually underestimated the people and leaders of Paramonga. Upon arrival outside the city, a delegation was sent out to welcome the great Governor of Chimor and escort him into Paramonga with great ceremony. His army encamped near the city and food, drink and other goods were conveyed to them on long trains of llamas. Chun brought 5,000 men as a guard with him and the city leaders hailed his power and strength.

In short, Chun had expected the city to roll over and submit. He did not expect to be welcomed as a hero and great lord. The leaders of Paramonga had arrived at the determination that their best bet for avoiding conflict was to treat Chun as a great man and hope that they would be allowed to continue to lead their lives as before. It was an astute evaluation. Chun was so pleased at the welcome and the complete lack of resistance that he gave the city very generous terms for it’s capitulation. They would be allowed to continue their business as before, save a small tribute to Chan Chan, but they would receive very favorable trade terms with Chimor and the Khanate. They would allow Chun to send a representative to present his interests to the leadership, but they would continue to rule in all domestic and economic matters. They would provide and supply men for works necessary in the province such as road building, canal maintenance, mining and herding. When needed they would provide and supply men for the military needs of the Governor, beginning right now.

They happily provided 8,000 men for Chun’s army as well as the llamas to pack their supplies and the herdsmen to take care of the llamas. The army of the Governor of Chimor was now one of the largest that had been seen in these lands, nearly 40,000 men at arms.

Chun’s next goal was Pachacamac, the religious center of the Ichma Kingdom, about 500 li further south on the coast. Pachacamac and the Ichma Kingdom responded to his arrival at their doorstep much as Paramonga had. After a brief show of force, mainly involving an archery display on horseback, the King of Ichma submitted to the overlordship of Chimor without resistance. An additional 5,000 troops joined the ranks of the Governor.

The next goal was the city of Chincha. This city was renowned for the skill of it’s farmers, the skill of it’s mariners who traded as far as Alagh, and the fierceness of it’s warriors. Chun had no illusions of what was to come. He knew that Chincha would be a battle and most likely a siege. His new troops were not yet integrated into the army as he would like so he determined to test the Chincha by unleashing these local soldiers upon them to see how they fought. He would not sacrifice the native troops, but would use them as a learning tool.

Some distance north of the city he came upon the first elements of the Chincha army. Several small engagements showed them to be well trained, disciplined and very skilled with their weapons. Chun’s troops from Paramonga and Ichma were always the superior number, but always took very high casualties. They beat the Chincha back, but at terrible costs.

On the coastal plain a few li north of the city, Chun came into contact with the main Chincha army. He felt that in order to defeat them decisively he needed at least a three to one advantage. Their initial engagement proved him wrong. The native troops, Paramonga, Pachacamac, and Chimor suffered great losses. His Chinese troops, with their superior metal weapons were far more valuable and the Horse archers proved their worth by terrifying the Chincha warriors with headlong charges followed by retreats where the archers fired over their horses rumps. They proved dangerous coming and going and harried the Chincha with a rain of arrows.

Chun was able to drive the Chincha from the field eventually, which allowed him to besiege the city. This was the first full siege engaged in on this continent. And although short by Asian standards, only lasting three weeks, it was devastating to both the city and the native participants.

Chun set up his catapults and trebuchets as well as the cannon he had with him. Stones fell on the city, the walls of buildings collapsed under cannon fire, and the city burned as a result of bombs hurled by catapult and trebuchet. The defenders constantly made forays to harass Chun’s advance units and were repeatedly repulsed. The city held even though this was warfare like the Chincha had never seen. In the ranks of Chuns native army, there was a strange sense of elation at boxing up the vaunted Chincha warriors, but it was combined with a horror at seeing the city burn as the result of ranged weapons. Arrows they understood, but hurling pottery that created fires was beyond their understanding.

They would learn soon enough though. They were now part of the most technologically advanced military force in this half of the world.

When Chincha fell, it was not noble or grand. There was no final act or assault. The Chincha warriors did not mount a breakout attempt. The siege simply ended. For two days there was little or no hostile action originating from the city. Chun sent detachments of troops closer and closer with only minor response from the defenders. On the 23rd day of the siege, he sent Chinese infantry units into the city and they met no resistance. The people left were starving. Food had been destroyed in the fires from the trebuchets. Water, derived from wells within the city had kept the people alive, but the lack of food had broken them.

The king of Chincha and his priests had sacrificed many of the population hoping that their gods would come to their aid, but the gods were busy elsewhere. They had been sacrificed themselves at the hand of the populace, frustrated and hungry. Only the bones of the leaders of Chincha were found, in a pot.

Chun was horrified at the actions of the nobles of Chincha and the final acts of it’s people. He summoned the leaders of all the native contingents to his tent on the plain, having decided that he would not enter Chincha.He spoke to them as follows:

“Noble kings and lords of Chan Chan, Kuelap, Paramonga, Pachacamac, Cajamarca and the other domains of the province of Chimor; You know that the Khan has left your cities and lands in peace. Your people live as they always have. We all grow rich and prosper within our common allegiance. Our people eat well, there is no hunger, all benefit.

Here, in this city, the kings have chosen to resist and fight and so destruction has come upon them. Rather than choosing to submit and accept the benevolence of the Khan, they chose to resist the irresistible and so lost their birthright.

They, in their arrogance and lack of humility, their unwillingness to recognize their weakness, Their refusal to acknowledge that they could not triumph have doomed their families, their cities and their people.

These kings, on the backs of their valiant warriors, whose courage my army will always admire and respect, prayed to their gods with the blood of their women and children. Their gods did not hear them. Their own people, in turn, sent them to those same gods, and, out of unimaginable hunger, consumed their king as he was consuming them.

This city is not wounded. This city is dead. It’s gods have forsaken it and their temples will be raised. The people have shown themselves no better than their kings, and they shall be removed. Chincha will fade from the memory of the mountains and the sea. It’s warriors are gone. It’s fields will lie fallow. This fertile land will belong to new men, Men of Chimor and Chimor’s friends.

Let your people know what has happened here so they may rejoice in the wisdom of your leaders. Let them know what has happened here so they may tell the story that the old gods forsake Chincha and the people of Chincha forsake the old gods.

For five years I declare this place dead. No one may live here, farm here, fish here. The city will be erased. In time, a new city may be built, but not until the earth has forgiven what the people of Chincha did to themselves.

Your duty is to erase Chincha. In fourteen days, There will be no sign that the city of Chincha ever existed.”
Dismissing these leaders, Chun left the field of Chincha and marched with his Chinese troops towards the prize, the iron found just south of the city of Omo, another 1,700 li to the south. His native troops followed, having reduced the city of Chincha to nothing more than a pile of rubble. Nothing of the city remained. The people had been employed and the stone had been scattered in random directions from where they had been laid. In the end, according to the wishes of the governor, the people of Chincha were marched south, destined to work the iron mines of the Khan.
 
1299: A Fateful Year: part 5

1299: A Fateful Year: Part 5

In Asi ügei, Orghui Biskigür had repaired his two ships and was in the process of re-assembling several more that the Khan had sent overland. He had even begun construction of a new one despite his lack of iron. It was a small vessel, intended for coastal navigation and held together by wooden dowels, lashing and skilled joinery. Using native cotton for the sails and built of local timbers, his shipwrights had to develop new techniques and designs suited to the indigenous materials. In this, the natives of the region proved invaluable, for they knew which wood was easiest to work and which were most resistant to the marine environment for they had been building canoes and other open boats for fishing and trade for many centuries. Once the new ship was completed, he would have a fleet of ten vessels at his command. The Khan had also sent the crews of these ships and a small unit of naval infantry.

Fishing, farming and trade had returned to the surrounding countryside as the original inhabitants returned to resume their lives. There was no great love for the Asians, but their presence and control was tolerated. Some of the villagers, at the urging of their headmen, had begun to work with the people from Alagh in order to gain a better understanding of their strengths and weaknesses. They learned that the Asian force was superbly armed but severely limited in numbers of fighting men. Their technology was far advanced, but they relied on local labor to put it to use. Most importantly they learned that the Ngöbe and other peoples who were closest to the Asians were slowly becoming discontented with the rule of the Khan.

There was prosperity across the entire length and breadth of the Khanate, from one sea to the other. Food and goods were plentiful and there was active and free commerce. The new methods of agriculture had been combined with the local practices to increase harvests and reduce labor in the fields. New skills and crafts had been learned, new industries established and old ones expanded. Animal husbandry was more and more widespread with growing herds of cattle providing meat and dairy products, leather, wool and fertilizer. The inability of the natives to properly digest dairy products was slowly lessening as they gained exposure to dairy products and increasingly nursed their young on the milk of cows and sheep. Chicken and ducks provided a significant part of their diet as well as feathers and down for various commercial uses and the flocks were expanding into the countryside. Some had become employed in the herding, raising and training of horses and had lost all fear of these strange animals. A few had even learned to ride.

The use of the wheel and cart had greatly simplified the transportation of goods. Wagons were hauled by teams of oxen or gangs of men and pathways were rapidly becoming roadways in order to accommodate these new vehicles.

The land between the seas was undergoing a rapid and revolutionary change in the space of less than one lifetime. But despite this progress there were factors which caused the native peoples to question the hegemony of the Khan.

Their labor had always been self directed. They had known what needed to be done and worked together to maintain their society. Leadership of the people had always been conferred on the basis of skill, knowledge and wisdom; it had never been claimed or forced upon them. Their work was for the common good, never for the benefit of a single person or group. The Khan had forced them into corvees to build his city and roads. He had required them to provide men for his army and he had forced some of them to relocate to new areas. There was also the forced labor and deportation south of the people who had resisted the Khan to the west on the other sea.

When they had fought each other, it had always been for a good reason, resources, trade routes, honor or other truly meaningful purposes. The Khan had now taken thousands of their men and gone farther away than made any sense to engage in a war of conquest against people they did not even know. The natives could not understand what benefit they would receive from this adventure. They were even more baffled when Songghumal returned having failed, leaving many of their fellows dead on the field of battle.

The Khan himself was greatly dispirited by the disastrous campaign against the K’iche. Not only had he lost a significant number of men and several cannon, but he had shown himself to be a weakened leader. Additionally, he felt he had made a great enemy of the K’iche and could expect them to move against him. Having failed to reinvigorate his sense of adventure and daring, he set about preparing for the inevitable K’iche assault. He strengthened his outposts to the northwest, the most likely direction of approach, with additional troops. Ships were dispatched to Chan Chan ordering the return of units to re-enforce Alagh. He relocated his camp within the walls of his unfinished capitol and all work was concentrated on completion of it’s defenses. Within the walls he gathered stockpiles of supplies and weapons,

Orghui Biskigür sent part of his garrison back to Alagh as ordered and had his ships constantly patrol the coast close to Asi ügei. He also strengthened his palisades and filled his storehouses with food, fodder and weapons.

The son of the Khan, Nugün Ürije, returned to Alagh from the west with the horses that had remained there during the abortive campaign of Songghumal and re-united with his adoptive father. This brought some joy to the Khan as he absorbed the young man’s enthusiasm and energy and enjoyed his wit and intelligence.

The prince was billeted with his comrades near the Khans tent, within the walls. This was his decision as he told his father that he wanted to be with his men to protect the Khan when the K’iche came. Songghumal appreciated his dedication to the soldiers and his understanding of the situation and allowed him to remain with the troops.



Far away, Ahau Cuat Cocom, lord of Mayapan, had received runners from Tz'ikin with news of the K’iche victory over the Khan. He was pleased that the Songghumal had shown himself not to be invincible, but troubled by the triumph of his K’iche brother. Runners were sent to Jakawitz bearing the king’s good wishes and expressing his pleasure at the defeat of the invaders. Ahau Cuat Cocom was surprised when these runners returned with the news that Tz’ikin was now engaged in a war with the neighboring Pipil kingdom which had destroyed much of his army at Kaminaljuyu while they recovered from their battle with the Khan.

He felt that this war would prevent the K’iche from threatening the league of Mayapan and continued to concentrate on preparations for his invasion of Songghumal’s lands. He would soon launch this offensive and had already sent many of his soldiers south towards the Khanate. They would be joined by forces from the cities along the way to create a formidable army.

The Mongols that he had captured had been very well treated in their gilded prisons and now had wives (several) and children in Mayapan. Additional horses had been captured in raids and the King now had nearly 100. The Mongols had trained men to ride these horses and fight from them, but the Mayan horsemen had not yet mastered the art of horse archery. They had, however, become accomplished lancers and had learned to use the sling at a full gallop with surprising accuracy.

Mayapan also had fielded a large corps of archers, armed with the Mayan version of the compound bow. These archers had honed their skills by hunting and enforcing the will of Ahau Cuat Cocom on league cities when they were reluctant to follow the king’s directions.

The army of Mayapan made it’s way to the coast where the king had assembled a great number of large canoes. There they boarded the canoes and embarked on their journey to join the troops already approaching the khanate. Ahau Cuat Cocom journeyed by land with his horsemen, his Palanquin, no longer carried on the shoulders of his men, had been mounted on another Mongol introduction, wheels, and was pulled by four of his best horses. With his cavalry marched his guard bearing bronze axes and swords.

As long as he was able to use the Mayan roads his progress was rapid, but when the roads stopped it became increasingly difficult to move the palanquins through the forests. Thus he was forced to the coast where he could continue the journey by boat.

At the end of August, Ahau Cuat Cocom landed in the northwest part of the great bay of islands. He had avoided being found by the ships from Asi ügei and his army had survived the march and voyage in fairly good condition. His spies had provided him with the locations of all of the Khan’s outposts in this region as well as good intelligence about the forces arrayed against him. The local population was, in fact, largely sympathetic to the Mayan king since he was an old trading partner and somewhat familiar to them. Ahau Cuat Cocom was able to keep the presence of his army from the Asians largely through the cooperation of the locals, who provided supplies and additional men for the King’s forces.

The Mayan plan was to march down the coast and then turn inland and cross the mountains to attack Songghumal from the north. They would surround and eliminate the outposts in their way at night to prevent word from being sent to Asi ügei. By the time the destruction of the outposts was discovered, they would be preparing to fall upon the Khan’s capitol. There was no point in attacking Asi ügei at this time since they would lose the element of surprise and the town was lightly defended by comparison. It could be easily overwhelmed once the main Asian army was defeated.



Chun Bo Fen received the news of the death of his family as he marched away from Chincha towards Chen Chen and Omo. A ship had been sent from Chan Chan to Pachacamac and a rider dispatched from there.

The governor halted his march for a week in a fertile valley near the coast. His grief remained private as he sequestered himself from his troops and aides. Taking little nourishment, his only companion a Buddhist monk, he quietly meditated on the joy he had with his wife and son, on the sadness he felt when they were guests of the Khan, on the loneliness they experienced in their gilded prison at Alagh.

Toward the end of the week, he was able to deal with his loss and had a growing disdain for Songghumal, who had robbed him of what was most valuable to him. The Khan was the cause of their deaths as surely as if he had wielded a sword against them himself. There was no forgiveness to be given.

Chun was no longer bound to Alagh by anything stronger than empty words. His army was devoid of Mongols and loyal to him, his territory was prosperous, his reach was expanding and he would soon have iron. It would soon be time to drop the pretense of fealty to the Khan, whom he now viewed as a murderer.

On the morning of the eighth day, Chun Bo Fen left his tent and returned to his army. His commanders saw a new determination, grim and strong, in their leader. Messengers were sent to Chan Chan with orders that any missions from Alagh were to be detained until he returned. No ships were to sail north to the Khanate, no supplies, troops, weapons or aid was to be provided regardless of the reason. He knew that he now held the cards needed. He had the largest part of the army and a major part of the fleet under his command. His lands were far more populous than Alagh and his resources greater. He would declare himself on the day the first iron was pulled from the ground.

The Mandate of Heaven was his already.
 
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