If You Can Keep It: A Revolutionary Timeline
- Thread starter Fed
- Start date
Chapter XVII - Have We Plowed in the Sea? Late Bolívar in Fiction
Crusader Kings III Discussion
General
Mods
After the End
Thread: I just found a… liberating figure…
By: JuandeDios13
Twespell: “Wait. You’re playing as Bolívar? Hadn’t he died like 400 years before the mod starts? What’s going on?”
JuandeDios13: “I used consoles because I couldn’t resist playing as Bolívar, though the game crashes every time you press play.”
Kampfwag: “It’s an intentional part of the mod. If you console into someone holding the K’alamb Empire, dead or alive, it triggers all of the unification events, all at once. That’s a lot for less powerful computers.
Plus, imagine the sheer power of playing as Holy Bolívar and having the Prophet Tristán as your heir. No wonder the game crashes in the face of such majesty! 😉”
Landnehmer23 wrote: “Why is he depressed? WHAT DID YOU DO TO HIM?”
JohnJohn: “Probably Manuelita. I guess the Lady of the Sun was more overbearing than we thought, eh? 😉” (KICK)
Sjavle: “I figure it’s a RNG thing. Historical figures in the game have two or three core traits and they kinda scramble the other ones around. So I’m pretty sure that it’s just some weird game thing.”
LeRoideAcadie: “Nah, Bolivar’s depression at the end of his life was a pretty well-documented event. The Septembrine Conspiracy really did a number on him. Some reports say he was only a barely functional figure when he was around Manuelita and Tristán. Being forced to near-exile from his homeland due to the revolts while he continued to nominally control the State really screwed up poor Bolívar.”
ARudeMood: “Imagine a CK3 set on the Bolivarian age. Sure, the feudal structure wouldn’t really work, but I really want the flavor events of Bolívar trying to rediscover the joy in life during the building of the Las Casas gardens. Or the flurry of persecutions and purges that occurred after the Septembrine Conspiracy. It would be interesting to, say, play as San Martín, and eliminate most of the Peruvian leadership!”
Kampfwag: “I think that’s better set for Victoria III, which is set to start in 1818 and end in 1910. Victoria seems like it’s going to be even better than CK3; we’re gonna have both characters and pops. What, can’t wait another two weeks until Vicky comes out?
”
AtlanticSea: "We're also preparing something with Vicky3. The devs have given us early access and we're planning on a new thing. Codename: The New Diadochi - the Last Days of Colombia, but we're not teasing anything else!"
OhioSeparatist73: “Yeah, imagine playing as Burr!”
ARudeMood: “…. Why would you want to play as Burr? There’s hardly any flavor in After the End for the US”
OhioSeparatist73: “No I mean if there was a mod for CK3”
ARudeMood: “… oh. Well, I guess you could always code the American flavour events yourself!”
Kampfwag: "Okay, no need to be rude, @ARudeMood, I'm sure there's going to be plenty of American flavour events in Vicky3. And either way, After the End does have a lot of flavour in relation to America: we have two unique religions and one unifiable empire! Plus, our resident American @MrsBingley is tasked with expanding the American system to include a bit more stuff."
ARudeMood: "Sorry if I was rude. That's just my 'tude, dude."
"The 1989 novel The General in His Labyrinth" by Juan Gabriel Márquez is fundamental for the understanding of Bolívar's later years. The figure loomed large over Colombian politics, as always, but Bolívar himself stopped choosing to loom over Colombia itself. While still emperor and still relatively active in Colombian politics, most of the day-to-day business relegated to the Emperor (at that time mostly ceremonial) was relegated to Francisco de Paula Santander, Colombia's first Prime Minister, to the Dame of the Sun, and to Antonio José de Sucre, at this time Bolívar's closest confidante. Márquez paints a pathetic character in Bolívar; broken, tired, physically ill and mentally exhausted. The story, however, has hopeful interludes; the broken Bolívar disappears occasionally when in the company of the Dame of the Sun (whose name or title is never mentioned outright, but rather described as a literal sun, with her presence "washing Bolivar's bones with light and setting his fire ablaze") or little Tristán, Bolívar's son, who the novel treats as synonymous to the Empire itself.
Colombia is painted as fundamentally flawed in Márquez' book, but as a worthy endeavor, something that ties together with his revolutionary politics, especially potent in the late 80s. Thus, Bolívar's famous soliloquy at the end of the novel starts with one of his more famous quotes: he arado en el mar (I have plowed in the Sea), pero quizás vale la pena arar el mar y los desiertos, si le da una patria a mi Tristán (but maybe it's worth it to plow the sea and the deserts, if it gives Tristán a fatherland), a phrase uttered by Bolívar as he sees Tristán play in the gardens of the Imperial Palace in Colón. Thus, Márquez shows the human side of Bolívar; a father, who only became happy when he returns to the Caribbean Sea and sees the future generation play on the stonework of what he built. This echoes Bolívar's final years, in which he only dedicated himself to the construction of Las Casas.
The Construction of Las Casas is particularly interesting due to its portrayal in Márquez' book. Usually, this period is as a clever ploy to weaken all regional elites by sending government far away from Santafé and Caracas and closer to both Mexico and (in travel time, though not in distance) Perú and Chile, therefore weakening the Granadine and Venezuelan ruling class which seemed to be turning against Bolívar. Furthermore, Bolívar is lauded by historians due to the fact that the Panamá Railroad was the first modern railway in the Colombian Empire, and one of the first railways across the world; therefore being seen as an early adopter of the most important piece of technology on the XIX Century. However, Márquez does not paint it as such, but rather as a deeply human ploy: the plan to escape his enemies and go live "in the edges of the world", alone with Manuela and Tristán.
The General in His Labyrinth is a novel that pulls no punches. Bolívar is painted at his most intimate - sexual issues (including several events of impotency), emotional issues (including several particularly emotional breakdowns) and an almost total abandonment from political issues, except for Bolívar's frequent ruminations on the Cosiata and the Construction of Las Casas. Instead, the constant political threat in the background of the book is the rumbling of the Colombian generals to pick a successor, in order to avoid a deadlock in Congress that would either elect a native Therefore, it was initially very controversial, almost being banned by many Colombian school districts from being taught in public schools. However, critical acclaim was resounding, and today it remains one of Márquez's bestselling books."
-A critical review of Gabriel Márquez' The General in His Labyrinth, by Karl Ebert, published in the Philology section of the Freie Universität Frankfurt.
“... Manuela!
I remained, forever, in the narrative.
(Manuela!)
I never spent time on tears. I lived another thirty years. It’s not enough.
(Manuela!)
I fought for all soldiers who fought by our side
(She tells our story!)
I tried to make sense of Santander and all his strange writings.
He passes new laws like he’s running out of time.
I rely on Antonio.
While he’s alive, we tell your story.
He’s buried at the Pantheon near you. When I needed him most, he was right on time.
And I’m still not through. Mary, in her kindness, she gives me what you always wanted.
She gives me more time.”
Two statues of the Lady of the Sun, Manuela Sáenz (portayed in a picture taken near the end of her life, approximately in 1863). Manuela would become the basis for Colombia's national personification, who today is usually named "Manuela", "la Dama de la Libertad", or even "la Dama del Sol".
Although few figures would ever loom as large as Simón Bolívar, the one that comes closest to Colombia's national imaginarium is the Lady of the Sun, Bolívar's lover, Manuela Sáenz. An active combatant in the Battles of Ayacucho, Junín and Pichincha, a devoted revolutionary since before Colombia's independence, and after all a deftly skilled woman who saved Bolívar's life more than once, Sáenz soon became an icon of Colombia. By the end of her life in 1865, when she had become not only an important symbol but also an extremely skilled politician who managed a lot of the backroom of Colombian-Peruvian relations, diplomacy with the United Kingdom and the ties between Republicanism and the Conservative faction of the Colombian Congress, she was almost iconic and synonymous with Colombia. Indeed, her image would eventually become the image of the Lady of the Sun or Lady Liberty, Colombia's national personification.
This personification would prove problematic. The most important of those elements was the fact that many of Manuela Sáenz' imagery in the holy National personification was derived from Marian imagery. This would prove to ruffle some feathers in more Catholic, conservative elements as the national imagery of the Colombian state developed throughout the early twentieth century (especially after the strengthening of the Catholic right during the Popes Affair of 1912). However, still, this Manuela-cum-María-cum-Colombia became a fundamental symbol of Colombia. Today, she's a symbol of the Nationalist right and the Francista left (although most socialists reject national imagery in Colombia); of feminists, who support Manuela as the first female politician in the country and paint her as one of the "founding fathers of Colombian feminism" (together with poet Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, from colonial New Spain, and poet-turned-politician Alfonsina Martignoni) and of the conservative right, who show her as the great example of how women should "stay by their loved ones"; of monarchists (due to her title as the Dame of the Sun) and of republicans (in her later political career she started increasingly siding with the Liberal Party's parliamentary proposals).
Manuela's love affair with Bolívar has been well documented both in Colombian historiography as well as in fiction (with bestsellers The Colonel in his Labyrinth and Love Me, Liberate Me being two important books portraying her; the second having been turned into a telenovel in 2000 which would prove to be the breakout role of Doctor Who star Ricardo Vélez in Colombia). Indeed, she seems to have captured the heart of Colombia like no other.
General
Mods
After the End
Thread: I just found a… liberating figure…
By: JuandeDios13
Twespell: “Wait. You’re playing as Bolívar? Hadn’t he died like 400 years before the mod starts? What’s going on?”
JuandeDios13: “I used consoles because I couldn’t resist playing as Bolívar, though the game crashes every time you press play.”
Kampfwag: “It’s an intentional part of the mod. If you console into someone holding the K’alamb Empire, dead or alive, it triggers all of the unification events, all at once. That’s a lot for less powerful computers.
Plus, imagine the sheer power of playing as Holy Bolívar and having the Prophet Tristán as your heir. No wonder the game crashes in the face of such majesty! 😉”
Landnehmer23 wrote: “Why is he depressed? WHAT DID YOU DO TO HIM?”
JohnJohn: “Probably Manuelita. I guess the Lady of the Sun was more overbearing than we thought, eh? 😉” (KICK)
Sjavle: “I figure it’s a RNG thing. Historical figures in the game have two or three core traits and they kinda scramble the other ones around. So I’m pretty sure that it’s just some weird game thing.”
LeRoideAcadie: “Nah, Bolivar’s depression at the end of his life was a pretty well-documented event. The Septembrine Conspiracy really did a number on him. Some reports say he was only a barely functional figure when he was around Manuelita and Tristán. Being forced to near-exile from his homeland due to the revolts while he continued to nominally control the State really screwed up poor Bolívar.”
ARudeMood: “Imagine a CK3 set on the Bolivarian age. Sure, the feudal structure wouldn’t really work, but I really want the flavor events of Bolívar trying to rediscover the joy in life during the building of the Las Casas gardens. Or the flurry of persecutions and purges that occurred after the Septembrine Conspiracy. It would be interesting to, say, play as San Martín, and eliminate most of the Peruvian leadership!”
Kampfwag: “I think that’s better set for Victoria III, which is set to start in 1818 and end in 1910. Victoria seems like it’s going to be even better than CK3; we’re gonna have both characters and pops. What, can’t wait another two weeks until Vicky comes out?
”AtlanticSea: "We're also preparing something with Vicky3. The devs have given us early access and we're planning on a new thing. Codename: The New Diadochi - the Last Days of Colombia, but we're not teasing anything else!
"OhioSeparatist73: “Yeah, imagine playing as Burr!”
ARudeMood: “…. Why would you want to play as Burr? There’s hardly any flavor in After the End for the US”
OhioSeparatist73: “No I mean if there was a mod for CK3”
ARudeMood: “… oh. Well, I guess you could always code the American flavour events yourself!”
Kampfwag: "Okay, no need to be rude, @ARudeMood, I'm sure there's going to be plenty of American flavour events in Vicky3. And either way, After the End does have a lot of flavour in relation to America: we have two unique religions and one unifiable empire! Plus, our resident American @MrsBingley is tasked with expanding the American system to include a bit more stuff."
ARudeMood: "Sorry if I was rude. That's just my 'tude, dude.
"Colombia is painted as fundamentally flawed in Márquez' book, but as a worthy endeavor, something that ties together with his revolutionary politics, especially potent in the late 80s. Thus, Bolívar's famous soliloquy at the end of the novel starts with one of his more famous quotes: he arado en el mar (I have plowed in the Sea), pero quizás vale la pena arar el mar y los desiertos, si le da una patria a mi Tristán (but maybe it's worth it to plow the sea and the deserts, if it gives Tristán a fatherland), a phrase uttered by Bolívar as he sees Tristán play in the gardens of the Imperial Palace in Colón. Thus, Márquez shows the human side of Bolívar; a father, who only became happy when he returns to the Caribbean Sea and sees the future generation play on the stonework of what he built. This echoes Bolívar's final years, in which he only dedicated himself to the construction of Las Casas.
The Construction of Las Casas is particularly interesting due to its portrayal in Márquez' book. Usually, this period is as a clever ploy to weaken all regional elites by sending government far away from Santafé and Caracas and closer to both Mexico and (in travel time, though not in distance) Perú and Chile, therefore weakening the Granadine and Venezuelan ruling class which seemed to be turning against Bolívar. Furthermore, Bolívar is lauded by historians due to the fact that the Panamá Railroad was the first modern railway in the Colombian Empire, and one of the first railways across the world; therefore being seen as an early adopter of the most important piece of technology on the XIX Century. However, Márquez does not paint it as such, but rather as a deeply human ploy: the plan to escape his enemies and go live "in the edges of the world", alone with Manuela and Tristán.
The General in His Labyrinth is a novel that pulls no punches. Bolívar is painted at his most intimate - sexual issues (including several events of impotency), emotional issues (including several particularly emotional breakdowns) and an almost total abandonment from political issues, except for Bolívar's frequent ruminations on the Cosiata and the Construction of Las Casas. Instead, the constant political threat in the background of the book is the rumbling of the Colombian generals to pick a successor, in order to avoid a deadlock in Congress that would either elect a native Therefore, it was initially very controversial, almost being banned by many Colombian school districts from being taught in public schools. However, critical acclaim was resounding, and today it remains one of Márquez's bestselling books."
-A critical review of Gabriel Márquez' The General in His Labyrinth, by Karl Ebert, published in the Philology section of the Freie Universität Frankfurt.
“... Manuela!
I remained, forever, in the narrative.
(Manuela!)
I never spent time on tears. I lived another thirty years. It’s not enough.
(Manuela!)
I fought for all soldiers who fought by our side
(She tells our story!)
I tried to make sense of Santander and all his strange writings.
He passes new laws like he’s running out of time.
I rely on Antonio.
While he’s alive, we tell your story.
He’s buried at the Pantheon near you. When I needed him most, he was right on time.
And I’m still not through. Mary, in her kindness, she gives me what you always wanted.
She gives me more time.”
-Luis Miguel Moro’s “Manuelita”, the latest Calle Junín blockbuster’s, final number.
Two statues of the Lady of the Sun, Manuela Sáenz (portayed in a picture taken near the end of her life, approximately in 1863). Manuela would become the basis for Colombia's national personification, who today is usually named "Manuela", "la Dama de la Libertad", or even "la Dama del Sol".
This personification would prove problematic. The most important of those elements was the fact that many of Manuela Sáenz' imagery in the holy National personification was derived from Marian imagery. This would prove to ruffle some feathers in more Catholic, conservative elements as the national imagery of the Colombian state developed throughout the early twentieth century (especially after the strengthening of the Catholic right during the Popes Affair of 1912). However, still, this Manuela-cum-María-cum-Colombia became a fundamental symbol of Colombia. Today, she's a symbol of the Nationalist right and the Francista left (although most socialists reject national imagery in Colombia); of feminists, who support Manuela as the first female politician in the country and paint her as one of the "founding fathers of Colombian feminism" (together with poet Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, from colonial New Spain, and poet-turned-politician Alfonsina Martignoni) and of the conservative right, who show her as the great example of how women should "stay by their loved ones"; of monarchists (due to her title as the Dame of the Sun) and of republicans (in her later political career she started increasingly siding with the Liberal Party's parliamentary proposals).
Manuela's love affair with Bolívar has been well documented both in Colombian historiography as well as in fiction (with bestsellers The Colonel in his Labyrinth and Love Me, Liberate Me being two important books portraying her; the second having been turned into a telenovel in 2000 which would prove to be the breakout role of Doctor Who star Ricardo Vélez in Colombia). Indeed, she seems to have captured the heart of Colombia like no other.
Last edited:
I was genuinely so confused at first. I thought I'd accidentally clicked on the actual Crusader Kings thread here. Did like a triple take before I realized I was in the right place.Crusader Kings III Discussion
General
Mods
After the End
Thread: I just found a… liberating figure…
By: JuandeDios13
View attachment 643127
Twespell: “Wait. You’re playing as Bolívar? Hadn’t he died like 400 years before the mod starts? What’s going on?”
JuandeDios13: “I used consoles because I couldn’t resist playing as Bolívar, though the game crashes every time you press play.”
Kampfwag: “It’s an intentional part of the mod. If you console into someone holding the K’alamb Empire, dead or alive, it triggers all of the unification events, all at once. That’s a lot for less powerful computers.
Plus, imagine the sheer power of playing as Holy Bolívar and having the Prophet Tristán as your heir. No wonder the game crashes in the face of such majesty! 😉”
Landnehmer23 wrote: “Why is he depressed? WHAT DID YOU DO TO HIM?”
JohnJohn: “Probably Manuelita. I guess the Lady of the Sun was more overbearing than we thought, eh? 😉” (KICK)
Sjavle: “I figure it’s a RNG thing. Historical figures in the game have two or three core traits and they kinda scramble the other ones around. So I’m pretty sure that it’s just some weird game thing.”
LeRoideAcadie: “Nah, Bolivar’s depression at the end of his life was a pretty well-documented event. The Septembrine Conspiracy really did a number on him. Some reports say he was only a barely functional figure when he was around Manuelita and Tristán. Being forced to near-exile from his homeland due to the revolts while he continued to nominally control the State really screwed up poor Bolívar.”
ARudeMood: “Imagine a CK3 set on the Bolivarian age. Sure, the feudal structure wouldn’t really work, but I really want the flavor events of Bolívar trying to rediscover the joy in life during the building of the Las Casas gardens. Or the flurry of persecutions and purges that occurred after the Septembrine Conspiracy. It would be interesting to, say, play as San Martín, and eliminate most of the Peruvian leadership!”
Kampfwag: “I think that’s better set for Victoria III, which is set to start in 1818 and end in 1910. Victoria seems like it’s going to be even better than CK3; we’re gonna have both characters and pops. What, can’t wait another two weeks until Vicky comes out?
AtlanticSea: "We're also preparing something with Vicky3. The devs have given us early access and we're planning on a new thing. Codename: The New Diadochi - the Last Days of Colombia, but we're not teasing anything else!
OhioSeparatist73: “Yeah, imagine playing as Burr!”
ARudeMood: “…. Why would you want to play as Burr? There’s hardly any flavor in After the End for the US”
OhioSeparatist73: “No I mean if there was a mod for CK3”
ARudeMood: “… oh. Well, I guess you could always code the American flavour events yourself!”
Kampfwag: "Okay, no need to be rude, @ARudeMood, I'm sure there's going to be plenty of American flavour events in Vicky3. And either way, After the End does have a lot of flavour in relation to America: we have two unique religions and one unifiable empire! Plus, our resident American @MrsBingley is tasked with expanding the American system to include a bit more stuff."
ARudeMood: "Sorry if I was rude. That's just my 'tude.
"The 1989 novel The General in His Labyrinth" by Juan Gabriel Márquez is fundamental for the understanding of Bolívar's later years. The figure loomed large over Colombian politics, as always, but Bolívar himself stopped choosing to loom over Colombia itself. While still emperor and still relatively active in Colombian politics, most of the day-to-day business relegated to the Emperor (at that time mostly ceremonial) was relegated to Francisco de Paula Santander, Colombia's first Prime Minister, to the Dame of the Sun, and to Antonio José de Sucre, at this time Bolívar's closest confidante. Márquez paints a pathetic character in Bolívar; broken, tired, physically ill and mentally exhausted. The story, however, has hopeful interludes; the broken Bolívar disappears occasionally when in the company of the Dame of the Sun (whose name or title is never mentioned outright, but rather described as a literal sun, with her presence "washing Bolivar's bones with light and setting his fire ablaze") or little Tristán, Bolívar's son, who the novel treats as synonymous to the Empire itself.
Colombia is painted as fundamentally flawed in Márquez' book, but as a worthy endeavor, something that ties together with his revolutionary politics, especially potent in the late 80s. Thus, Bolívar's famous soliloquy at the end of the novel starts with one of his more famous quotes: he arado en el mar (I have plowed in the Sea), pero quizás vale la pena arar el mar y los desiertos, si le da una patria a mi Tristán (but maybe it's worth it to plow the sea and the deserts, if it gives Tristán a fatherland), a phrase uttered by Bolívar as he sees Tristán play in the gardens of the Imperial Palace in Colón. Thus, Márquez shows the human side of Bolívar; a father, who only became happy when he returns to the Caribbean Sea and sees the future generation play on the stonework of what he built. This echoes Bolívar's final years, in which he only dedicated himself to the construction of Las Casas.
The Construction of Las Casas is particularly interesting due to its portrayal in Márquez' book. Usually, this period is as a clever ploy to weaken all regional elites by sending government far away from Santafé and Caracas and closer to both Mexico and (in travel time, though not in distance) Perú and Chile, therefore weakening the Granadine and Venezuelan ruling class which seemed to be turning against Bolívar. Furthermore, Bolívar is lauded by historians due to the fact that the Panamá Railroad was the first modern railway in the Colombian Empire, and one of the first railways across the world; therefore being seen as an early adopter of the most important piece of technology on the XIX Century. However, Márquez does not paint it as such, but rather as a deeply human ploy: the plan to escape his enemies and go live "in the edges of the world", alone with Manuela and Tristán.
The General in His Labyrinth is a novel that pulls no punches. Bolívar is painted at his most intimate - sexual issues (including several events of impotency), emotional issues (including several particularly emotional breakdowns) and an almost total abandonment from political issues, except for Bolívar's frequent ruminations on the Cosiata and the Construction of Las Casas. Instead, the constant political threat in the background of the book is the rumbling of the Colombian generals to pick a successor, in order to avoid a deadlock in Congress that would either elect a native Therefore, it was initially very controversial, almost being banned by many Colombian school districts from being taught in public schools. However, critical acclaim was resounding, and today it remains one of Márquez's bestselling books."
-A critical review of Gabriel Márquez' The General in His Labyrinth, by Karl Ebert, published in the Philology section of the Freie Universität Frankfurt.
Although few figures would ever loom as large as Simón Bolívar, the one that comes closest to Colombia's national imaginarium is the Lady of the Sun, Bolívar's lover, Manuela Sáenz. An active combatant in the Battles of Ayacucho, Junín and Pichincha, a devoted revolutionary since before Colombia's independence, and after all a deftly skilled woman who saved Bolívar's life more than once, Sáenz soon became an icon of Colombia. By the end of her life in 1865, when she had become not only an important symbol but also an extremely skilled politician who managed a lot of the backroom of Colombian-Peruvian relations, diplomacy with the United Kingdom and the ties between Republicanism and the Conservative faction of the Colombian Congress, she was almost iconic and synonymous with Colombia. Indeed, her image would eventually become the image of the Lady of the Sun or Lady Liberty, Colombia's national personification.
Two statues of the Lady of the Sun, Manuela Sáenz (portayed in a picture taken near the end of her life, approximately in 1863). Manuela would become the basis for Colombia's national personification, who today is usually named "Manuela", "la Dama de la Libertad", or even "la Dama del Sol".
This personification would prove problematic. The most important of those elements was the fact that many of Manuela Sáenz' imagery in the holy National personification was derived from Marian imagery. This would prove to ruffle some feathers in more Catholic, conservative elements as the national imagery of the Colombian state developed throughout the early twentieth century (especially after the strengthening of the Catholic right during the Popes Affair of 1912). However, still, this Manuela-cum-María-cum-Colombia became a fundamental symbol of Colombia. Today, she's a symbol of the Nationalist right and the Francista left (although most socialists reject national imagery in Colombia); of feminists, who support Manuela as the first female politician in the country and paint her as one of the "founding fathers of Colombian feminism" (together with poet Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, from colonial New Spain, and poet-turned-politician Alfonsina Martignoni) and of the conservative right, who show her as the great example of how women should "stay by their loved ones"; of monarchists (due to her title as the Dame of the Sun) and of republicans (in her later political career she started increasingly siding with the Liberal Party's parliamentary proposals).
Manuela's love affair with Bolívar has been well documented both in Colombian historiography as well as in fiction (with bestsellers The Colonel in his Labyrinth and Love Me, Liberate Me being two important books portraying her; the second having been turned into a telenovel in 2000 which would prove to be the breakout role of Doctor Who star Ricardo Vélez in Colombia). Indeed, she seems to have captured the heart of Colombia like no other.
Hahahah! That’s great to hear, especially since it took me so long to design the freaking Bolivar, my game didn’t want to load.
I guess it becomes unmistakably an alternate reality once it mentions Vicky3 coming out any time soon, or ever
If Burr is America's Sulla and Jackson is America's Caesar, then who would be America's Caligula?
Maybe you could have a Jefferson Davis presidency in which he loses his goddamn mind.
Or perhaps a presidency from that weirdo "Claw hammer" or something equally bizarre.
Things don't continue going in such a freefall for the United States, so hopefully we won't have all of America's emperors, haha. (This is a very fancy way to state that I haven't totally figured out the post-Jackson timeline)
My initial thought was Calhoun just because the name of "Fire-Eaters" sounds so delightfully bizarre but Calhoun has a future in this ATL that doesn't really fit with Caligula. I'm gonna have to keep thinking
Fair point. Also, have we seen the limits of American territorial expansion ITTL, based on the election maps?
That was the original intent when I started drafting this TL, which means my basemaps all have those borders and it's pretty hard to change them! I've realised since that I was far too mean to the US in my original drafts (back then the TL was meant to simply switch the roles of America and Colombia, which, as you can see by the fact that the US had 0 monarchies based on George Washington iOTL, that the timeline has become a bit more complex) which means I'm rethinking the future of Western Canada. However, that is indeed the southern border, which will remain at the Mississippi-Missouri-Lower Platte until the modern day.
Chapter XVIII - Jacksonian Democracy - 1828-1829
United States presidential election, 1828
From Volkspedia, the People's Encyclopedia
While initially the rhetoric of the Federalist-Democratic alliance against Jackson was seen as excessive and apocalyptic, to the point where it turned off many State electors who were annoyed at such images of fire and brimstone previously reserved to the pew, it seemed very quickly that those who opposed Jackson were right to fear him, as the first year of Jackson’s second term saw him rapidly swing towards a radical branch of Republicanism which had not been previously seen in the United States. A thin but solid Republican majority in both houses of Congress emboldened Jackson to act as he wished in order to fulfill his campaign rhetoric, as radical as it had been considered by all involved. Jackson appealed directly, and almost exclusively, to poor white men, passing laws to greatly expand national suffrage to White farmers, while at the same time acting in a greatly chauvinistic way towards the rest of the United States. The right of national suffrage to many Indians was restricted greatly, with a particularly contentious constitutional amendment passing (thanks to some Federalist support) that permitted the United States to quarter its troops in Native households without their consent, on the pretext that “they had previously rebelled against the Union and may do so again”.
Initially, Federalist legislators relented at this, which seemed to be a radical reimagination of the classical rights and freedoms of the United States, but which, after all, had no normative basis after most of the Bill of Rights was abolished with the adoption of the Trenton Constitution. However, soon enough Jackson’s true motives were revealed, as a large portion of the Mississippi River Valley was militarized, alienating Western State governments but without much impact in New England.
Horrifying to New Englanders, however, was Jackson’s decision to shut down the Bank of America, which occurred in March 12 of 1828. The bank had previously been considered a staple of stable American politics, and a staple of the Trenton and American systems, one that looked to benefit all Americans through independent fiscal policy. Jackson’s move to shut down central banking and initiate the Free Banking Era that would last all throughout his premiership and even all the way into Frelinghuysen’s presidency was seen as a great mistake to many. Indeed, the Panic of 1828, which followed the collapse of American central banking, is probably the greatest financial crisis in the country’s nineteenth century, even worse than the financial crisis that occurred during the Year Without a Sun, and caused a considerable rise in the poverty rates of the country. Of course, more poor whites implied a wider constituency for Jackson, which meant that he had little, if any, incentive to stabilize the American financial system.
The government of the United States soon faced strong pushback due to its radical decisions. Rebellions by Natives against Federal encroachment had started as soon as the Jackson government had started its practice of homesteading, but the removal of Native rights to hold federal office was too much for the State governments of Indiana and Muscogee, who, in January 13 and April 12 of 1829, declared that they would no longer recognize Jacksonian suzerainty over Indian territories (which after all, had never been conquered in conflict) were the increasingly racialist legislation to continue. Eventually, as Jackson showed no signs of relenting even after a stillborn Supreme Court ruling, the states of Muscogee and Indiana seceded on January 12 and February 15 of 1829. Mississippi followed in May 13 of 1829.
From Volkspedia, the People's Encyclopedia
While initially the rhetoric of the Federalist-Democratic alliance against Jackson was seen as excessive and apocalyptic, to the point where it turned off many State electors who were annoyed at such images of fire and brimstone previously reserved to the pew, it seemed very quickly that those who opposed Jackson were right to fear him, as the first year of Jackson’s second term saw him rapidly swing towards a radical branch of Republicanism which had not been previously seen in the United States. A thin but solid Republican majority in both houses of Congress emboldened Jackson to act as he wished in order to fulfill his campaign rhetoric, as radical as it had been considered by all involved. Jackson appealed directly, and almost exclusively, to poor white men, passing laws to greatly expand national suffrage to White farmers, while at the same time acting in a greatly chauvinistic way towards the rest of the United States. The right of national suffrage to many Indians was restricted greatly, with a particularly contentious constitutional amendment passing (thanks to some Federalist support) that permitted the United States to quarter its troops in Native households without their consent, on the pretext that “they had previously rebelled against the Union and may do so again”.
Initially, Federalist legislators relented at this, which seemed to be a radical reimagination of the classical rights and freedoms of the United States, but which, after all, had no normative basis after most of the Bill of Rights was abolished with the adoption of the Trenton Constitution. However, soon enough Jackson’s true motives were revealed, as a large portion of the Mississippi River Valley was militarized, alienating Western State governments but without much impact in New England.
Horrifying to New Englanders, however, was Jackson’s decision to shut down the Bank of America, which occurred in March 12 of 1828. The bank had previously been considered a staple of stable American politics, and a staple of the Trenton and American systems, one that looked to benefit all Americans through independent fiscal policy. Jackson’s move to shut down central banking and initiate the Free Banking Era that would last all throughout his premiership and even all the way into Frelinghuysen’s presidency was seen as a great mistake to many. Indeed, the Panic of 1828, which followed the collapse of American central banking, is probably the greatest financial crisis in the country’s nineteenth century, even worse than the financial crisis that occurred during the Year Without a Sun, and caused a considerable rise in the poverty rates of the country. Of course, more poor whites implied a wider constituency for Jackson, which meant that he had little, if any, incentive to stabilize the American financial system.
The government of the United States soon faced strong pushback due to its radical decisions. Rebellions by Natives against Federal encroachment had started as soon as the Jackson government had started its practice of homesteading, but the removal of Native rights to hold federal office was too much for the State governments of Indiana and Muscogee, who, in January 13 and April 12 of 1829, declared that they would no longer recognize Jacksonian suzerainty over Indian territories (which after all, had never been conquered in conflict) were the increasingly racialist legislation to continue. Eventually, as Jackson showed no signs of relenting even after a stillborn Supreme Court ruling, the states of Muscogee and Indiana seceded on January 12 and February 15 of 1829. Mississippi followed in May 13 of 1829.
Last edited:
Chapter XIX - The War of the Supremes (1828-1831)
US Legal Database
The Trenton System - Burr to Jackson
21st United States Congress
1829
WHEREAS no legal State government, and adequate protection for the liberty and civilization of the Citizens of the United States now exists in the rebel States of Muscoge, Mississippi and Indiana; and whereas it is necessary for peace to be re-established in order for civilization to grow in these savage States until loyal Americans have been able to establish society over the wild Indians, Therefore,The Trenton System - Burr to Jackson
21st United States Congress
1829
Be it enacted by the United States Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that said rebellious territories shall be ripped from their Statehood and organized in military provinces, each in command of the army, with a leader not below the rank of Brigadier-General, and to detail a sufficient enough military force to enable such officer to perform his duties and enforce his authority against savages and rebels in the territory to which he is assigned.
And be it further enacted, that it shall be the duty of each officer assigned as aforesaid, to protect all persons in their rights of property, to suppress insurrection, disorder and violence, and to punish, or cause to be punished, all disturbers of the public peace, savages and criminal; and to this end he may allow military tribunals to take jurisdiction and try offenders, as long as they are suspected of ties with insurrection. All interference under color of former State authority under this act, shall be null and void.
And be it further enacted, that the State Constitutions of Muscoge, Mississippi and Indiana are declared void under the provision of unlawful secession, proving that their peoples are not ready for self-governance. It shall be the duty of the new Military government of the Territories to educate and provide for the residents of these territories until their barbarous ways are overcome and they are ready to join their brethren in legitimate governance. It shall be the duty of the Presidency and this Congress to jointly determine when these territories are ready for Statehood once again. Once authorized by an Act of Congress, all Men elegible for citizenship in another State and above the age of Thirty shall be called to vote for an assembly, tasked with drafting a new State Constitution.
And be it further enacted, that due to the savage nature of the locals of the Territories, there shall be no legal civilian authority in those Territories until the provisions of the previous Clause be determined. Any civil authority which may exist therein shall be deemed provisional only, and in all respects subject to the paramount authority of the United States Federal Government at any time to abolish, modify, control or supersede the same.
Supreme Court of the United States said:
With Congress galvanized by the secession of the three rebel states, Jackson was essentially given free rein to ignore the Supreme Court. Once again, Jackson brazenly defied the Supreme Court, deciding its decision stillborn, and proceeding to vacate Congress from the representatives and Senators of the rebel states (including Mississippi's one Republican Senator, who ironically voted for his own government to stop existing).
This was seen as a brazen abuse of power by several Federalist governments. Soon, Henry Clay moved to create a Kentucky militia, while William Henry Harrison, Governor of the State of Wabash, declared neutrality in the conflict and refused any attempt at Federal troops crossing through Wabash. Today, these perceptions have been interpreted as a show of solidarity of the Federalist Party with natives, with whom it had previously allied to avoid Jackson's re-election in the Election of 1828. However, this is not the case. Most Federalists recognized Jackson as a legitimate president, unlike the Democratic Party; and at the point, they mostly saw both sides as morally bankrupt. Instead, they sought just to be left alone in the war; Harrison reportedly sent a letter to Jackson, stating that he had "no qualms with anti-Revolutionary activity, but we do have them with forced quartering and the ignoring of our State guards; pass through Ohio! Do not cross our border, and we shall support your civilian Government".
This initially was enough to satisfy Jackson, but not the increasingly radicalized Republican party in Congress, which (reportedly, against Jackson's wishes) declared this treason against the United States. Federal troops posted in river forts remained loyal to the Jackson government, and occupation of the State capitals of the Whig West of Saint Charles and Francfort ensued - and thus the two Western states decided to secede together, declaring the United States a “void union under the yoke of a tyrannical dictator”. With the elderly Henry Clay rushing off at midnight from Washington to lead his state against Jackson, thus truly begins the War of the Supremes.
Named (initially in a somewhat sardonic fashion by many critical journalists, especially those in the state of New York - at that point, a quintessential swing state, that suffered heavily by the actions of Burrite Democrats who seemed to put the plight of Iroquois people over that of the majority of New Yorkers, but also one which was heavily wary of Jackson’s overtly pro-Southern and authoritarian ambitions) because of the fact that both Clay and Jackson declared themselves “Supreme Leader and Commander of the Free Troops of America”, the War of the Supremes is the second most momentous civil conflict that America suffered in the nineteenth century, especially due to the radical renewal of American politics that ensued its end.
The initial declaration of rebellion of the six westernmost states initially seemed to be a huge threat to Jackson. Despite Federal troops managing to retain control over the majority of the main forts in the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers (and thus, amongst other things, ensuring Colombian - and more importantly, covert British, aid to Clay would be kept at a minimum throughout the war), the entirety of the states of Muscogee, Tennessee, Kentucky, Wabash, Indiana and Mississippi was now under control of rebel forces, with additional tacit support from the New England States, the Iroquois in New York, New Jersey and Delaware, states that were politically close to Clay and his Federalists, as well as many Natives and freedmen in the south of the country. Indeed, Jackson had managed to gather an impressive amount of enemies, and his position seemed to be extremely fragile at the moment.
At this point, the main purpose of the Union army seemed to be that of establishing control over the main two waterways of the American west, ensuring a clear path of supply to the embattled garrison in Saint-Charles in Wabash, and rescuing the different fortresses under siege in Kentucky. At this point in the war, both Black insurgency and any further secession by the New English seemed to be completely out of the question; the issue, to Jackson’s army, seemed entirely localised in the West, done out of desperation by Clay, and without any respect from a Northeast that seemed to be accustomed to losing elections.
It was a terrible move by Jackson’s part to underestimate Clay’s political abilities.
Even before the garrisons in Fort Goshen and Harrisonsville were able to completely link up and begin marching northwest to threaten St.Louis and the Hamiltonian Federalist leadership, declarations of emancipation had already reached Philadelphia coming from Delaware and New Jersey; and those coming from Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Hampshire were well underway. Jackson, meanwhile, was stuck with the Federal army he was leading south in the border between Georgia and Muscogee. The situation was compounded the very next day, when slave rebellions, compounded with a joint effort by the Tennessee militia took western North Carolina, while abolitionists managed to break into several Virginian arsenals and arrange widespread uprisings, which were soon followed by revolts in the Peedee region of South Carolina. Jackson’s situation was truly dire, and, despite dealing heavy blows to the Cherokee armies in Muscogee, had to leave to prevent Philadelphia and New York City from falling to the hands of rebels.
The Jacksonian army marched northward, cutting off a Tennessee push eastward with the express purpose of seizing Wilmington and splitting the Deep South from the rest of the country. Pincer movements from Greensboro and Charlotte managed to cut off some seven thousand soldiers from the Tennessee State Guard, and essentially set siege to a large portion of central North Carolina which had been occupied by rebels.
However, more concerning was the situation up north, where New York fell within two weeks of confrontation, surrendering to rebel armies (which entered Manhattan to popular acclaim) by May 15. In the north, armed Iroquois, which linked up (for the first time) with the Vermonter state militia, were able to take most of the upstate, while Michigan and the northwest corner of Ohio, extremely lightly armed, easily fell to rebel forces. However, not everything was lost to the Union; with most of the Navy remaining loyal to Jackson’s government, and a large portion of the Federal troops set in the border between Massachusetts and Canada also remained under Jackson’s orders. They set out to trek southwards through the Atlantic coast, seeking to eventually being able to, with collaboration from the army, set siege to Boston.
While Jackson and the North Carolinans were bogged down in direct confrontation with the Tennessee state guards, and the North seemed to be decidedly lost to rebels, in other places, Federal soldiers, far better armed and more organised than their state equivalents, had a lot more success. Sam Houston’s army, which had managed to split the different slave revolts in Eastern Virginia into smaller, isolated pockets, left the final suppression of the slaves to the Virginia National Guard, while he moved east, reaching Ohio by August of 1830 and starting a bloody trek southwestward, finally managing to open up large portions of the Ohio river to Federal occupation. The largest, and most violent, of the battles in the area was the Battle of Saint Charles; almost the entirely of the Wabash state guard, numbering 4500 men, was killed, with those few survivors (as well as the State government of Wabash) crossing the border into San Luis, setting up a provisional government. However, to the great chagrin of the Wabash government, Houston followed them into San Luis, murdering 400 Colombians as well as about 250 Wabash National Guardsmen.
The Burning of San Luis was the first open conflict between Colombia and the United States.
Although this brought shockwaves to the Colombian government, not much action was taken by a country that feared losing large swathes of land to a country that, even in the midst of civil war, seemed to have stronger forces in relation to the few Mexican and federal Colombian forces present in the State of Louisiana. A good deal of the Llanero Army had been dissolved when Colombia got its 1824 Constitution. Most of the remaining forces had been forcefully demobilized after the defeat of La Cosiata, in Venezuela; while the few remaining loyalist contingents demobilized after the death of Bolivar, Colombian troops were mostly busy pacifying rebellious convents in New Granada and New Spain. The only response was to block any shipments of Colombian goods to the United States.
This initial measure would initially prove to be almost laughable, with Jackson reportedly asking “we import anything from the Papists?” when the news were given to him. However, the effects should not be understated by the initial reaction. This initial Colombian blockade was later supplemented by British forces, happy to help their traditional allies in weakening the United States, which they saw as perpetually interested in expanding their holdings over to Canada. Furthermore, to Britain, the situation was eminently beneficial to their economy; Colombia had to greatly reduce cotton exportations as the panicking Colombian army seeked to use as much cotton as possible to make new uniforms, while a blockade of the United States would mean the price of cotton would skyrocket, greatly benefitting the British colonial effort in India. Due to this, by the end of 1830 the shipments of sugar and tobacco to the United States dried up, while by January 10th of 1831 Southern landowners complained more about the loss of exportation opportunities of cotton than about the damages to the internal market caused by the civil war.
It’s interesting to note that settlement in Northern Florida and Louisiana, especially by plantation farmers, greatly grew in Colombia over this period, with an active attempt at Colombia to populate the central and southern parts of the Mississippi Valley in order to justify keeping hold of all of Louisiana (and not just the area around New Orleans, which, greatly defended by constantly expanded fortifications, the embattled American officers did not seek to take), but also with an open attempt to replace any need for American importations (something which did not succeed, but which was important in the creation of the national Colombian economy).
The actions of “pacification” in Wabash, and, more importantly, the actions of occupation of San Luis by Houston and the “Pillagers of the West”, as they would come to be (very romantically) known by the American public (and less romantically so by the Colombian public) were extremely bloody, with repression of both Spanish-speakers in San Luis (with the stated intent of making San Luis part of the United States, the French-speakers had to be goaded into loyalty, so their suppression was not nearly as brutal as that of Spanish speakers) and Federalists throughout the Ohio River valley was extremely brutal. However, they also concentrated a large, fundamental pat of the American war effort in a single region, leaving others unprotected. With Jackson having to march north to free Philadelphia, which was now occupied by state forces from New Jersey, practically nobody was there to prevent a general rising in the Western half of Virginia which resulted in Clay’s forces taking the entirety of the more mountainous, less plantation-dependent part of the State, threatening to completely encircle Ohio.
"The thing that was widely perceived as Jackson’s biggest mistake entailed the 4th of July of 1831, when Jacksonian forces confronted rebel ones off Newark, Delaware, absolutely crushing them to a barrage of Union artillery which reduced nearly 5000 soldiers to shreds. It was at this point that Jackson, prominently entering Philadelphia, ordered the realization of a triumph, marching with the US Artillery Corps through High Street until he reached the Capitol, which, in his Philadelphia Address, he declared suspended, together with the Constitution of 1816 and the rebel state governments. In their stead, he declared the creation of three new constituent Provinces of the United States, never before known; the First Province, composed of Maine and New Hampshire (by this point, nearly the entirety of Massachusetts’ Maine territory had fallen to Unionist forces); the Third Province, at the time composed of New York and New Jersey (but eventually also made up of Vermont) and the Fourth Province, composed of Pennsylvania and Delaware. In his address, Jackson justified this by stating that “a grave threat has arisen… the threat of Secession. The United States requires a strong and stable Unitary Government, one that can reorganize the broken relations of our people, before the States can regain their power”. Booed by the Philadelphia audience, the Address resulted in over 500 arrests and the deaths of three people.
However, more important than the negative reception of the Philadelphia Address by the citizenry of the city was nothing in comparison with worrying developments in the Deep South. Major politicians of Georgia and the Carolinas were profoundly concerned by the unilateral dissolution of the Constitutional system and all checks and balances of the American system by Jackson, who seemed to be set to become the “New American Caesar”. The three southern states, deeply concerned by this threat to their sovereignty, now had a choice to make. Under no reasonable circumstances would they agree to pitch their tent with slave rebels and Natives, as well as Federalists which had a strong perspective against the economic autonomy of plantation States in favor of industrial Northern states. However, they could not risk remaining in a United States that seemed to be disregarding both its own Federal protections as well as checks and balances. Due to this, the three Southern States announced a declaration of secession that came into joint effect on August 1st, when the Confederacy of Carolina was born."
-Jackson's Greatest Mistake: Carolina, a short TuVideo.net video by Charlotte University.
Last edited:
Pretty good chapter, really like how this ATL US is desintegrating due to constitutional problems and how the secessionist movements win due to parties looking to maintin their self interests and ideologies.
Thanks! Yeah, that's kind of what I'm going for, a more fragmented US with more interests in the different States. Glad you like it
Chapter XX - The End of the War of the Supremes and the Birth of Carolinian Identity
An animated map of the War of the Supremes. Jackson's central Government and loyalists appears in blue, while the rebel forces are shown in red. The Carolinian Confederacy, a cobelligerant to the Jacksonian government, is shown in lime.
The United States government now, more than ever, seemed doomed, with its ever-longer list of enemies now consisting of sixteen States. Furthermore, Houston’s occupation of San Luis demanded time and resources, especially as the Colombian response encroached as a large army consisting of Mexican troops arrived in New Orleans. This allowed the Kentucky army, by far the one that had achieved the most independent success out of all rebel armies, to take over a large portion of Ohio, now encircling the parts of an Unionist army that theoretically had the intent of splitting territory in two.
However, the situation was not nearly as terrible for the American forces as it would initially seem from a territorial perspective. The territories the rebels controlled not only were heavily war-weary, but also comprised an extremely diverse range of people and territories that could barely stand each other even in the face of the Jacksonian threat. Many people within the rebel territories, especially free poor whites, were furthermore deeply opposed to many of the more radical social provisions of some of the rebel forces; black rebels, which wished to enforce abolition to slavery, particularly alienated many of the white farmers in the South and the West, who feared flee slaves would take their jobs. They also feared (especially in Ohio, Wabash and Tennessee) an encroaching of Natives towards their lands, which made cooperation between Whites, blacks and natives especially problematic.
The Confederation of Carolina, furthermore, was another complication for the rebels. Although, on first glance, Carolina could be easily mistaken for a cobelligerant of the Whig and Democratic rebels, the situation couldn’t be further from the truth. In fact, the Carolinian ruling elite did not seek to fight the United States, instead merely declaring its secession as a way to protect the constitutional rights enshrined in the State Constitutions of Georgia, South Carolina and North Carolina. They did not look to expand northwards to bring Virginia into the fold, or to topple the Jackson regime, which they fundamentally saw as a legitimate Presidency that had merely incurred in an abuse of power. Instead, their secession would initially make them, in the eyes of the Carolinians, allies, in a form of vassal relationship in which, after the war settled down, the three States would remain a part of the United States, only one with legally-enshrined benefits that would prevent Jackson taking away their power.
A propaganda image of a Native American scalping his enemy, dated to the late Jacksonian era. Scalping was extremely uncommon by Indian forces throughout the War of the Supreme; however, the perception of the white majority of the Indian soldiers as savages led to a great loss in public opinion towards the Federalist-Democrat side, and great stigmatization towards natives. White resentment and aggression towards Native groups, even in rebel camps, is commonly cited as one of the chief causes of the rebel loss in the war.
At this point in time, this did not seem like a particularly disparate idea, considering the fact that the Carolinian State constitutions probably remained, due to their rejection of the enshrining of jurisdictional diversity, as well as the lack of profound social changes in the South (which had affected the rest of the Union), the oldest legally binding documents still operating within the Union. Due to this, it was seen as reasonable for Jackson to protect these old documents, which were seen as having the benefits of tradition, and which belonged to the very states Jackson came from (his birth having occurred close to the border between the two Carolinas).
Instead, Jackson seemed to take the secession of his closest-aligned states as a personal affront; an affront, however, which he correctly saw as one that could be addressed later. Due to this, initially he made little effort to attack the Carolinian forces, only sending token armies to ensure that the supply lines of forts that remained steadfastly loyal to the US army were not broken. The Carolinian state guards were a useful buffer that would help him more quickly take down the defenses of the states of Muscogee, Tennessee and Kentucky, instead focusing his troops on the Western front, where he seeked to liberate Ohio and eventually bring relief to Houston’s troops, under siege in San Luis, as well as in the North, where New England’s strength was already faltering.
Even then, the loss of coordination with the South proved an increased difficulty for the United States government, which could no longer cooperate in regards to supply lines with the agriculturally rich southern States. Due to this, all troops west of the Atlantic seaboard had to mostly stay in their place, with a greatly reduced ration which allowed them to stretch food and weapon resources far longer than initially intended. This did not affect the armies in the North, where Jackson led his troops to victory off the Hudson River while the northern border troops defeated the Massachusetts state guard, eventually reducing the area of rebellion to the cities of Boston and New York. Even the Iroquois confederation was bloodily subdued with relative ease by Jacksonian forces.
The war thus shifted into a third phase - following extremely fast-moving frontlines and wide maneuvering by both forces, the next year (1832-1833) would prove to bring static frontlines, as Jacksonian forces lay siege to the United States’ two biggest ports and, in the west, control over the state of Ohio seemed essential. During this phase, the only rapidly moving border would prove to be south, as the Carolinian forces quickly seemed unable to fight Gullah rebellions, which prompted intervention by Jacksonian forces.
That, plus the edict that rescinded Tennessee’s statehood and returned it to North Carolinian jurisdiction helped reduce the outcry by the Southern aristocracy against Jackson, and by the end of 1833, North Carolina would rejoin the Union. In fact, by May of 1834, the Carolinian Confederacy would vote to disband itself, with South Carolina also voting to rejoin, and Georgia being the only one at least somewhat holding out against Jacksonian forces. It did not occur to the Carolinians, however, that what had happened to Tennessee could, eventually, happen to them as well, especially not at the hands of Jackson, who they saw as a scion of Carolina.
Thus ends the short period of three years of Carolina independence - a forbearer of slavocracy rule in the Deep South of the United States.
The end of the Carolinian experiment led to a renewed source of vigor for American troops, which, after having mostly stayed put throughout most of the year, launched new offensives towards the rest of rebel forces. Jackson, who had managed to mostly stabilize the frontlines to the West, could now concentrate on putting down the rebels in the Northeast, where the siege of New York and Boston continued (according to Jacksonian propaganda, thanks to Colombian supply through the blockade; according to rebel propaganda, through the sheer ingenuity of New York rebs, who managed to plant enough vegetables in Battery Park, then the largest park of Manhattan, for the entire city) as the rest of the state fell. However, it was not too long until both cities were faced with overwhelming odds. Boston easily fell to Jacksonian troops in early 1835 while New York, lacking veritable riverine defenses, held out until American troops crossed the Harlem River in early 1836, almost a year after large-scale fighting had ended in the rest of the country.
A detail of the Monument to the New York Spirit, having been removed from the rest of the monument for renovations in 2017. The Yankee Reb image became deeply entrenched in the New York conscious as that of a free-thinker that could both live independently and fight for his homeland. The main concept behind the Yankee Rebs is that of the Battery Park rebels, who supposedly defended the southern tip of Manhattan from Jacksonian landings while farming enough food for the entire island. However, this claim is entirely apocryphal; the supplies to New York most likely came from Long Island and British supply.
After the fall of Boston, Jacksonian troops easily dispersed or co-opted the White rebel forces, who had come to heavily resent their Indian and Black brothers-in-arms, into the United States Armed Forces. Rapid inroads were made into the great riverways of the west, which, in turn, led to the encirclement of rebel forces and their rapid eventual demobilization.
The War of the Supremes, until then by far the largest conflict the United States had suffered, ended not with a bang but with a whimper, as defeated rebel troops returned to their homesteads to avoid prosecution, turned to the Jacksonian forces, or fled the country. Those who remained steadfastly opposed to the Jacksonian regime would go underground into a protracted conflict that would last throughout the entirety of the Jacksonian era.
However, the results of the conflict were very clear. Jackson stood as undisputed champion; and for the rest of his life, he was to assume dictatorial force throughout the country.
Flags of the Carolinian Uprising. The Bonnie Blue Flag (left), used as a diplomatic flag and as a trader ensign, saw little use, although its repeated use by Southern rebels has given it legendary fame among Carolinians. The "Don't Tread on Me" ensign (right), used by the Carolinian Navy (what little there was of it), remains a classic sign of rebellion in the United States. However, by far the most famous symbol of Carolinian Separatism is the flag of the Army of North Carolina (center), as it was this flag which anti-Jacksonian rebels continued to use throughout the entire Jackson presidency. The flag would soon become synonymous with the region in the public consciousness.
“To this day, the Carolinian Confederation is seen as a heroic origin of American conservatism, especially by right-liberal types which seem to feel that Carolina was the result of a ‘come and take it’ outlook that saw the threats of abolition and disarmament as an extreme case of tyranny by the United States, which resulted in armed rebellion. Due to this, to this day many politicians, especially in the South, hail the origins of Carolina as the first true American freedom fighters - not impulsed by what they perceive as monarchical, pro-Colombian, Papist Hamiltonian authoritarianism, or, even worse to many conservative Carolinian society, the multiculturally tolerant society sought after by Burrites and the posterior development of Indian politics (which was, and to a degree is, seen as anathema in the South, with the Indian state of Sequoyah seen as an unjust splitting of the core Carolinian territory).
The effects of the Confederacy on Southern politics, especially those of the Deep South, are profound. The first, and most fundamental, is setting the southern part of the United States as a separate entity from the rest of the country. The three Carolinian States would now have a common identity as Carolinians - different from the rest of the South as well as from their western borders in Muscogee, Tennessee, Kentucky and, eventually, Fredonia. The creation of Carolinian nationalism was fundamentally relevant to the right-nationalism of the United States, as well as to the emergence of the first true American sense of regional identity that surpassed the States; that of the regions, soon to become of paramount importance in American political identity.
Carolinian identity was particularly important for the development of American regional identity. This is in contrast with other forms of regional expression. Although the New Englanders had already a cohesive identity different from the rest of the States, it was never as politically oriented as that of the Carolinians. Most New Englanders saw themselves, back then as well as now, as more American than New Englander; the average poll in the Northeast determines regional identity as far weaker, with only approximately, 25% of respondents answering they feel “Exclusively New Englander” or “more New Englander than American/from their own State”, while 65% of Carolinians regularly respond they feel “more Carolinian (or from their own state) than American” or “exclusively Carolinian”. Eventually, Carolinian integrity would also provide to be a continued thorn in the side of American politics, especially that espoused by the Federalists and their successor parties, as the three states often banded together to nullify and avoid any political change they did not like, and often the Federal government would have to resort to force to change an aspect of life of the Carolinians.
The Greater Carolinas region soon became known as a rebel area, which is seen by the fact that, even to this day, many of the most prominent historical names in the region are that of rebels; that three of the five biggest universities in the region, the Universities of Georgia (Athens), Raleigh and Columbus University have, as a school mascot, the “rebel” (of course, Methodist Emory and Quaker Duke, due to the political and religious connotations of pro-slavery rebellions, do not glorify rebels at all), leading to the necessity of creative color-coding to avoid problems when they compete at regional sports matchups; the flag of the Carolinian Confederacy is, to this day, flown more than that of the United States in Carolinian territory; and even to this day, polls regularly show between 20 and 40% of Carolinians have a desire to secede from the United States.
The Columbus Rebels (grey), also known as the Grey Rebels to distinguish them from Athens' Blue Rebels and Raleigh's Red Rebels, are America's foremost calcium team, having won a third of the last twenty National Premier Cups. Their main enemy is (fittingly) the Holliday Patriots. Both teams are veritable sporting institutions, containing premier teams in calcium, American rugby, baseball, lacrosse and (since the creation of the Pan-American League) ulama.
Due to the fact that many of the most prominent right wing politicians of the Southern United States at the time (especially South Carolinian star John C. Calhoun and fellow South Carolinians William Smith and Robert Barnwell Rhett, who, along with Georgia Senator George Troup, argued for a continued existence of the Carolinian Confederation almost until the end of the war) rebelled against the worst abuses of the Jackson presidency in regards to states’ rights, and even, in a few sparse cases (especially south in Georgia), fought against Union forces, the Carolinian Union was fundamental in regards to American politics following the Period of National Reorganization, the Constitutional War, and the start of the Fourth Constitutional System. In fact, Calhoun was so fundamental to the continuation of “the anti-Jacksonian Democratic Party” (a fact completely antithetical to the reality; Calhoun seeked deténte with Jackson after the end of the War of the Supremes, and, although he never rose to a high rank in the Jacksonian epoch, this doesn’t mean that he was a known opposition figure) that he supervised transition into the Compromise Constitution; his unique position on slavery ending up being enshrined in said Constitution, and being often seen as the reason why slavery survived so much longer than anywhere else in the developed world in the United States. This allowed for the political legitimacy of many ideas closely aligned with Jacksonianism to survive even after the end of his dictatorship.
Of course, all this is based on a lie. The fact is that the relationship between the Carolinians and the Jacksonian government was never as fraught as what was shown by Calhounite Democrats to look for a way out of association with “America’s Pharaoh”; they cooperated closely, and, when the war was over and the Carolinian fight for decentralization was deemed lost by those politicians, most collaborated with the Jacksonian desire to reform the State system into a provincial, unitary one.”
In the end, the most famous identity in America is based on a fake rebellion that only meant to ensure existing privileges. The more legitimate rebel identities (New York’s “Battery Park Rebs”, the Indian States’ identities and Boston’s Patriot image) have been diluted by the growth and development of those states.
Last edited:
that’s the gist of it! Although the idea has changed a bit and the USA is not exactly the same as Colombia. Thanks
Really interesting how this US dictatorship will develop and how badly the country could explode after Jackson dies.
we’ll see. Jackson iTTL is a pretty horrible version of himself, so definitely it’s not going to be pretty for nonwhite Americans.