I imagine secular Chechen nationalism of the type Dudayev advocated might be a stronger force, for starters, now you mentioned it.
La Transizione Imperfetta - Italy 20 years after fascism
- Thread starter PolishMagnet
- Start date
Found out this page yesterday, great work.
If i can ask how did Italy impacted other scenario around the world like Suez Crisis, the middle east situation, Portugal colonial war, South Africa, Rhodesia, Argentina especially in the falkland period and other scenario in general.
Also maybe is a dumb question but an Italy that stay neutral and then join with the ally and which in practise has an occupation zone in Germany (austria), counting also the very high popularity of the figure of Balbo in the USA at the time wouldn't risk to become one of the permanent member of the United Nations Security Council?
If i can ask how did Italy impacted other scenario around the world like Suez Crisis, the middle east situation, Portugal colonial war, South Africa, Rhodesia, Argentina especially in the falkland period and other scenario in general.
Also maybe is a dumb question but an Italy that stay neutral and then join with the ally and which in practise has an occupation zone in Germany (austria), counting also the very high popularity of the figure of Balbo in the USA at the time wouldn't risk to become one of the permanent member of the United Nations Security Council?
IRA and the Troubles was a case of unpopular govt policy vs popular opinion. The government was solidly pro-UK and anti-IRA (since the IRA were terrorists fighting an Italian ally) but didn't provide aid or anything, while public opinion was solidly pro-IRA (catholicism).
Italy does take part in the Suez Crisis, and yes there is "slowed down" decolonisation but it still fails. There are a few minor differences I will get into at some point.
I don't want to get into the rest of the world much yet, I want to keep the focus on Italy until my original plan is done (East Africa, Libya, Albania, around the Adriatic, finish in Rome).
You make a good point about Italy being a permanent UNSC member, I'll have to think about it - I hadn't considered that as a possibility.
Slovenians in Italy
Slovenians in Italy
After spending much time in the footprint of Italy, I finally make my way into Italy by way of Austria. The last leg of my journey will be a simple drive through Italy, from Gorizia in the north to Napoli in the south.
My next interview is in Gorizia (Slovene: Gorica), one of the many Italianised cities that had once been majority slav. From the rise of fascism in 1922 to its fall in 1994, the Italian state forcibly assimilated and deported most non-Italians, and despite this, the language still holds on in certain parts of the region. On the Viale XX Settembre, my taxi pulls over in front of the Lojze Bratuž Cultural Centre. The white building still looks new, though it was built in 1998, and its windows are spotless. Great care has been put into keeping the place clean.
Entering into the lobby, I’m greeted by the director, 43 year-old Mateja Kovač. She’s accompanied by a few younger men and women, who all smile and shake my hand. After some brief introductions, I learn that these are university students volunteering at the centre. Mateja is the second director of the cultural centre since its opening, with its first director having just passed away two years ago.
Once the pleasantries are out of the way, we make our way to a small meeting room. “We can get settled in here, I’ll ask someone to bring us coffee soon,” she says. The room has no windows, but it has good soundproofing and a mix of modern and traditional landscape art on the walls. The table is a sturdy piece of finished wood, not cheap but also nothing exotic.
Q: Mrs. Kovač, I have to say the cultural centre is quite nice. Would you mind if I asked who funded its construction?
Mateja Kovač: It was a collaborative effort within the Slovene community. We also received a small grant from King Anton II of Slovenia.
Q: How are relations between the Slovene community here and the Kingdom of Slovenia?
MK: It depends. Relations between the community and Slovenia are quite strong, especially in recent years, but many are critical and question the monarchy’s role in crimes committed under fascism. Of course, those crimes were mainly perpetrated by the fascist government of Italy, and today we receive a lot of support from Slovenia.
Q: What is the current situation for the Slovenian community in Italy?
MK: It’s a mix of progress and ongoing challenges. Slovenian was recognised as a historical minority language in 1999, but we’re struggling against the inertia of fascist-era policies. Of course, now we can openly promote our language and culture. Slovenian language is taught in schools, but we don’t have adequate representation in the government or media.
Q: How does Slovene language education work in Italy?
MK: Well, here in Venezia Giulia, Slovene language is offered as an optional class in most schools. Parents can also choose to send their children to Slovene primary and secondary schools, but not everyone lives somewhere that has them.
Q: I noticed on my way here that there are bilingual signs in this neighbourhood. Are those everywhere in the region, or just a few places?
MK: Not everywhere, but usually anywhere with a significant Slovene community. Especially when you leave the city, it’s common to see towns and villages with bilingual signs.
Bilingual sign in Postregna, in Venezia Giulia
Q: How do people feel about their Slovene identity after the fall of fascism?
MK: Many, especially the older generations who experienced oppressive policies of the fascism, have a renewed sense of pride. Since fascism ended in Slovenia as well, it’s easier for them to feel a real connection to their heritage. Others, especially the younger generation, are only learning about these things now. They grew up in an italianised environment, and usually felt alienated from their communities. Many of them are shocked and angry about what happened, while others want to move on.
Q: You spoke about younger Slovenians feeling alienated, do you think the Italian government’s stance on reconciliation has helped alleviate it, or made it worse?
MK: It’s a contentious issue. Some people appreciate the policy reversals from the late 90s, especially the new language and cultural rights we received, but others feel it’s fallen short. The lack of a concrete apology or investigations into exact figures of deaths and deportations has led to many feeling angry.
Q: Do you think this is connected to the recent revival of extremist groups like TIGR?
TIGR (an acronym of Trst/Trieste, Istra/Istria, Gorica/Gorizia, Reka/Fiume), full name Revolutionary Organisation of the Julian March T.I.G.R. (Slovene: Revolucionarna organizacija Julijske krajine T.I.G.R.) was an anti-fascist insurgent organisation active between 1927 and 1941. A revival group was founded as a political party in 2007 to represent anti-fascist Slovenes in Italy, particularly in Venezia Giulia (Julian March).
TIGR rally in Basovizza, near Trieste
MK: Yes, but I think we should see it as a symptom of the problem rather than a solution.
Q: Do Slovenes see unification of Venezia Giulia with Slovenia as possible?
Mateja smiles, but shakes her head.
MK: The idea might be a symbolic goal, it’s highly unlikely. Both states are part of the EU, and any territorial changes would revive old issues like Kraljevica[1] and Zara[2].
[1] Kraljevica is Slovenia’s sea access corridor, which cut off Croatia from bordering Italy. Claimed by nationalist Croatians.
[2] Zara is Italy’s enclave in Dalmatia, surrounded by Croatia. Claimed by nationalist Croatians.
Q: Going back to language, do you think the Slovene language is recovering or continuing to decline?
MK: The language still faces pressure from Italian dominance, and the younger generation is often more limited in their proficiency due to social factors, but efforts to promote Slovene schools and programs are definitely working. I think improving community engagement and fostering a sense of connection will help maintain the growing number of Slovene speakers.
Q: How do the situations in Venezia Giulia and other Slovene areas of Italy compare?
MK: Venezia Giulia is a bit different, with a higher population and large urban centres like Trieste and Gorizia, but we share the same laws and cultural institutions. Having more people means we have a greater voice, and having people in the city means it’s easier to organise new initiatives or organise resources.
Q: Last question - would you ever consider moving to Slovenia?
MK: Personally, I feel connected to the Slovene community here. I’m committed to supporting it and keeping it alive, and I can’t imagine leaving it behind. Maybe living in Slovenia would have its appeal, but I believe my role here at the cultural centre is more important.
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note: it's not dead, I promise!!
Italians gave it back during the Cold War in exchange for Greece joining the Mediterranean Council, Italy's fascist micro-bloc, and backing Italy whenever decolonisation of Libya came up.
Italy backed Greece in the 1974 coup in Cyprus, leading to a mini proxy war between the Mediterranean Council and Turkey over the status of Cyprus. The end result was a federalised Cyprus separate from Greece. A lot of nationalist Turks are still bitter about it, but relations have improved considerably in the early 2010s.
Italy's involvement in the conflict in Cyprus extended the lifespan of the Greek Junta, so it is viewed with the same mixed legacy as they are in OTL. It's also important to keep in mind that ITTL there was no Greek entry into WW2. King Constantine II is still on the throne and their main struggle was against the communists (there is still a small-scale civil war in the late 40s). Italy is an ally and not an enemy, though they are seen as having a domineering attitude.
Italy views Greece as part of the Mediterranean Council, which is to say, a close ally of Italy and part of Italy's justification for seeing itself as a great power. They want to preserve the cooperation between Italy and the Balkans because it shows they have influence over other countries and can make things happen on the global stage. Italians feel a sort of solidarity with Greeks because they both democratised from fascism.
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Milan’s Post-Fascist Youth
Milan’s Post-Fascist Youth
Milan, a city with a rich history dating back millennia, has also played a significant role in Italy's complex 20th-century history. As Italy transitioned from a fascist regime to a democratic nation in 1994, Milan’s youth found themselves grappling with the legacy of the Years of Lead, the turbulent period from 1976 to 1994 characterized by political violence and extremism. In the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, extreme views have once again come to the forefront, and the youth of Milan are left to grapple with the consequences.
Milan in 2013
During the fascist regime of Mussolini, communism, and any form of leftist political activity, was brutally suppressed. Labour unions were dismantled, socialist parties were outlawed, and opposition figures faced persecution, imprisonment, and even execution. The totalitarian state was unrelenting in its mission to eradicate left-wing ideologies. The crackdown continued, even escalating, after the assassination of the first Duce by the obscure communist Angelo Sbardellotto. Italo Balbo, himself the former head of the Blackshirts, redoubled Mussolini’s efforts to imprison, punish, and exile leftists.
Anti-fascist Youth organisation badge – in use since 1977
In recent years, there has been a noticeable resurgence of both leftist and fascist political movements and socialist ideologies, particularly among the youth. Leftists had already held muted celebrations in the decade after fascism fell, but support for fascism had always kept quiet to avoid hostility. Since 2008, those quiet voices have become loud. The city of Milan has witnessed numerous demonstrations and protests advocating for workers' rights, income equality, and social justice. However, this resurgence is not without its challenges. In speaking with local students, it's evident that the city’s youth are driven by a desire for change and an unwavering commitment to combating social injustices.
After wading into one particular student protest outside the university, I question some of the students on why they’re protesting. Lucia Bianchi, a 21-year-old humanities student, expresses, "We cannot ignore the past, but we must build a better future. Fascism left scars on our country, and it's time we address the issues that have been painted over." Nearby, several of his colleagues nod in agreement. Marco Esposito, an engineering student from Salerno, adds, "We believe that the real trauma of the fascist years and the corruption that continued from it has never been truly addressed. The resurgence of fascist parties is just another reminder that we must confront our history to move forward."
When the protest began to settle in front of city hall, I took the chance to sit down with Enzo Pelizzari – a 22-year-old history student living in Milan. He is one of the organisers of the protest, and I can see his chest swell with pride as he watches the crowd.
Q: How do you see the legacy of fascism influencing the political landscape in Italy?
Enzo Pelizzari: Fascism was a dark time in Italy's history, and Milan was not immune to the violence and unrest that brought it down. Today, the legacy of the Years of Lead still lingers in our politics. The unresolved issues, the injustices, they continue to shape the political landscape. We need to confront this history honestly to prevent extremism from taking hold once again. We need to hold people accountable.
Q: How are anti-fascist groups like yours working to address these issues?
EP: Our focus is on education, awareness, and justice. We organize events, discussions, and rallies to keep the memory of the Years of Lead alive and ensure the younger generations understand the consequences of political extremism. Many of the politicians in power now were involved in the government before the dictatorship ended, but nobody will call for them to be fired unless they know about it. We want to make sure justice is served, and history doesn't repeat itself.
Q: Do you believe the resurgence of leftist movements is a good thing?
EP: It's complicated. While the leftist movements have gained momentum, fascism has too. People are frustrated, and things aren’t as good as they were 10 years ago. We want justice and fair pay, but we don’t want communism either. I’ve talked with people from Eastern Europe and we have a lot in common. To counter extremism, we need understanding and open dialogue.
Q: What do you hope to achieve in your activism against fascism and extremism?
EP: Our ultimate goal is to create a more equal and democratic Italy. We want to ensure that the atrocities of the past are never forgotten and that we learn from history to stop this from happening again. Many forget that Mussolini took power lawfully.
Q: Do you have hope for the future?
EP: I have to. Our generation is too young to remember the horrors of the past, but we lived through a lot. I’ve seen the resilience of the Italian people. We're determined to ensure that history doesn't repeat itself, and that gives me hope for a better future.
Very interesting - it's usually the case that extremist actions come to the forefront in times of hardship but 18 solid years of terrorism...I wonder, would this be similar at all to The Troubles?