If You Can Keep It: A Revolutionary Timeline

Chapter XXI - Jackson Consolidates Power. The Period of National Reorganization
“It gives me great displeasure to announce to the loyal parts of this Congress that the American experiment has, to this day, been set back through failure by failure, which have undone all which the few great founding fathers of this country seeked to accomplish when drafting the initial Constitution three score ago. Nowhere has any consummation of lofty ideals been able to be accomplished, due to the abomination that is our current Constitution.

The consequences of this period of chaos and anarchy has brought great peril to our great State. All pecuniary advantages possibly achieved during this period have been lost to the States, which used their misgranted freedoms to rebel against our legitimate rule. The danger I have so warned before, of cultural conflict and strife between good folk and Indians and freed slaves has come to fruition, on a war that has laid waste to our land and our people. Rapidly, our population, wealth and power has dwindled to nothingness; it is a sad fact that today many hope to leave our land and go south, to lands that are under the domain of Papists and Indians. This is but logical, after so many years of misrule - what good man would prefer the current country of the Whig and the Indian, one covered with forests and ranged by a few thousand savages, only relieved by a half dozen cities, crowded and filled with foreign men with foreign tongues? When have we lost the goal of our noble Republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms embellished with all the improvements which art can devise or industry execute, occupied by happy white families, and filled with all the blessings of liberty, civilization, and religion?

This is why the current status quo must come to an end. We must devise a new method of governance - one not encumbered by the Southron wish of rebellion or the Yankee wish of amassing wealth, one not encumbered by a misguided ploy of making equals out of unequals.

I announce that, as of today, the country must enter a Period of National Reorganization. The current Constitution is null and void; I shall rule with temporary decrees until order is reestablished under our proper, God-mandated system. The Congress, infiltrated with traitors and thieves, must be shuttered until new elections can be administered; the States must be purged of all traitorous elements.”


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Despite the fact that Jackson had effectively announced the end of American democracy for the time being, the mood in Washington was not sombre while he did so. Jackson famously liked throwing parties for the "common people" of Washington - these "common people", naturally, were Republican Party lackeys and local slaveowners. The Party of National Reorganization, held after the speech and depicted here, was famously large; and while Jacksonian propaganda reported how enjoyable the party was, it famously ended on two accidental defenestrations and one trampling.


The end of the American civil war would prove to be a momentous moment in American history, as Jackson, thinking his position would only continue to stand under a different political system that the one currently in place during the Compromise Constitution (one that explicitly tried to disperse power amongst as many people as possible, and gave both states and the judiciary large possibilities of stopping any reform that the Executive would think of as necessary or desirable). Especially concerned after the defeat of the Whig rebels, he immediately decided that the current Constitution would not do, and, in a particularly momentous decision to the young United States, decided to do away with democratic state government altogether, justified in the fact that all States had had at least some members of government that supported either Clay, the Burrites or Calhoun in the War of the Supremes.

The new Government of National Reorganization, ran by Jackson with almost absolute power, to him was styled in a way reminiscent of Julius Caesar. To many, especially those who had appreciated the similarities between Burr and Sulla, the perception of Jackson as “America’s Caesar” became especially ominous as State liberties were increasingly rolled back, and the American Republic was set to follow Rome into becoming an Empire.

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Caesarian imagery was not lost to the Jackson régime, who commonly harkened back to Roman myths to justify the government. Particularly, Caesar and Octavian were idolized. "Fair Columbia's founding" (left), a painting attributed to the Jacksonian epoch, particularly reflects this. Statutes of Caesar, Octavian and Jackson (right two, as an example) were erected throughout the country

While this was not precisely the case, this does not mean that the Period of National Reorganization was minor; in fact, it was one of America’s most tyrannical periods, one recalled to even to this day (by some) as a dark day for American democracy. For the first time in history, America toyed with a unitary government, changing its territorial ordinance; no longer would it be a nation of States, but one of Provinces; territories stripped even of their names and organized only numerically. Fundamental rights were greatly stripped back, even as Jackson provided basically every white man over 18 the status of American citizen. A particularly contentious amendment to the Constitution was the reinstatement of slavery at a national level - as Provinces no longer had the right to legislate independently of the National Government, laws imposed by Jackson’s decrees were applied the same way throughout the entire country. Soon, the Upper Mississippi was largely filled with slave owners which bought extremely cheap land expropriated from former native or rebel landowners, importing hundreds of slaves even in lands not traditionally suited to cotton farming. This brought great opposition from many Americans, especially in the north, where the abolitionist movement had greatly grown in the past years; however, considering the fact rebel militias had been absolutely crushed by Jacksonian forces, little could be done.

Bloody riots in Boston and New York over the arrival of hundreds of wealthy slave owners, who decided they wanted to live in formerly free states and supervise their plantations from afar, while bringing dozens of chattel slaves with them to the cities, soon began. Despite the fact Jacksonianism didn’t particularly care about popular opposition to slavery in the urban North, considering that the issue could be sidestepped now that most Provinces had areas at least somewhat dependent on newly homesteaded slave plantations, these riots soon began to be perceived as a new threat to public order, especially considering the fact that important opposition leaders like Henry Clay, John Pierre Burr and the Hamilton family had not been captured, but rather fled to Canada or the British Antilles. The increasingly paranoid Jacksonian administration soon began to crack down on protests, leading to the death of 30 Bostonians in the Bloody Sunday protests of 1837.

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Bloody Sunday, 1837, or the Second Boston Massacre, was a fundamental event for Boston's history.

It is interesting to note that one of Andrew Jackson’s most influential policies in the long-term was the destruction of the National Bank, one of the few federal institutions that had survived the Compromises of America’s previous civil wars and that harked back to the Washington Administration, now considered a golden age in the history of the nation, without any civil wars or democratic decline which would so often plague the American system throughout the nineteenth century. Jackson had long had an opposition to the back, something which he had inherited from the Jeffersonian Republican Party. Jackson had had to deal with many different issues during his constitutional presidency and had not achieved the political capital necessary for the overhaul of something which, by 1830, was a veritable American tradition - however, with absolute power achieved after the War of the Supremes, one of his first actions was to destroy the bank, even ordering the demolition of the buildings it had occupied in Philadelphia. From now on and until nearly the start of the XX Century, the financial system in the United States was extremely deregulated, which led to an extremely large number of banks operating independently within the United States; over 1000 were registered by the Jacksonian government by 1845. The liberalization of a banking system, and the weakening of the gold standard as Colombian and British exports to the United States dried up, meant that the banking system would lead to periods of extreme runaway inflation in large cities, where the supply of money constantly ebbed and flowed without central controls.

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Hunger and starvation, banished from the US urban areas after the Year Without A Sun, returned in 1837, not because of meteorological conditions but because of runaway inflation. Both poor and rich suffered: in New York City, records show that three months' rent in 1836 would afford five loafs of bread in 1837. A radical process of deflation as most II Province banks shut down in late 1837 would only make things worse.

The Period of National Reorganization finally came to an end in 1839, with the expedition of the Third Constitution of the United States, signed by a sham Congress and Jackson in Dover, a city located in the fourth region of the United States and which would serve as the capital of the Union for the rest of the Jacksonian period (Philadelphia was too much of a hotbed of both anti-Jacksonian and abolitionist activity, while Washington had slowly been depopulated by constant changes in the civil service). The new Constitution, while formally still trapped in the clothing of democracy, left ample powers to the Executive (including removing any checks and balances on his actions, determining that re-election was direct, through all voters enfranchised, and not through the Electoral College, and allowing the President to dissolve Congress at any point), eliminated the federal system of the United States (notably, legalizing slavery throughout) and named Jackson as president-for-life (subject to the possibility of popular recall, in theory; anyone advocating for this would be imprisoned, in practice, under a resurrection of John Adams’ Sedition Act). With white militias deep under the control of Jackson, and all political opposition deeply quieted by either inclusion into Jackson’s inner circle (as can be seen through the Carolinians) or exile, imprisonment, or execution, it was clear that nothing would stop Jackson’s powers.”

lf

"King Andrew" propaganda was common throughout the Trenton System. The Dover System being born, eliminating the Federal structure of the United States and mostly removing the rule of law from America, seemed to validate opposition propaganda from before.
 
It's very interesting how this will develop later, I imagine there will not be a second Jackson and I doubt people are willing to follow his adopted son so the fate of the US will be very interesting.

All in all pretty good update!
 
Chapter XXII - Religion, Independence, Union. Agustín Iturbide
Back down south…

Colombian imperial election, 1832

From Volkspedia, the people’s encyclopedia

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The Colombian Imperial election of 1832 was an election for the title of Emperor of Colombia, the second such election in the tenure of the Colombian Empire. It was held from June 1 to September 1 of 1832. In what is usually seen as a continuation of the traditional Colombian regime, Agustín de Iturbide, former Mexican Emperor, was elected as Emperor of Colombia as a whole, with a razor-thin margin of 53 votes out of 52 needed to avoid a second round (or, were the electors to choose it, to throw the Imperial Electoral College to the Congress, where a Republican majority would overthrow the monarchy).

The death of Simón Bolívar, while not completely unexpected, definitely shook the young American empire. Bolívar had seemed to rise from the state of catatonic depression that had held him ever since the events of La Cosiata. However, he had suffered from previous bouts of sickness since 1828, until he contracted malaria on a journey from New Orleans to Caracas, and died in his estate within two months of his falling ill, in March 27 of 1832. Under the rules of the Colombian Constitution, delegates from each of the States of the time met in the newly-built city of Las Casas to cast their votes (proportional to the wealthy white enfranchised population) for a new Emperor.

Local elites had had plenty of time to elect a single Imperial candidate. Despite the fact that not a single proposal coalesced completely, one of them came away far and ahead as the leader of the election: Mexican leader and close Bolivarian ally, Agustín de Iturbide, who was elected with 53 votes, being the only candidate to earn electoral votes from every one of the States of the Colombian Empire. Iturbide's margin of majority was extremely slim, having only one more vote than the 52 votes needed to ensure election on the first round; however, he was not seriously challenged by any other candidate to the election.

Ten other candidates received electoral votes: besides Iturbide, these are, in order José de San Martín, Argentinian independence hero; Francisco de Paula Santander, ersatz Republican leader and Neogranadine chief; Bolivarian general (often considered Bolívar's preferred successor) Antonio José de Sucre, incumbent President of the State of Charcas; Peruvian-Argentinian caudillo Toribio de Luruziaga; Charles II, Duke of Parma, seen as a respectable Bourbon choice that would ensure American independence from Spain while making the nascent monarchy more palatable to European nobles; Peruvian noble and descendant from Inca nobility, Nicolás de Araníbar; Infante Sebastián of Portugal and Spain, scion of the Houses of Bourbon and Braganza, seen as the candidate of what remained of Royalists in Colombia's elite; Argentinian politician José Antonio Fernández Cornejo, also a descendant of the Inca; Argentinian caudillo Juan Manuel de Rosas, who would earn greater prominence after 1848; and Chilean military and political leader Bernardo O'Higgins.

Despite the great fears for a Liberal-Republican majority in the Imperial Electoral Congress, less than 10% of electors ended up casting their lot for a Republican candidate in the form of Francisco de Paula Santander. On the other hand, Monarchist support, although divided, was solid throughout the country. It is often thought that the initial disorder of Southern Cone politicians, who sought to support the strongest of their own native politicians in the second round to stop Republicanism, was what managed to get Iturbide over the edge. He, having had time to centralize support throughout New Spain, managed to get a united front throughout the northern two-thirds of the country, even centralizing Bolivarian support that would've probably gone to Antonio José de Sucre in Venezuela, New Granada and Perú, and ensuring a slim victory in the first round, while Argentinian delegates discussed amongst each other whether to support one of their own military or political leaders or an European.

Of particular note to historians nowadays is the Inca Plan proposed by Argentinian candidate Manuel Belgrano to symbolically crown a descendant of the Inca dynasty as Emperor of Colombia. This led to the nomination of two different criollo nobles who boasted Inca descent. A similar attempt by Mexican delegates to crown the Duke of Moctezuma de Tultengo was quickly crushed by pressure from Iturbide at home. While the Inca Plan and the Aztec Plan would not come to fruition in Colombia, the precedent they establish would ease things out by the time of the Francia Empire, and prove ample support to Francista cultural policies and the rise of indigenismo as a cultural and political movement.

The main two issues to affect the election were the continuation of Bolívar's legacy, which was mostly seen as paramount to the symbollic part of the Anfictionic Throne; and the threat from the Jacksonian United States, which had just the year before crossed the Mississippi River and occupied San Luis. Iturbide, as the strongest military leader of Northern Colombia, got an added boost due to the fact that most Colombian nobles thought he could most efficiently muster the levies of Colombia against the Americans; Louisiana and Florida, after all, were at the time parts of the State of Mexico. The threat of a negative majority in the Electoral College and the declaration of a Republic, as well as cultural aspects such as the Inca and Mexican plans, which began the fight for Colombian identity, also stood out throughout the electoral process. However, no more internal affairs were discussed, as, at the time, the Imperial Electoral College saw the Imperial crown as little more than a glorified military commander of joint forces of the Latin Americans. Agustín de Iturbide therefore had a strong advantage.

Iturbide was crowned on January 5, 1833 in Mexico City, where the Crown of the Andes was transported. He immediately moved to the capital city of Las Casas, where the government of the Anfictionic Congress would continue to meet, even as Iturbide mostly controlled the Empire's forces from the city of New Orleans.

Despite the momentous event that was the election of the first Emperor of Colombia after the death of Bolívar, which most importantly ensured that the succession of the empire was secure and that the Imperial government would survive the death of its founder, the Election of 1832 is mostly considered a little-important event. Additionally, the Iturbide premiership, not yet very strong within Colombia and relatively short in comparison to other Imperial tenures, would not leave a lasting mark in Colombian history. The election of Iturbide, however, would result in a victory for non-Neogranadines, meaning that the center of power in Colombia would start to swing away from New Granada.


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Results of the 1832 election.


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Coronation of Agustín de Iturbide in Mexico City, 1833.

“One of the most interesting elements of the Election of 1832 was the fact that, despite wide opposition from creole sectors, an European was not elected. This was not necessarily the case, as the Creole landed class did not see itself, initially, fit for government. This was especially strong in the Southern Cone, where the local creole bourgeoisie fought against local rule. Initially Argentinian delegates mostly supported the election of an Inca to the throne, in a mostly symbolic measure that sought to abolish the traditional trappings of imperialism. Meanwhile, those in Chile and Perú, rife with Loyalist sympathies, continued proposing Bourbon infantes to the throne; most notably Charles II of Lucca and Infante Sebastián from the Braganza-Borbón offshoot. This implied the fact that amongst the Creole elites an inferiority complex remained, one that made them see themselves as the mongrel children of a stronger American empire. In fact, the Imperial Plan of Colombia, thought mostly by Bolívar and Iturbide, today is seen as mostly meant to empower European nobles over the Colombian empire; it was only the fact that Bolívar had accumulated such tremendous prestige throughout the liberation campaigns that led to his coronation as Emperor.

At this point, this meant that the creole noble class would not precisely look to create a Colombian national identity. Instead, regional ethnic identities continued to exist mostly in the traditional Spanish colonial mold, with the sole exception that Spanish-born peninsulares were no longer present within the Colombian Empire, and thus creoles almost universally accrued the power in the country. Instead, the Iturbide Empire was mostly destined to national security issues, especially those prescient in the Mississippi basin. Having already greatly been concentrated within the city of San Luis after American forces were forced to withdraw from the city, the Iturbide emperorship was concentrated in a great fortification of major Mississippi river crossings - San Luis, chief amongst them, got veritable fortifications and a great amount of new soldiers pouring into the Empire, dependent on trade with New Orleans to supply the entirety of the country. Further to the south, forts were established throughout major ports in Mobile, Pensacola, San Agustín and Baton Rouge.

A large part in the defense of the Colombian empire was the recruitment of rebel forces which had fled the United States to Colombia; especially, since these didn't harbor so much mistrust from the Colombian government, Native Americans. Despite the fact that they were treated as second-class citizens in a mostly creole-ruled Colombia, the Empire granted them rights and land and preferred the use of their native languages to English, which meant that the Colombian governance was infinitely better in the perception of many Natives than US rule.

Iturbide, which saw nothing wrong in depending increasingly more on the United Kingdom, did not heavily invest into naval forces as San Martín later would. On the other hand, land forces were indeed strongly fortified. Integration attempts, though nascent at this stage, were attempted in order to make a better force out of Colombian armies. Iturbide's motto of religión, yndependencia y unyón (Religion, Independence and Union) mostly pacified Catholic clergy which had been alienated from the Colombian crown by the Crown Incident.

All in all, Iturbide's government was mostly uneventful, other than the fortifying of the Colombian confederate army in a strong anti-American action, a continuation of cultural and naval statu quo, and the fortifying of parliamentary opposition in the Colombian parliament, strengthened by the figure of Santander, vengeful towards Iturbide's victory, and increasingly strong in his anti-monarchistic leanings."

-Encyclopedia Britannica article on Agustín de Iturbide.​

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Without many domestic policy achievements in Colombia, Iturbide (left) is mostly remembered for the Throne of Eagles (right), which was used as the throne of Colombian emperors in Las Casas.

“The economic system imposed by Santander’s parliament in the aftermath of Bolívar’s death, voted into existence almost unanimous by both Liberal and Conservative congressmen, proved two different things about the incipient Colombian political system.

The first thing to come to most foreign observers’ minds on the young Colombian economic system was its remarkable similarity to the political proposals of the Federalist Party to their northeast. Hamilton’s folly was not seen as a particularly strong discrediting factor in the establishment of an economic system based on banking and the assumption of member states’ debts by a newly created National Bank. The reason for this was, practically-speaking, very simple; Mexico and Argentina, two of Colombia’s three most populous member states, were deeply indebted due to their drawn out independence wars. To Santander’s liberals, operating under a utilitarian principle, the ability to pay off the local debts with money from Peru and Charcas’ silver, Chile’s copper and New Granada’s gold would lead to a stronger Colombian state, both by unifying the states’ economic fortunes together as well as by paying off the increasingly large debts the two trading states were acquiring. In regards to the political ideals behind the decision to create the National Bank, it is important to remember that Hamilton, hailing from the island of Nevis, was, in many ways, accustomed to a political and economic culture far more similar to that of the coastal areas of Colombia (and almost identical to the then-Spanish Antilles) than to the more mercantile economic climate of New York City. Hamilton’s ideals, seen in the United States as the extreme end of one side of the political spectrum, were the accepted political consensus within the liberal economic project that swept Creole sentiment.

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The Colombian National Bank, Las Casas. The white-and-blue ribbons show the celebration of the Argentine Day of Independence in May 25.

Internally speaking, however, the main issue with the approval of the Colombian National Bank was conclusive proof that, despite their monarchistic nature, the Conservative faction of the government was, economically speaking, at least as strongly subscribed to Santander’s brand of liberalism as the Liberals were. Santanderean legality (especially the posterior Civil Code based on Napoleonic ordinance, as well as the establishment of limited secularity in government) were accepted without a single complaint by the Conservative leadership. It was clear proof to the Liberals that, despite the fact that Bolívar’s monarchist ambition had been accomplished in the Anfictionic Congress, the Liberal faction was very much in power, and with full control over the legislative-judicial branches, only the executive was under strong monarchist rule. Santander was keenly aware of this, as he famously uttered ‘by the end of my lifetime there will be no more Monarchy; moreso, there will be no more Conservatives’.

The new National Bank of the Colombian Empire, despite being based off Hamilton’s financial bank, would prove to be fare more stable than the American bank, especially after the financial charters for the bank expired and Republican politicians turned it into a toothless polity without any capacity for funding or provision of money to the central government. The National Bank survives to this day as one of the hallmarks of Colombian fiscal stability, having outlived its inspiration, its nation’s political system, and the sheer existence of many of the individual states that voted to implement the system.

The National Bank also has a high water mark as the first truly Colombian organisation. Previous to the creation of the National Bank, Colombia was not much more than a glorified military alliance between local caudillos who recognised the Emperor as a last step in a chain of command. The National Bank gave, for the first time, some civilian power to the Colombian state: starting the process that would result in the Empire (and its successor) becoming a true State.”

-Excerpt from The Growth of Economic Liberalism in Early Colombia, 1830-1839. Published by Andrés López Obregón, Julián Pérez Gómez and Luis Fernando Huamala García, jointly published by the economics faculties of the National Autonomous University of Mexico, the University of Cusco, and the Andes University of Santafé de Bogotá, 2001.

 
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What's happing in brazil, the Caribbean, and Canada?
Right now Brazil and the Caribbean are mostly going on as OTL; we’ll get to how Colombia’s existence changes those regions in a little bit.

On the other hand, Jacksonian encroachment on Canada will make the country a lot more conservative. The Family Compact seems to be more in the right than iOTL, so things will start changing soon. That’s actually what next chapter is about! :)
 
This is a dam big country in Latin America, I wish Brazil was also allowed in kkk

After all, the language differences between Brazilian Portuguese and Spanish are not more significant than those between Castilian and Catalan.
 
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Chapter XXIII - Up North. The Three Republics of Canada.
Otter Woman thought the new men were strange. She was used to the arrival of new, tall, white men, with their long beards and their colorful outfits, who talked in those languages that sounded somewhat like her husband’s but totally different at the same time. She was used to being taken on one of her husband’s adventures, acting as a translator to her people while he spoke in French with one of his new friends. Sacajawea often teased that she was the smarter of the two, but she doubted it. If she was so smart, why did she talk so much with the newcomers? Those were never up to any good.

Jean-Baptiste had warned her before, told her that dark times were coming. He was a smart man, and so big and handsome, now that he had grown. Her own children, Yvonne and Pierre, were far younger, but had long left this neck of the woods; called by the adventure, they had headed north, to what the white men called Canada. She did not know how to write, could not send them letters; but Jean-Baptiste could, the lovely man, and he had warned her that strange tidings came from Yvonne’s letters. Pierre had stopped replying years ago.

The last group Otter Woman’s husband had taken her to was particularly intriguing. By now she was accustomed to the tall blond men, and their obsession with flags; but never had she seen the flags ordered in such strange forms. It was clear all of these men had to use white, blue and red in their flags, that was not strange; she had never seen the strange ones that also had yellow Sacagawea had made such a fuss about. But this one was so… different. There were no stripes to be seen; something like a cross proudly held the center, while the rest was a kaleidoscopic form of red and white lines and triangles on a dark blue background.

She watched while Jean-Baptiste negotiated with the men of the polygonal flag. “This is not going well”, she thought, “and it’s not like the other times”. It was not uncommon for Jean-Baptiste to end up aggravated over some idiot who didn’t want to pay him or who wanted to take his hunting party in a different direction to the rest of the country. However, this was usually far to the west, in the wild heartland of the Shoshone people – not in the midst of their colony, in the small fort that had become their home.

Concern turned to fear as yelling was replaced by one of the polygonal men sending Jean-Baptiste to the grown with a single, powerful blow. Fear in turn was replaced by panic as she heard the sound of guns being loaded. She tried to run as she heard the first shots. The whites are never up to any good.

She didn’t feel the gunshot, though. The last thing she felt was the ground.

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Violence between Natives, Americans and Britons grew rapidly throughout the Prairies region in the XIX Century, as both countries sought to further settle the West, partly in a "race to the Pacific" but also as a form to power project over each other's territories. The 1830s was a particularly strange decade, as ethnic differences between Canadian settlers and Americans did not fully exist yet. This usually meant that Natives bore the brunt of the violence in the "bleeding prairies".


Much like the 1831 Occupation of San Luis had caused the first confrontation between the United States and the Colombian Empire, and had called to attention the lack of defences Colombia had on the border in the Mississippi, and the lack of any actual action that could be done by Colombia’s ailing Emperor to avoid the occupation of San Luis, the 1837 Canadian intervention was seen as a wake-up call to the British for their Canadian colonies; one that, at the time, was extremely important in maintaining order and stability in both Upper and Lower Canada, but one which eventually would lose both of the regions to the British empire as a whole.

While British-American relations had perpetually been strained, a definite turn of the worse for the bilateral relations between the metropole and her former colony began with British intervention in favor of Aaron Burr in 1812, hoping that Burr would take decisive action in favor of the abolition of slave trade as well as due to the fact that Burr was widely expected to concede to the British regarding border issues. However, the British would soon come to regret their decision. Although Burr was a relatively faithful ally and did take a mostly pro-British foreign policy, as well as recognize the Tecumseh confederacy as a State on its own (which slowed down American colonization of the Great Lakes), the States’ border closures that stopped most internal colonization in the country led to many Americans looking for a better opportunity to instead look to the north. Soon, hundreds upon hundreds of Americans started their great treks to Upper Canada, where they hoped to start a new life.

Canadians, many of whom were United Empire Loyalists and remembered the forced displacement that came due to their loyalty to the Empire during the American War of Independence, saw this as a threat. While land was plentiful in the Great White North, some soundly rejected the American petitions for land. Eventually, a faction composed of the richest and most powerful United Empire Loyalists, the Family Compact, was born, as a way to keep check on American immigration as well as refuse equal rights for those Americans who had been able to obtain land in the colony anyway. In a manner similar to that of their Colombian allies, these men were usually not part of the British landed gentry, but rather wealthy lawyers and economic elites; thus, the “Kingdom of the Creoles”, as it is derisively called by many, was born.

Deeply committed to social conservatism, and thus opposed to an expansion of voting rights (which, by the late 1820s, had come to be associated with Jacksonianism), responsible government, or “any of the dreary practices that may bring us closer to the Republicans”, the Family Compact agreed to a mostly authoritarian adoption of the Upper Canadian lower class, and the general disenfranchisement of most American immigrants. More and more, the bogeyman of the Canadian elite became clear; the United States, and the perceived anarchy it seemed to stand for.
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Propaganda against the Family Compact made them look Leviathan-like, invoking the liberal quandries against aristocratic dominance in Canada. This particularly radical example, now stored in the Boston Library, demonstrates the contempt many liberal Canadians felt at being ruled by a group far more conservative than any other in the continent.

The Family Compact received widespread support from the British government, which, with declining relations with the Americans, seemed to think it was the only way to avoid the myriad of new settlers to take control of the colony and declare their union with America. It is widely believed that the reason this seemed so pressing to the British was the fact that, although British naval supremacy was still unquestioned in the Western Hemisphere, there was little a British army could do to avoid Canada from falling in American hands. By the time naval supremacy had achieved a British victory in war, it was thought, it would be too late to avoid the massive new immigration patterns from the United States to erode any form of control over Upper Canada. Therefore, while the British High Command thought that control over Lower Canada was still mostly assured (and therefore, while far larger, as well as more aggressive towards British rule than the uprisings in Ontario), the Lower Canada Uprising of 1837 was seen as little threat to British rule, while Upper Canada was seen as a blank slate.

It was therefore highly terrifying when the people rose up in Upper Canada, requesting responsible government and increased democratization. These were, admittedly modest reforms; yet it was not lost on Lord Melbourne, who reportedly was told of the Canadian revolt after a meeting with the Colombian ambassador, that these too were, at first, the only demands of the Colombian creoles. Thus, an air of mistrust came upon the rebels; one that was increased when it was (falsely) reported that rebel leader William Lyon McKenzie tried to hoist an American flag on the town of Eglinton.


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Despite the fact that the Family Compact almost certainly overreacted in relation to what had ocurred with Mackenzie's rebellion, public support for loyalists nonetheless remained strong in 1830s Canada. Many people went down to Toronto (left) to fight against any possible American encroachment, forcing Republicans and liberals off Canada (seen withdrawing in the right image).

The crackdown ordered by Melbourne to be applied in Canada was intense, and led to many deaths of innocent civilians. In the ensuing conflagration, William Lyon McKenzie, along with other Canadian republicans, fled the colony, declaring the Republic of Canada in Grand Island, just beyond the border with the United States. While initially this seemed the end of the conflict, things took a turn for the worse when, in 1839, the Jacksonian government recognized the Republic of Canada and ceded Grand Island to it.



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The One-Star Flag of William Lyon Mackenzie. Although he had previously fought for an alliance between liberal French Canadians and English Canadians, American pressure against encroachment on a mostly-Catholic region turned Upper Canada separatism into an almost exclusively English-Canadian endeavor. This was the flag of the Canadian Republic between 1837 and 1861.

Skillful diplomacy by the American ambassador in the United Kingdom avoided a declaration of war, but a new blockade of American ports by the joint Colombian-British fleet ensued. Jackson seemed to relish in seeing the British squirm, and often held victory marches in Grand Island, as well as military exercises in the Niagara Falls. British complaints fell upon deaf ears; apparently, Jackson replied to a former British complaint saying “you can’t stop us from watching what rightfully belongs to us”.

Fortunately for both sides involved, war never broke out. The Americans had a perception similar to that of the British; while they could almost certainly take on the Canadian forces on the ground, and Britain, as a global empire, was stretched far too thin to actually heavily fortify Canada, but they could cause extreme damage to the United States, and a war between the two powers would a) almost certainly involve Colombia and b) almost certainly result in a defeat to the United States. Furthermore, the Americans were waiting for the alliance between Colombians and Britons to break down over the existing tensions in the Caribbean, especially Spanish Cuba, as well as the misconception that Colombians would rush to aid their "Papist brethren" in Lower Canada.

Therefore, a state of “armed peace” continued, as the “Grand Island Republic”, as it became known, loudly bolstered of its capacity to take Upper Canada while never doing it. The Americans, not content with just one headache for the Canadian government, also ceded the lands controlled by the United States north of Lake Champlain to Lower Canadian rebels exiled from their homeland, led by Louis-Joseph Papineau, where the confusingly-named Canadian Republic (most commonly known as the "Champlain Republic") was established.

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A brief map of the Three Republics of Canada. American historiography has a big emphasis on the Three Republics as the "birth of Modern Canada", which means that, despite the secrecy of this map, almost everyone who has taken a state exam in the United States in the last seventy years has seen a question like this.

The radical British reaction, however, was not so friendly to the local Canadians, who suffered the brunt of the crackdown of a suddenly insecure imperial power. Lord Melbourne, a Whig, nonetheless empowered the Tory party in Upper Canada to greatly restrict suffrage and reduce the capacity of immigrants from the United States to acquire land in the country. This notably included a turning back of many runaway slaves and deported Natives, victims from Jackson’s policy of nationwide slavery and Indian Removal from the border; Melbourne, a committed believer in slavery, thought that including free blacks in Upper Canada would not do. Melbourne also shelved any possibilities for reform in Canada, instead thinking that what was needed was an empowerment of the Family Compact. These issues would long make Upper Canada the most authoritarian region of North America throughout the 1800s, even more so than the Jackson government, as anti-American ordnances in Upper Canada were far more easily implemented than the Caesarian dispositions of Jackson.

That being said, Melbourne also brought a boon to Canada in opening the floodgates of immigration to the young state. Petty criminals, especially those from Ireland and Scotland, were sent to labor camps in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland; homesteading was established and encouraged towards British settlers in Ontario; and eventually, the perceived need for an increased population base in America that resoundingly rejected American settler colonialism led to the open-doors policy that, starting in 1870, made Ursalia and Transpetronia possibly the two most diverse nations on Earth relative to their population.”

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The Statue of John Melbourne in Miequappe is one of the last vestiges of colonial rule that remains in Ursalia. Melbourne is seen as a unique founding figure, despite the fact that most other colonial authorities are reviled by Ursalian official history.
 
(So, I don't know why it isn't letting me trademark the last chapter. Does anyone know if this is a recurring issue?)
 
Chapter XXIV - "My Crown for the Paraná". The Election of 1838
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The remains of Iturbide, paraded around Mexico City. Iturbide is an oft-forgotten figure today, but Mexicans at the time loved him.

"The political interregnum after the death of Emperor Agustín de Iturbide, felled by tuberculosis, lasted over a year and a half, as the representatives from different States fell into pandemonium while trying to elect a single caudillo. The election of 1832, realized months after it was apparent Bolívar was on his last legs, had been able to give the candidates time to present themselves across state lines and therefore grow in power. On the other hand, the election of 1838 took most people by shock. Hyper-fragmentation of the country’s political system ensued.

If there was a favorite in the ring, it had to be Agustín Jerónimo de Iturbide, the dead Emperor’s soon, who not only had the credentials to repeat a majoritarian coalition in Mexico, but also had a good reputation in New Granada and Venezuela, as he had been a close confidante of Simón Bolívar and therefore knew how to treat the politicians of Colombia’s center. However, there he had to compete with Antonio José de Sucre, who also had managed to almost entirely centralize power in his “home states” of Charcas and Venezuela, and tried (but failed) to make a play for the votes of Peruvian voters as the lost “Hero of Ayacucho”. In the south, internal conflicts in Argentina (who at this time was deciding whether to adopt a federal constitution itself, or to centralize around the city of Buenos Aires) had somewhat weakened San Martín’s hold over the electoral delegation there, as he had not astutely played the two factions off each other.

By the time the Imperial election rolled around, the Electoral college was a mess. In the first round, as expected, Agustín Jerónimo de Iturbide came in first, coasting off the fact that México’s population was by far the largest out of any imperial state in Colombia – however, at a measly 18 votes (only 16% of the electoral college) he was far away from becoming the president. A total of twenty-three candidates received at least one electoral vote in the first round, with only the three frontrunners (Iturbide, Sucre and San Martín) getting over 10 electoral votes.

The only thing to assuage the fears of American federalists who feared the overthrowal of the Imperial crown was the fact that the Republican side was as divided, if not more, than the monarchist side. It is true that Republican (and Native-monarchist) candidates achieved a “negative delegation” of 41 electors, or over 35% of the Congress, and that they did not need to converge on a single candidate to throw the election to an inevitable declaration of republic. However, it is also true that they would not get any support from any of the conservative wings of Congress, and therefore their presence, although nominally deeply disturbing to most aristocratic monarchists in the Second Congress of Las Casas, was not galvanizing enough to result in the election of a frontrunner right away.

As the liberals turned amongst each other (their main unifying figure, Francisco de Paula Santander, had become greatly unpopular due to his perceived Nueva Granada-centrism, which greatly offended Mexican and Argentine liberals who did not want to “have the people’s dog wagged by the creole tail that acts as if it’s too good for the rest of the body”, as Venezuelan delegate Manuel Piar claimed), the Colombian empire braced for a long and difficult election. The prospect of any majority, either monarchist or republican, seemed slim.

The executive functions of the State were ‘for a Temporary ordinance of Provisional Duration’ transferred to the Chamber of Tribunes. The Chamber, in truly liberal fashion, was mostly unconcerned with the internal development of capitalism, instead focusing on foreign policy.

To Liberals and Conservatives alike within the Chamber, it was absolutely offensive to consider that not all the Spanish colonies were yet theirs. When Colombia acquired its independence, it had not absorbed all of the Spanish colonies in America. Paraguay, under rule of its local caudillo José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia, had refused to join the Federation, remaining in full isolation from its neighbors. The province of Cisplatina or Uruguay remained under Portuguese, and later Brazilian, rule (though by 1839 this had been solved after a border war between the State government of La Plata and Brazil) and the Antilles had remained under the yoke of the Spanish navy, without a strong Colombian navy to be able to seize the almost inexpugnable fortresses in Havana and San Juan. Santander’s interregnum was disposed to fix what they perceived as a historical injustice”.

-Excerpt from El Nacimiento de una Nación by Juan Daniel Franco Mosquera, published by the University of the Rosary and the Xavierian University, Santafé de Bogotá, April 12, 1998. Translated to English in the University of Florida, Móbil, 2002.


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The three frontrunners of the 1838 Imperial race: Agustín Jerónimo de Iturbide (left), the son of the dead Emperor and Antonio José de Sucre (centre) were favored due to their closeness to Simón Bolívar, being referred to as "the two dauphins". José de San Martín (right) was a formidable force on his own right, but was hobbled by political conflict and armed conflict in his homeland, Argentina. San Martín was famously absent for many ballots of the election as he aided Argentinian forces to defeat Brazil in Cisplatina.


That time the Colombians wanted us to rule them

Posted to uchronia.com discussion by (user:Webster23)

So, I was looking at the Volkspedia page for the Colombian election of 1838 and I was absolutely shocked at learning one thing. In the first three ballots for the Imperial throne, you know what famous American historical figure received an electoral vote?

Yeah. Henry Clay. That Henry Clay.

Turns out that, while he was at exile in Kingston, the Texian government invited him to be ruler of all of Colombia. That was pretty mindblowing to me, considering that Colombians nowadays are so smug about their government! Even during the height of Jacksonian oppression they wanted us to go and rule over them.

So I was just wondering, what would’ve happened had Clay actually said yes to the Colombian offer for a crown? How would the Colombian empire developed? Would they have joined together with the USA?

(User:RonnieRed)

This is a fascinating concept and one that doesn’t get talked about nearly enough, considering the fact that Clay died en route back to Kingston from Las Casas from a mysterious sickness (dengue fever, probably). Imagine how different things would’ve been. A Colombian empire stretching from Tierra del Fuego to the St. Lawrence? A United States with plenty of new states for expansion? The possibilities are endless.



(User:ARudeDude)

An enlarged US? No thank you. Y’all had enough problems dealing with your own civil wars, now you want to export them to the biggest country on Earth? Sounds like an awful idea. (KICK)

(User:Domínguez) wrote:

Okay, um, this is a bit offensive. We did not ask Clay to rule us in 1838, some Texian invader got enough money and connections with the federal Mexican government to be appointed to the Imperial Electoral College. There were plenty of crazy electors, considering that the Imperial crown was seen as a glorified military post at the time. So they named just about everyone, for prestige or for brownnosing or whatever. Don’t get ahead of yourself.

Now, the reason why Texians wanted Clay to be Emperor (and there was a brief “draft Clay” movement in several Texian mayoral races) is that the population of Louisiana and Texas got bolstered by American refugees during the Jacksonian period, and they really wanted to co-opt American institutions to overthrow Jackson using Colombian forces. Criollos, who honestly only cared about America not encroaching into its borders, saw English-speaking American refugees as more of a threat than the Jacksonian government. This never would’ve happened.

(User:Jack) wrote:

Okay, well, I feel that there’s quite a few misconceptions in this post. First of all, Clay wasn’t offered the crown – some guy decided to vote for him in the first three rounds of a ten-round election. Clay got one vote out of 108 possible electors. So first, you need to find a way to convince a bunch of criollos that the best guy to rule them isn’t one of their fellow Colombians, but instead some rando from another culture. Honestly, that’s hard to picture.

However, I totally get why that’s interesting to you. Imagine Clay, the only Head of State of two American nations! That’s a fascinating concept.

(User:Anhuác) wrote:

Okay, sure, interesting. But I think more interesting approach wouldve been Agustín Jerónimo being elected to the Imperial throne. He was one of the “royal dauphins” of Colombia who ruled the country between 1850 and 1880, but there never was an Imperial crown for him. I think he would have been amazing as Emperor.

(User:Demosthenes) wrote:

Nah, Agustín Jerónimo surely knew better. Imagine if the Empire had simply become the hereditary feudal title of the largest State of the Union. A State that was at the edge of the Empire and which had as its duty the protection of its borders against the greatest foe. And, furthermore, one that was seen as massively culturally disconnected from the rest of the Empire.

Do you know what story I’m telling? Yeah, the story of the Holy Roman Empire and Austria! Honestly, I think that would’ve been one of the darkest timelines for Colombia. Surely the country would’ve disintegrated into a few competing feuds, like Germany did in the early 1800s.


(User:Kampfwag) wrote:

Well, if you’re into this, I recommend you check out our mod for Vic3, The New Diadochi, The Last Days of Colombia. We’re currently adding a 1838 start date! Here’s a little teaser 😉
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Agustín Jerónimo de Iturbide’s Letter of Asunción to José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia

Of course, I’m devastated by my dearest Father’s own death. Consumption took him down too early, and left our dearest Empire without a head. Mexico, New Granada, Peru, Chile and Argentina mourn his death, as do I. But they must live on to preserve his dream, and that of Bolivar; the dream of a unified Creole empire, one that Rules over our people fairly.

And yes, Mister Francia, you are too one of us. You are too a scion of Spain, despite your wishes to join the Guaraní; you are too a fellow Citizen, a Free Man, endowed with the same capacities of Wisdom and Fairness and the same Unalienable Rights than every man within Colombia. Because indeed, Sir, your Paraguay is a part of Colombia by right; you should submit by peace what in spirit and through undeniable Logic belongs to our Great Empire.

My lord, the Empire is incomplete without Paraguay, in desperate need of the Paraná for its completion, for its fulfilling of its goal as a unifier of the Peoples of America. You refused to attend the Anfictionic Congress. You refused to agree to a unified system, or to send delegates to the election of Bolívar or my Father. You have refused to accept an undeniable truth; that you are and have always been an integral part of Colombia.

Now, there’s two ways to solve this temporary injustice to the Crown and to the people of our Land. The first, of course, is easy. Sucre, Páez, Córdova and San Martín are all alive and well; ready to pick up the sword of justice to expand it to your land. It would not be pleasant, Sir, but it would need to be done to resolve an integral error in the configuration of the Empire. But Fraternal blood would be spilled in the conflict, Sir, and your people would be hurt in your attempt to maintain your isolation.

Of course, there’s another option, and it’s one with Undeniable benefits for all of us, all Colombians, under your jurisdiction and ours. It goes as follows. Neither Sucre nor myself want to take on the Imperial Mantle. It is a honorable task, one that deserves to go only to the greatest fathers of our nation. One of them, sir, could be you.

Surrender Paraguay’s forces to integrated command by Colombia. Sign the provisions of the Anfictionic Congress. Swear Loyalty and Indivisible Obedience to the Empire. And we, sir, will make you Emperor.

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"Paraguay was fast-tracked as the first ever "new state" in Colombian history - a momentous occasion, and one that would eventually become fundamental for the territorial organization of the country. Before, it was theorised that for a new State to break apart, an amendment to the Constitution would be needed. Rather than face a long constitutional process, however, the Senate decided to directly pass a law to admit the new State. Paraguay was adopted as the ninth state of the Colombian Empire on June 10th, 1839, just in time for the country to send delegates to the ninth round of voting in the Imperial election. Of course, four loyal Francistas were elected to represent the Great State in the Paraná River in the Imperial Electoral College - the first time the term Francista was ever to be used.

Iturbide did most of the heavy lifting, however. It was true that his chances for the Imperial crown were limited, and had been probably shot for the 1838 election by the fourth or fifth round, where he started actually losing electors to San Martín and Sucre. However, it is also true that he had the most to lose - from front-runner, he became the campaign man for the future Emperor.

Of course, it was on everyone's minds that the election would essentially be ticketed. Francia was 72 at the time, and was sure to die soon. Iturbide capitalized on this and essentially campaigned as his heir-apparent, ready to inherit at any point. While Francia fell way short of a majority in the ninth ballot, with only 33 of the 54 necessary ballots, the die was cast, and by the tenth ballot most people had seen the writing on the wall. The year and a half of deadlock ended in September 7th of 1839, where finally, the Imperial Electoral College elected its first-ever outsider as Emperor.

Francia's two radical years were set to begin."


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Few people expected the 72-year old Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia to become the next Emperor of Paraguay. He would soon try to remake Colombia in his image.
 
Okay, so, hi! I can’t believe a year has gone by since I published the first part of my timeline. Honestly, I expected to be farther along at this point - apocalyptic pandemic time doesn’t exist - but here we are.

I was wondering what everyone who’s read this so far thinks. Are there any places you’d be interested to see? I’m working on a somewhat conservative butterfly net, so the effects won’t yet be felt throughout Europe, but we’ll get to more places pretty soon.

Thanks to everyone who’s read my work so far, and I hope you keep being interested for future updates! :)
 
So anything going on in Europe? Also how are countries like Brazil, Haiti, Spain, France, and Britain taking to the establishment of the Colombian Empire? Especially since Britain, France, and Spain still have colonies in the Americas and that countries like Haiti and Brazil are close to Colombia?

Also wouldn't Central America be called Guatemala instead?
 
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The TL has been pretty good! I have really liked how you have done it and the handling of the US and this Colombian is really interesting.
 
Really like this TL, I’m just wondering what’s going on in Europe. Given that the Alt-Wikipedia is called Volkspedia, I‘m guessing Germany is the dominant European power by the 21st Century.
 
So anything going on in Europe? Also how are countries like Brazil, Haiti, Spain, France, and Britain taking to the establishment of the Colombian Empire? Especially since Britain, France, and Spain still have colonies in the Americas and that countries like Haiti and Brazil are close to Colombia?

Also wouldn't Central America be called Guatemala instead?
So far, European changes are mostly limited to Spain (we'll get to that in a bit) and to the British-Chinese mess. Britain and France are mostly doing the same thing, only they're a lot happier at having to deal with only one government for debt and concessions. The Colombian government is quite indebted to the British especially (which is why you can see one of the options in that futures chart is a British The Banker Gets What She's Due, referring to a hypothetical British takeover of Colombia). For the next 50 years or so, Colombia will be seen in the international sphere more or less as a British-aligned resource source. The Spanish are pretty freaked though.

Haiti and Brazil will also be covered very shortly, although there are a few clues and details that point out to them not being exactly chummy with Colombia right now. Francia will deal with establishing Haiti's relationship with Colombia; his successor will have to deal with Brazil (and Argentina is fighting a very close version of the Cisplatine War with Brazil right now).

As for Guatemala, the name comes from the historical Federal Republic of Centroamérica, since the Anfictionic Congress took place after the creation of the Republic. By 1826 Guatemala referred specifically to the province of Guatemala.

Really like this TL, I’m just wondering what’s going on in Europe. Given that the Alt-Wikipedia is called Volkspedia, I‘m guessing Germany is the dominant European power by the 21st Century.
To a degree, you're right! There's gonna be quite a lot about Europe in the future. However, the only proper change present by 1838 relates to the Carlist Wars and will show up soon.

That's a good catch on Volkspedia. I can't say much just yet, though. ;)


The TL has been pretty good! I have really liked how you have done it and the handling of the US and this Colombian is really interesting.
Thank you so much! These are very kind words. I'm glad you like it :)
 
So far, European changes are mostly limited to Spain (we'll get to that in a bit) and to the British-Chinese mess. Britain and France are mostly doing the same thing, only they're a lot happier at having to deal with only one government for debt and concessions. The Colombian government is quite indebted to the British especially (which is why you can see one of the options in that futures chart is a British The Banker Gets What She's Due, referring to a hypothetical British takeover of Colombia). For the next 50 years or so, Colombia will be seen in the international sphere more or less as a British-aligned resource source. The Spanish are pretty freaked though.

Haiti and Brazil will also be covered very shortly, although there are a few clues and details that point out to them not being exactly chummy with Colombia right now. Francia will deal with establishing Haiti's relationship with Colombia; his successor will have to deal with Brazil (and Argentina is fighting a very close version of the Cisplatine War with Brazil right now).

As for Guatemala, the name comes from the historical Federal Republic of Centroamérica, since the Anfictionic Congress took place after the creation of the Republic. By 1826 Guatemala referred specifically to the province of Guatemala.

So why the British-Chinese conflict is different? I don’t get it.

Also is Argentina a separate country? I thought it was part of Colombia.

And also why did the US not get all of the Louisiana purchase I don’t get it. Plus do the Colombians make an agreement with the British and US to smooth the borders in North America like they did OTL?

Central America was once called Guatemala when it was a part of New Spain so maybe the Guatemala name should stick instead?

Also I hope to hear about the Caribbean soon, especially Cuba, Santo Domingo, and Puerto Rico.
 
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So why the British-Chinese conflict is different? I don’t get it.

Also is Argentina a separate country? I thought it was part of Colombia.

And also why did the US not get all of the Louisiana purchase I don’t get it. Plus do the Colombians make an agreement with the British and US to smooth the borders in North America like they did OTL?

Central America was once called Guatemala when it was a part of New Spain so maybe the Guatemala name should stick instead?

Also I hope to hear about the Caribbean soon, especially Cuba, Santo Domingo, and Puerto Rico.
1. The British-Chinese conflict changes because Colombia has a) the climate for tea production and b) better quality coinage than iOTL (South America will be a lot less war-wrecked than iOTL, which means less need for instant cash, meaning less coin-debasing; I’ve referred to this in a subtle way already by pointing out the “Spanish dollar” as a good standard of currency exists to this day), which means the British don’t need to pay for their tea in bullion. Not going to say much more, but that puts a bit of pressure off the Qing.

2. No, Argentina is part of Colombia! That’s how it’s been labelled in all maps. Sorry if that isn’t clear.

3. The US doesn’t get Louisiana because it’s not negotiating a land sale with Napoleon, it’s negotiating a peace deal. The Federalists are less into land grabs anyway, and Napoleon isn’t precisely in a giving mood. The Colombians will later (as the British in Canada) smooth out borders somewhat, but they’ll be based on natural references and not on straight lines (too much mutual distrust for hard-to-maintain, horrible straight line borders)

4. At this point the national identities of Central America have formed. Calling the entire State “Guatemala” would be asking the other provinces for a revolt. A big administrative change to Colombia is coming soon, though.

5. yep! We’ll hear about what’s going on in the Greater Antilles soon.
 
1. The British-Chinese conflict changes because Colombia has a) the climate for tea production and b) better quality coinage than iOTL (South America will be a lot less war-wrecked than iOTL, which means less need for instant cash, meaning less coin-debasing; I’ve referred to this in a subtle way already by pointing out the “Spanish dollar” as a good standard of currency exists to this day), which means the British don’t need to pay for their tea in bullion. Not going to say much more, but that puts a bit of pressure off the Qing.

2. No, Argentina is part of Colombia! That’s how it’s been labelled in all maps. Sorry if that isn’t clear.

3. The US doesn’t get Louisiana because it’s not negotiating a land sale with Napoleon, it’s negotiating a peace deal. The Federalists are less into land grabs anyway, and Napoleon isn’t precisely in a giving mood. The Colombians will later (as the British in Canada) smooth out borders somewhat, but they’ll be based on natural references and not on straight lines (too much mutual distrust for hard-to-maintain, horrible straight line borders)

4. At this point the national identities of Central America have formed. Calling the entire State “Guatemala” would be asking the other provinces for a revolt. A big administrative change to Colombia is coming soon, though.

5. yep! We’ll hear about what’s going on in the Greater Antilles soon.
Yeah there was a part where you said Argentina was fighting a war so I got confused.

Also shame the US didn’t get all of Louisiana I hardly see how they could reject half of it.
 
Chapter XXV - En un coche de agua negra....
Cuando llegue la luna llena iré a Santiago de Cuba,
iré a Santiago
en un coche de agua negra.
Iré a Santiago.
Cantarán los techos de palmera.
iré a Santiago.
Cuando la palma quiere ser cigüeña,
Iré a Santiago
-Pedro García's Son de Negros en Cuba is an ode to the city of Santiago de Cuba, pictured below. While Santiago's greatness as one of the economic capitals of Colombia, with the country's second largest stock exchange, was still far away, Cuba had become the "island of the world's desire", as Spaniards, Britons, Americans and Colombians all desired to hold it.

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The independence of Colombia as a single cohesive entity sent shockwaves across Spanish territory, for a variety of reasons. The first and most important of these reasons was the fact that Spain had, of course, lost almost the entirety of its sovereign territory - the entire American continent, on the hands of European powers just 50 years before, was now filled with independent and upstart nations, a few of which seemed to be destined to supplant European powers in more than one measure. While they scoffed at the initial thought of a Colombian monarchy independent from that of the Spanish crown, they were secretly worried at the fact that upstart creoles had assumed the Imperial mantle in Colombia, and now looked to expand their influence, not only through a notably cordial relationship with the United Kingdom but also through territorial expansion, having already defeated Brazil to seize Uruguay. The Spanish kingdom saw the terrible result of increased influence of the colonies over their neighbors, the kingdom of Portugal, which had been wrested Brazil and, as compensation, gained incredibly complex royal relations with their former colony, causing not only a coup by the extremist Dom Miguel but also in a resulting civil war, with the two brothers Dom Pedro and Dom Miguel (and later Maria II) fighting over the Portuguese crown which resulted in untold desolation for the country. It was seen as a necessity by the court of Ferdinand VII for Spain to recover its control over the colonies.

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One of the oldest buildings in Las Casas, the Castilla Building was constructed during the reign of Simón Bolívar to hold foreign legations, but eventually was reduced to the British embassy, which was soon probably the most important international legation in the country.

However, the Madrid court’s hands were mostly tied. Britain had managed to create extremely profitable relations regarding trade between itself and a Colombian state which was now commercially almost entirely in the British sphere of influence. Commercial relations had grown so strong that Britain felt practically obligated to protect their status, especially fearing the return of mercantilism seen under classical Spanish rule. Due to this, the 1827 Treaty of Kingston, signed between Emperor Simón Bolívar and the Viscount Goderich, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom at the time, determined that the Colombian Empire would withdraw its claims over the Falkland Islands in return for official diplomatic recognition of the Empire as a sovereign state, as well as a protection of the American continent from any Spanish vessels. This Treaty was seen as the start of the Goderich Doctrine (named after the Viscount even though the falling apart of his fragile coalition would wrest him from power less than 80 days after the signing of the Treaty), in which Britain would protect Colombia from further Spanish aggression. Under the terms of the treaty, any invasion of Colombia by Ferdinand VII would inevitably result in a state of war between Spain and the United Kingdom; Spain, with its finances in total disarray due to the heavy debt burden it had to repay after its War of Independence, could not hold to even keep the British at bay.

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Frederick Robinson, Viscount Goderich, is mostly forgotten in the United Kingdom. However, people across the American continent consider him a protector of their nations, as the Goderich Doctrine of 1828 ensured that Spain would not be able to reconquer territories that Britain considered in its sphere of influence. To many historians today, Colombia and Brazil were economic protectorates of the United Kingdom between 1820 and 1900.

Ferdinand’s death in 1833 would further complicate things, as he died without male issue and his Pragmatic Sanction, which allowed for his daughter Isabela to succeed the throne (in contradiction to traditional Bourbon law, descending from Frankish Salic law, which barred women from the throne), was heavily controversial, and offended, amongst many others, the king’s brother, the Infante Carlos, who, despite having no particular desire to gain the Crown for himself, saw it as a fundamental right of his, given by God, and which could not be alienated by the act of a temporal monarch, his brother Fernando. Carlos, refusing to swear fealty to the Infanta Isabela, fled to Portugal, where Dom Manuel had recently asserted himself as King and continued to fight with those who supported Maria II. However, with the fight between Liberals and Miguelites seeming all but lost after the Battle of Cape St.Vincent, and with a notable refusal by the government of Cea Bermúdez from allowing him to return to continental Spain, Carlos once again fled, setting his eyes on the West; and set sail for Havana.

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Ferdinand VII was considered a staunch conservative throughout his reign; however, the lack of male issue would force him to emit the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830, which made his only daughter, Isabel, heir-apparent to the Spanish Empire. His death three years later would turn her three-year old daughter into Queen of Spain, to great opposition by her uncle Don Carlos and more conservative factions of Spanish society.

Unbeknownst to Carlos, only a mere days after his leaving of Lisbon, Ferdinand VII would die, opening the door to the first conflict between Don Carlos and his niece. By the time he had arrived on Havana, revolts to name him King of Spain had already started, and, after a short period of deliberation, he declared himself the rightful King of Spain. A large portion of Conservatives in Cuba already directly supported his claim; his position, as well as in the rest of the country, was bolstered by an uneasy coalition of different political actors whose only common goal was overthrowing the incumbent Spanish government. Many realistas, those who supported the Spanish monarchy in the islands, tended to support Carlos due to the fact that they thought a return to more conservative politics such as those present before the Napoleonic invasion would bring back stable control over the Spanish Antilles, as well as maybe over Colombia (which was a direct threat to Cuba throughout this period). On the other hand, Cuban nationalists supported Carlos in an almost universal basis due to the conjoined facts that Carlos seemed to support foral rights in both Navarra and Catalonia, and maybe him would grant more autonomy to Cuba as well, as well as the fact that it seemed inevitable (and eventually correct) than an army directly hostile to Isabel II controlling Cuba would facilitate Cuban independence and annexation into the Colombian Empire. Due to this, the forts around both Havana and Guantanamo were deeply under Carlist rule by November of 1833; by Christmas, the entire island was under Carlist control. The city of Lares, as well as most of the Puerto Rican countryside, fell easily to the Carlists under the same motive; however, San Juan remained steadfastly loyal, and remained under Isabelline rule well into the 1860s.

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Infante Carlos, the "King in La Habana", crowned himself the true heir to his brother Ferdinand VII. Basque rebels in the far north and east of the country who fought in his name were thousands of miles away, and did not hold true personal loyalty to him.

Back in Europe, Carlos’ support for the protection of foral rights in Navarra and Biscay, made them strongly support Carlos, as well as parts of Aragon, which expected their autonomies, stripped from them after the War of the Spanish Succession during the opening of the eighteenth century, also gave them ample reason to support Carlos, while the social conservatism of the rural north made the northern provinces tend towards Carlos.

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Carlist revolts in 1833 affected most of northern and eastern Spain, but by 1835 had been limited to an area throughout the Basque Country and Navarre. On the other hand, Isabelline resistance to the Carlist uprising in the Americas, where Carlos was far more dominant, only resisted in the formidable forts of San Juan (seen, today, from air, in the right image).

Open war between Carlist and Isabelline troops began when the Puerto Rican garrison set siege to San Juan, which was seen as a sore in the first step to regaining the Empire to Carlos; a unification of the Spanish Antilles was seen as fundamentally paramount to the victory in Spain, especially due to the fact that it was thought that, with Spain lacking a seaworthy navy ever since the Battle of Trafalgar, it would be enough to starve Isabel by choking off the colonial possessions, as well as Mediterranean trade through an attempt to siege Barcelona and Valencia from the Aragonese provinces that recognized Carlos V as king. However, battles in Tortosa and especially in Villahermosa del Río, where a large Carlist contingent was handily defeated by Isabelline forces, aided substantially through Portuguese and British weapons, proved that starving out Madrid would not be an option. This was only solidified as it became clear that, besides military contingents throughout the North and the Basque Country and Aragon, little support came to the Carlist side, which seemed to have to be content with maintaining territories it already owned. The Carlist advances on Guijón and Bilbao failed by early 1835, which left Carlos in an unenviable position in Continental Spain, one in which not only the entirety of las Vascongadas answered to Carlos V as King.

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British blockade of the Antilles often saw confusing situations, especially around the siege of San Juan. Britons were forced into the conflagration despite their mostly-neutral stance.

To the horror of Carlos’ Havana Court, it seemed as if the entirety of the European establishment (and especially Britain and Portugal, Spain’s most relevant neighbors) sided with Isabel as the legitimate queen, and Carlos, who hoped to blockade and starve the Spanish mainland, now saw himself almost entirely blockaded by British and French navies, which impeded even basic communication between each of Carlos’ dispersed Antillean domains, let alone between the Havana Court and the actual fighting going on in Northern Spain, which would soon descend into guerrilla warfare as the popular support in almost all non-Basque regions, as well as the Philippines, swung decisively behind Isabel, who adopted more and more liberal concessions in order to make the bourgeois elite that had propped her up during the war happier and happier, while agreeing to recognize Church property as an “inviolable element of the Spanish system”, agreeing not to undertake any land seizures which had greatly weakened the Church in other countries (most notably France, where Church patrimony was negligible - a striking difference from the ancien régime and the Spanish system, where the Church held between 25 and 30% of all goods in the country, and was therefore a venerable force). Although it would take until 1838 for the Basques to be completely subdued, and occasional rebellions by remaining Carlist forces wouldn’t be put down in the mainland until 1841, the Carlist War would be decisively won by Isabelline forces by 1837.

The story in Cuba was very different, as Carlos’ Antillean monarchy would be the subject of a great amount of political posturing between the great powers of the Gulf of Mexico - and specifically, major diplomatic incidents that would occur between the United Kingdom and the nascent Colombian monarchy. Although initially the British government had considered, more than seriously, the idea of allowing Colombia to interfere in Spanish affairs to defeat Carlos, the consequences of a large Colombian military setting foot in the Antilles were seen as worrisome for Britain. After all, the British were interested in Colombia remaining a junior partner of the British in the Americas, essentially a vassal state under the influence of London - yet, were they to hold Cuba and Puerto Rico, and were they to recover Santo Domingo from Haitian influence, they would become the world’s foremost sugar and tobacco exporter; considering the rapid growth of the Mississippi River Basin, which the Britons knew was highly fertile, they figured the Colombians would also be extremely competitive regarding cotton. Britain thought it was a bad idea to consolidate so many prime resources necessary to the European industrial machine under a single banner. Furthermore, after 1841 and the Francista agreement with Haiti, it was feared that, despite British emancipation of its slaves in 1833, the Colombian government would propitiate a rebellion in Jamaica and the Lesser Antilles.

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While slavery was abolished in Britain in 1833, it remained a prescient problem for the British, who thought that black Jamaicans, mistrusted after the Baptist rebellion of 1832, would take any opportunity to rebel and join Haiti. Colombia's newfound alliance with the Haitians would end up providing ample mistrust to an American nation in the Caribbean, despite cooperation throughout the rest of the country.

It was due to these reasons that the United Kingdom brought duress to Sucre’s expedition to Cuba, which sought to take the islands anyway, and eventually sealed its fate by sinking over half of the Colombian navy off Mariel; something that, to this day, is blamed on the Spanish by most Colombian historians, as the prospect of British ships being the reason for the “full unification of Colombia” being delayed by over forty years would be seen as a non sequiteur with Colombia’s traditional pro-British diplomatic position.

On the other hand, despite an outward show of strength through the Cuba Blockade, which was considered one of the most extensive blockading operations of the nineteenth century (only really outdone before the end of the century by the British blockade of the European continent during the Napoleonic Wars and the British-Colombian blockade of the American South during the concurrent Jacksonian Period of National Reorganization), it was clear that the Baptist War of 1833 had greatly weakened the British colonial administration in the Antilles, which was stretched thin trying to avoid a second rebellion by the large, formerly enslaved populations of the islands, inspired by Colombia and Haiti, and which could not muster the strength to launch a large-scale offensive into the largest island in the region, as well as San Juan, the continent’s foremost port. The French, on the other hand, were completely uninterested in anything regarding Carlist uprisings outside of Europe; and Spain itself had its hands tied regarding continental insurrections, which did not allow them to field large reconquista forces to retake their colonies.

Thus begins the relatively brief, but fundamentally important, Bourbon Monarchy in exile period, the Court of Charles V reigning between 1833 and 1855 over the islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico, through a careful balancing of power that allowed the Carlist War overseas to become a frozen conflict; the first time when a war has been described as such by political scientists and experts in international relations theory.

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The Cross of Burgundy, mostly abandoned between the XVII Century and 1833, would gain newfound prominence in the Carlist War and, later, through Colombian adoption.

“It’s impossible to understate the blow that the outcome of the Carlist War, a befuddled mess that left no victor and thousands dead, left upon the Spanish people, who would finally recognize their losses in the Americas. It was, ironically, not the coalescing of the Colombian Empire as a credible threat to Spanish possession, nor its recognition by European governments first, and, eventually, through implicit means, by the Spanish government itself (official recognition of Colombia by Spain would not come until the opening of the Las Casas House of Hispanicity and the short-lived Spanish Embassy in 1913), that brought upon Spaniards the realization that their Empire was over; it was the fact that this Colombian government, a threat that was seen as unbeatable but ultimately temporary, was beaten back through joint British and rebel action, that made the Spanish realize that they were unable to beat what would seem a minor power, one that could be held back by a couple of rebels holed up in Santiago de Cuba and Havana.

The ramifications of this event would be huge. Although Spain’s intellectual and cultural elite was not yet born (it would have to wait until repeated humiliations to Spanish attempts at modernisation throughout the XIX Century left the unique Spanish inferiority complex so characteristic of the New Centurian Generation, the Generation of ‘16 and the Revolutionary Generation), the events of the Carlist War would set off the future happenings of Spanish history that would lead the country down that so special role in European history and culture.”

-Charles Defert, “The Spanish Question”. Published in the Sorbonne University, Europe, 1977. Translated to English by the Department of Atlantic Affairs, Hibernian University, Cork, 1981.
 
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