21. The Argead-Carthaginian War, part 2
Alexander had learned the painful lesson that despite the size of his kingdom and army, the entire world could not be his. While he probably already knew this on the banks of the Ganges, he must truly have realized it while on Sicily.
- Excerpt from
The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
Abdmelqart, son of Gersakun, elected by the Assembly of Carthage to lead its armies against Agathokles and Alexander, was a man whose family’s reputation was mixed to say the least. He was the grandson of Hanno, who during his lifetime was called ‘the Great’ for his exploits. In the 370’s BCE Carthage had been weakened by the outbreak of a severe epidemic, which was used by the Libyans [1] as an opportunity to rebel. It was Hanno who was then elected general to deal with the uprising, and was very successful, he not only managed to suppress the rebels he also expanded Carthage’s domain further into Libya. In 368 he was again elected general, to deal with the war against the aging Dionysios I, the greatest of Syracusan tyrants. Once again he was successful, bringing the war to an end in 365 when he completely surprised the Greek fleet at Drepana, towing away a large part of it back to Carthage in victory. Peace was signed not long after. His success was not limited to the battlefield but also spread to the political arena, where he became one of the foremost citizens of the Republic. His fiercest rival was Eshmunyaton, whose reputation and renown was based not on his performance on the battlefield but on his wealth and many connections among the Carthaginian aristocracy. In the aftermath of the war against Dionysios Hanno revealed to the shocked Adirim and the Carthaginian people that Eshmunyaton, foremost citizen of the Republic, was in fact nothing but a traitor. Letters had been intercepted that proved that Eshmunyaton had been conspiring with Dionysios to bring Carthage to ruin. Eshmunyaton was quickly brought to justice, crucified at the city’s agora as a grim warning to all would-be tyrants. In their panic the Adirim even banned the study and use of the Greek language, although this ban was quickly rescinded due to it being impractical.
Hanno thus stood at the peak of Carthaginian society and dominated its politics. His success however attracted jealousy, and his arrogance made many among the Adirim turn against him, especially after he and his supporters attempted to monopolise the suffeteship [2] and other high offices. Several of his political opponents were, like Eshmunyaton, suddenly persecuted and convicted. Later Greek sources mention that Hanno had a pet lion which he paraded around the city and that he trained some birds to chant: ‘Hanno is a god’, although much to his chagrin when they were set free they resumed chirping. Doubtlessly exaggerated as these stories are, they do show what the man’s reputation was. His fame even spread to Greece itself, where Aristotle mentions him as ‘a great man with the capacity to be still greater’. Hanno however was not content with just being the most prominent citizen of Carthage, and in 350 he plotted to make himself tyrant. The Adirim would attend a banquet in honour of his daughter’s marriage, but word spread that Hanno planned to poison them and then seize power. Due to his prominence and power he could not be prosecuted, but the Adirim bypassed this by temporarily banning public feasts, and thus cancelling the banquet. Undeterred in his quest for power, he incited a slave revolt, but this largely failed. He fortified his country villa with his supporters and some slaves but they were quickly defeated, Hanno was brought to Carthage, publicly mutilated and crucified. His son Gersakun was send into exile.
In the wake of Hanno’s death no figure arose to dominate Carthaginian politics like he and Eshmunyaton had done. Several years later internal conflict wrecked several of the Sicilian Greek states, and the new Carthaginian government intervened, seeking to expand its dominion over the island. Hanno’s victorious opponents perhaps needed a military victory in order to solidify their position, and they saw an opportunity on Sicily. One of them, Mago, was elected general and send to Sicily, but suffered a crushing defeat. Unable to face the judgement of the Council of 104 he committed suicide, after which his vengeful compatriots crucified his corpse. His successors were even less successful. The catastrophic defeat at the river Krimisos at the hands of Timoleon in 341, where 3000 citizen troops were killed, was the straw that broke the camel’s back. Unrest broke out, and the people called out for a new strong leader to save the city. Despite Hanno’s disgrace and execution those who had supported him had not been purged, by no means had his faction been uprooted. Utilising the crisis, they called for Gersakun to be recalled from his exile, which eventually happened. Upon his return to the city Gersakun was presented with his family’s enemies in chains, and in an almost pharaonic gesture he had them lie on the ground while he put his feet on their necks, but afterwards he pardoned them all, showing that his purpose in Carthage was not fighting old feuds. With his citizenship restored he was elected both suffete and general, and in Spring 340 he sailed to Sicily, where he joined up with the survivors of the disaster at Krimisos. Timoleon had returned to Syracuse to fight a civil war against the would-be tyrant Hiketas, and thus was eager for peace. The Greek cities were declared to be free, which meant that Carthage would lose direct control over Herakleia Minoa and Selinous, but those were the only losses they would suffer. Gersakun restored order and confirmed the division of Sicily in a Greek east and a Phoenician west, and the treaty he signed was not broken until Agathokles’ seizure of Messana. Gersakun spend the rest of his life as one of Carthage’s leading citizens, who through his moderation and graciousness had prevented the city descending the city into civil strife, who had made peace abroad and restored his family to prominence. It is telling that his descendants are known as the Gersakunids and not the Hannonids.
Abdmelqart thus had a significant legacy to live up to, and successfully defending Carthage against Alexander would perhaps be enough to wipe away the shame of his grandfather’s coup attempt. For several months Alexander had tried to best the imposing walls of Lilybaion, but it all amounted to nothing. Attack after attack was launched, but despite their martial prowess the Macedonians could not crack the defences. The defeat at Gela also meant that the countryside was once again terrorized by marauding Numidians, who also intercepted several supply convoys who were underway from Syracuse to the siege lines around Lilybaion. In response Alexander dispatched his cavalry back to Syracuse, to counter the threat of the Numidians. In July 317 Alexander himself also departed Lilybaion, with his elite forces he now assaulted the mountaintop fortress at Eryx, just north of Lilybaion. From Eryx the Carthaginians had harassed the Argead forces at Lilybaion continuously, something Alexander was now determined to end. With his trademark speed Alexander surprised the garrison at Eryx, which was undermanned because many of the troops were foraging or raiding the Macedonians at Lilybaion. Seeing that his enemy was scrambling to organise a defence Alexander immediately had his siege ladders brought to the front and quickly placed them at the walls. Alexander was impatient with his soldiers, who were not eager to scale the walls. Alexander scolded them, dismounted his horse and quickly scaled the ladder himself. Not many Carthaginians had manned the wall yet, but Alexander still stood alone against several of them. Ashamed that they had shown cowardice in front of their king now the royal bodyguard came scrambling up the ladders. Alexander had faced off against several Carthaginians, but apart from some superficial slash wounds he was not hurt. The Macedonians now quickly overwhelmed the soldiers on the wall and opened up the nearby gate, allowing the rest of the army to enter the fortress.
Alexander on the walls of Eryx
The thorough sack of Eryx and the subsequent defeat of the still operating Carthaginian forces in Western Sicily was a welcome victory for Alexander, who resented being bogged down at Lilybaion. With the fall of Eryx now he also quickly captured the city of Drepana, reducing the Carthaginian presence to just Lilybaion, Gela and Messana. The Carthaginians that had survived his assaults were brought to the siege lines near Lilybaion, where they were crucified in full view of the defenders. And more good news arrived in July 317, when Ptolemaios and a 10000 strong reinforcement force arrived at Syracuse. Ptolemaios then proceeded to do what Philotas had failed at and managed to both evict the Numidian raiders and afterwards captured Gela. Afterwards he joined up with Alexander at Lilybaion, which still was defiant. The fleet that was under construction at Syracuse was now complete, and in addition to the ships Alexander already had the fleet was now 230 ships strong. It consisted primarily of triremes and quadriremes, with only several quinqueremes present who acted as flagships. Alexander quickly had his fleet gathered near Lilybaion, eager to finally cut the city off. Nearchos was once again his admiral, and quickly started the blockade of the city. The Carthaginians immediately dispatched a fleet to break the blockade, under command of Hanno of Tharros [3]. It was halfway August 317 that the two fleets, the Carthaginian one somewhat smaller but more experienced, faced off near the Aigatian Isles, just west of Lilybaion.
It turned into a disaster for the Argead navy, which was outclassed and outmanoeuvred by its Phoenician opponents. Many of the rowers on the Argead were levies from the various Sicilian cities, who were increasingly wary of Alexander and the Macedonians. Alexander’s eagerness to deal with Lilybaion also meant that were wasn’t much time to train the rowers. Most disastrous was probably that at the start of the battle an Athenian squadron defected to the Carthaginians, in revenge for the sack of their city. All of this led to the defeat, with the Carthaginians managing to break the Argead line early in battle and sinking all the flagships. Nearchos managed to escape by swimming to a nearby trireme. A part of the fleet, around 50 ships, was cut off and captured by the Carthaginians, who towed them to the harbour of Lilybaion to acclaim of its defenders. Of the Argead fleet around 100 ships survived, who escaped to the recently captured harbour of Drepana. The Carthaginians, in retaliation for the killing of the prisoners of Eryx, now crucified captured Macedonians on the walls of Lilybaion, their cries of agony carried by the wind to the Argead army camped nearby. Yet despite all this, Alexander was still undeterred. Several futile assaults on the walls of Lilybaion were undertaken, during which Alexander himself often was in the line of battle, and it is only due to sheer luck that he suffered no physical injuries. When rumours reached the camp that the Syracusans were secretly in negotiation with the Carthaginians he send Antigenes, commander of the Argyraspidai, back to the city to occupy the citadel on Ortygia. Many of the Sicilian communities became unwilling to help the man who they increasingly saw as a tyrant instead of a liberator. Alexander, with his supplies dwindling and in an increasingly precarious position, decided to make a final attempt to defeat the Carthaginians.
Battle of the Aigatian Isles
It was October 317 when the Argead fleet, 80 ships strong, set sail from Drepana with Carthage’s Libyan hinterland as destination. The small army on the ships was however not commanded by the Great King himself, but by Nikanor, son of Parmenion and one of Alexander’s generals. An outbreak of disease, most likely smallpox, ravaged the Macedonian army and Alexander himself was now also bedridden. Luck was not on the Macedonians’ side, despite the Carthaginians being surprised and unable to quickly counter the fleet, a autumn storm laid waste to the fleet. The fleet was scattered, picked apart by the Carthaginian navy, but still around 40 ships managed to reach the African shore near the city of Aspis, which fell to a quick assault. His army only 12000 strong, Nikanor quickly marshalled his forces and first marched south, sacking the city of Neapolis [4] in November 317. Aside from some local militia there was little resistance to Nikanor’s advance, and his army plundered the rich Libyan countryside without much opposition.
After sacking Neapolis Nikanor quickly struck west, crossing the Catadas River [5] and occupying Tunes, not far from Carthage itself. In the great city panic broke out, unnecessary perhaps since its walls were thick and well-defended and the enemy force too small to effectively sustain a siege, never mind assaulting the city itself. The supporters of Abdmelqart in the Adirim managed to recall their general from Lilybaion and now granted him the generalship in Africa, to evict Nikanor. The general returned with several thousand men and started training a force at Carthage itself. In the meantime at Tunes there had been unrest among the Argead troops, mostly between the Macedonians and the others about the division of the plunder. Another Carthaginian general, Adherbal son of Baalyaton, had raised an army among the Libyans and had hired Numidians, and now made sure that the Macedonians would not advance further inland. An attempt by Nikanor to incite revolt among the Libyan subjects of Carthage ended in failure, and soon afterwards it seems Nikanor’s army broke apart entirely. Archagathus, son of Agathokles and commander of the Syracusan troops, broke of with his troops and tried to march back to Aspis. He was ambushed and killed while en route, leaving Nikanor even more isolated and his army understrength. In February 316 Abdmelqart marched out of Carthage and utterly destroyed what was left of the Macedonian army at Tunes, with Nikanor perishing on the field. Abdmelqart was now praised as the saviour of his country, and returned to Carthage in triumph. Not long afterwards an envoy was send to Alexander, to finally settle a peace agreement.
Alexander, having recovered from the smallpox, decided to agree. Reports had reached him of incursions into Thrace from across the Danube, of unrest in Babylon and agitators in Persia, of uprisings alongside the Indus. Staying on Sicily could mean gambling away the rest of his Empire. While none of those would turn out to be serious threats Alexander could not know that, and by now he was probably sick of the island and its fickle inhabitants, who once greeted him as their saviour and now were seemingly sharpening their knives for him. The entirety of Sicily, with exception of Lilybaion, would become ‘free’. Macedonian garrisons at Syracuse, Akragas, Panormos and eventually Messana would however keep a close watch on the locals. Syracuse and several other cities also joined the Italiote League, and thus recognised Alexander as their commander and protector. Alexander marched back to Syracuse in March 316, which was not entirely uneventful. The city of Akragas had been rather uncooperative during the war, and now Alexander would have his revenge. Its economy largely dependent on its olive orchards, Alexander had all the olive trees cut down while passing by, condemning the locals to poverty. Before returning to the east he waged a small war against a group of mercenaries left behind by the Carthaginians in Messana, but he defeated them on the slopes of Mount Etna, and soon afterwards Messana fell too, making his dominion over Sicily more or less complete. In Syracuse he was publicly booed, but Alexander had the last laugh when he seized the city’s treasury before sailing away to Greece. While the island disappeared beyond the horizon Alexander supposedly said that he would never aid its ungrateful inhabitants again.
Footnotes
- In antiquity North Africa outside of Egypt was known as Libya to the Greeks.
- A suffete was the chief magistrate of the Carthaginian Republic who, like the Roman consuls, served a term of one year and by the era of this timeline always alongside a colleague. Although Greek and Roman sources, especially for the earlier periods of Carthaginian history, often mention a king this most probably refers to the elected suffetes. Together with the Adirim (Senate) they run the affairs of the Republic and sometimes appear as judge in civil lawsuits. Unlike their Roman equivalents they did not have a military function, which was beholden to the elected generals. In practice though there are several instances of someone being elected to both offices, which led to Greek writers commenting that the Carthaginian armies on Sicily were led by a king.
- Carthaginian inscriptions often offer lengthy genealogies, but since their pool of names was rather constricted and they didn’t have surnames it will become confusing pretty quickly. Since Carthage will be pretty important in the TL I decided to, in case of important Carthaginian characters, give them a family name so they are easier to remember. In this case ‘of Tharros’ refers to Tharros on Sardinia, implying that this Hanno has his origin there. There was a Hanno who commanded an army during the war against Agathokles OTL, and this is meant to be him, although the Sardinian origin is entirely my own invention, I hope it doesn’t bother anyone too much.
- Not the city in Italy but the modern-day city of Nabeul in Tunisia.
- Modern-day Oued Miliane in Tunisia.