Love to see it. Is Kana'im meaning something along the lines of 'zealous' here?
It's from the Phoenician Kn'nm, which means Canaanites and is one of the names they used to refer to themselves.
Well, Agothecles will probably have to appeal to Alexander for help against the greatest enemy of the Hellenes if things turn bad for him. Alexander would then be able to swoop right on in.

The problem for Agothecles is that the Carthaginians have had more time to prepare for him while he was campaigning away in southern Italy. They've probably been watching developments in Italy too. Looks like Carthage vs The Argead Empire is next.

Now that I think about it...
Egypt should probably think about funding Carthage if they're alarmed at Alexander's western expansion
Agathocles war against Carthage is kind of like a desperate gamble, like how in OTL he sailed his army to Africa when the Carthaginians were besieging Syracuse. He might do well for some time, but as you say the Carthaginians are more likely to be well prepared and he now also has Alexander to worry about. As I more or less spoiled already, Alexander will indeed go to war against the Carthaginians at some point in the not too distant future, but events back in Greece itself will require his attention for some time. Also the situation in the west is very different from the east. In Italy he more or less depends on the local Greek cities, who regard him as their protector. Maybe he'll have them join the Hellenic League so that Alexander at least has some formal control over them. Unlike in 'Asia' there wasn't a tradition of empire in the region in which he could neatly insert himself as the next rightful ruler, so acting as benevolent protector against the barbarian locals will have to do for now.

Regarding Egyptian funding for the Carthaginians: I'm not sure if there was much contact between the two before the Ptolemies (although some 26th Dynasty artefacts have been found at Carthage) but for now I doubt the Carthaginians require Egyptian funding, they were quite wealthy and if the war doesn't last too long that should be enough. Also, Egypt is about to enter a less stable period (see update 17) so it is unlikely they'll even be able to.
 
I edited the part about Demosthenes in the update because he had already been exiled in update 5. He was now allowed to return after Philip's death only to be exiled again after the bribery accusations.
 
Carthage does not stand a snowball's chance on the sunny side of Mercury against Alexander in a land war. The update implies that they end up winning the war though. Thus, either something very important pulls Alexander's attention away halfway through the war, or his borrowed and coerced navy is going to fight poorly against an equally if not moreso skilled navy captained by men whose homes are at stake should they lose. Most likely both - Carthage manages to keep it a naval war with more victories on their side long enough that one of Alexander's bigger eastern possessions decides it's time to revolt again.

That, or Alexander ends up dying in the Argead-Carthaginian war, possibly an ignominious drowning as the ship he's on sinks, with the great king's body never found.
 
Happy new year everyone! Let's hope its at least somewhat better than last one.

Carthage does not stand a snowball's chance on the sunny side of Mercury against Alexander in a land war. The update implies that they end up winning the war though. Thus, either something very important pulls Alexander's attention away halfway through the war, or his borrowed and coerced navy is going to fight poorly against an equally if not moreso skilled navy captained by men whose homes are at stake should they lose. Most likely both - Carthage manages to keep it a naval war with more victories on their side long enough that one of Alexander's bigger eastern possessions decides it's time to revolt again.

That, or Alexander ends up dying in the Argead-Carthaginian war, possibly an ignominious drowning as the ship he's on sinks, with the great king's body never found.

Not gonna spoil anything, but at least that last point isn't gonna be it, I'm pretty sure I've already spoilt that Alexander still has some decades ahead of him.
 
Next update will probably be tomorrow or the day after, and will focus mostly on Egypt with some slight detours into the Near East.
 
19. Death on the Nile
19. Death on the Nile

Year 10, third month of the Season of Harvest, day 25 under the Majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Khakaura, the son of Ra, Nakhtnebef - may he live forever! – His Majesty appeared in splendour at Ipetsut and made offerings of incense and libations of wine for the greatness of the god who resides in the Southern City, Amun-Ra, King of the Gods, the Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands.

It was he who raised His Majesty above millions and appointed him ruler of the Two Lands, he placed the uraeus upon his head and captured for him the hearts of the nobility, for him he made subservient the hearts of the people and for him he destroyed the enemies of Egypt.

The valiant King, successful in deeds, who guards Egypt, a potent monarch who smites the Nubian and the Asiatic, fiery-hearted at seeing his foes, heart-gouger of the treason-hearted. Powerful one with active arm, who hesitates not to strike the foreign lands.

He does good to those who are loyal, they can slumber until daylight, their hearts full of his good nature, and they stray not from their paths. He makes green the land when he rises, like Ra on the horizon. All eyes are dazzled by him, who acts according to that which the Gods desire.

Good god of many wonders, served by the sun-disk’s rays, whom mountains tell their inmost, whom oceans offer their flood, whom foreign lands bring their bounty, ever-victorious, the Living Horus who makes the Two Lands prosper, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Khakaura, the Son of Ra Nakhtnebef, may he have all life, stability and dominion, and may he arise on the Throne of Horus like Ra for eternity!


- Inscription on a stela of Nakhtnebef II at Ipetsut

Nakhtnebef’s rule after his return from the campaign against Akko was rather uneventful. The most important actions being him ordering the construction of a new fortress on the island of Saï in the Nile in Nubia, to further consolidate Egyptian rule over the region. The king did not personally travel to Nubia but left the administration of the lands between the first and fourth cataracts of the Nile to Usermontu, who was given the title of Overseer of the Lands of Kush. The king’s presence is also attested at Ipetsut, where he dedicated a stela to his recent campaigns and achievements.

For the rest of the year Nakhtnebef appears to not have done anything out of the usual, he took part in several important festivals and rituals, he visited and gave gifts to various temples and he oversaw the governing of his nation from Memphis. It is only at the end of the year, in December, that the king makes another appearance in the record. He was at the palace at Hebyt when he went hunting with several high noblemen at a nearby estate. The precise details of what transpired are unknown, but at a certain moment the hunting party was crossing the river in several small boats when a hippopotamus, probably protecting a calf, charged out of the reeds and struck the boat of the king, who fell out and was then gored by the hippopotamus.

Nakhtnebef was carried, barely alive, to the palace at Hebyt where he managed to cling unto life for several days, but in the end the wounds were too severe for him to survive. It was thus that suddenly and at the height of his success Egypt lost it’s pharaoh, now to be succeeded by his four-year old son. Nakhtnebef II was mummified and interred at his tomb at the temple of Anhur-Shu in Tjebnetjer, the royal artisans must have rushed to complete the decorations. The young Usermaatra, son of Nakhtnebef II and his principal wife Neferura would now ascend to the Throne of Horus under the name of Nakhtnebef III. Because of the new monarch’s tender age he was not yet coronated in a grand ceremony at Memphis or Waset, but he was at least in theory the Lord of the Two Lands. He would of course require a regent, a role which in the past was often bestowed upon the pharaoh’s mother, but in this case it seems Neferura was not Nakhtnebef’s sole steward. The general Bakenanhur, close confidante of Nakhtnebef II, commander of the cavalry and husband to the late king’s daughter Mutnefret shared authority with her. One of the reasons for this was probably that in the wake of Nakhtnebef II’s sudden demise the future of the dynasty looked uncertain, and the Delta nobility who had long resented the dynasty’s centralizing tendencies might have been tempted to try and put a more amenable monarch on the throne. Bakenanhur, who himself was a nobleman from Sau in the Western Delta, was as commander of the cavalry and close relative of the royal family uniquely situated to consolidate his power and serve as co-regent alongside Neferura.

At the start of 318 BCE Bakenanhur left the Delta and went south, where he visited first Henen-nesu (Herakleopolis) where he made offerings to the local god Heryshaf in name of the king. He did the same at Waset, where at Ipetsut he ordered offerings to be made to Amun-Ra in name of Nakhtnebef III. Bakenanhur’s visit was probably also meant to make sure that the Cult of Amun-Ra, which owned vast tracts of lands in Upper Egypt and Nubia, remained aligned with the ruling dynasty. The final part of Bakenanhur southern trip was another short campaign in Lower Nubia and the Eastern Desert, to teach the rebellious locals that despite the recent power transfer Egyptian might still was something to be feared.

Bakenanhur returned to Memphis in April 318 and was by now effectively the ruler of Egypt, through his command of the senenu, Egypt’s professional forces, and his newfound alliances with the country’s most important cults he had managed to present himself as the foremost regent. Despite Bakenanhur’s personal success Egypt itself was doing less well, a less than adequate inundation the year before meant that the price of food had risen considerably, causing rising tensions among the Egyptian population. This combined with a steadfast refusal to lower taxes caused a great deal of unrest. The situation was urgent in Upper Egypt, where the pressure on the food supply was alleviated by the Cult of Amun-Ra opening up some of its granaries and by the shipments of food from Nubia send by its governor Usermontu, who probably caused food shortages in the newly-conquered territories by shipping food to Waset and its environs. Despite this there was unrest in the countryside, with a increase in banditry and even some attacks on temple estates as consequence.

In Lower Egypt the situation also had worsened considerably, although the food situation was less bad than in the south. The vast storages of grain at Memphis managed to keep most of Lower Egypt adequately fed. The most pressing issue in Lower Egypt were several small uprisings, mostly in the Western Delta, of dynasts who saw their chance to overthrow the ruling dynasty. For now however most of the dynasts remained loyal, and a quick campaign by Bakenanhur was enough to pacify the Western Delta, at least for now. It was however in August 318 that news came in from Phoenicia which turned out to be the largest crisis of the moment.

50814319047_bf177f458e_o.png


The City of Tyre

Phoenicia’s most important cities were Sidon and Tyre, both of whom were in practice independent, with only Sidon boasting a small Egyptian garrison. They were also bitter rivals, with Sidon having the upper hand in recent years because they were more or less favoured by the Egyptians because of their role in the war against the Achaemenids. Both cities had large merchant and war fleets and their traders operated far and wide all over the Mediterranean. The Tyrians had sided with Egypt during Nakhthorheb’s reign because they could see which power was ascendant in the region. Now, with Egypt in chaos in the aftermath of Nakhtnebef II’s death Tyre could perhaps find a better arrangement with another power, and in the meantime manage to curb the power of Sidon.

The Tyrians, through their trade contacts, managed to relay this message to Antigonos, chiliarch of the Argead Empire in Alexander’s absence. Antigonos probably did pass this massage on to Alexander and did not entirely act on his own initiative, and in the end he decided to support the Tyrians, hoping to secure the Levant for the empire. In August 318 Tyre renounced Egyptian protection, followed by several other Phoenician cities such as Aradus and Byblos. Their combined fleet proceeded to Sidon where they blockaded the port, halting a trade with the city. Bakenanhur, upon hearing this, acted decisively. He called up the senenu and the mercenaries and departed Egypt in September 318, arriving at the fortress at Gaza later that month. There he rendezvoused with various contingents, Arab, Judean, Philistian and others, and his army grew to around 30000 strong. He proceeded northwards shortly after but when his army was just past Akko, and thus nearing Tyre, he received troubling news. The Argead army under the chiliarch Antigonos had crossed the border to support the Tyrians in their rebellion, and they had by now already managed to lay siege to Sidon.

The news seems to have paralyzed Bakenanhur, for he did not advance further upon hearing it. He send envoys to Antigonos, demanding that the Macedonians withdraw, but to no avail. It was in early October that another message reached the regent’s camp, and this time the news was even worse. Aided by the recent hunger, a disease had swept through much of the Delta, where it had also reached the royal palace at Hebyt. There both the young Nakhtnebef III, not even a year into his rule, and his mother Neferura had passed away, another blow to a dynasty that had risen far but now seemed to come crashing down. With the succession now entirely unclear much of Egypt was in chaos, and in the Western Delta a dynast named Horsaiset [1] had risen up and managed to seize control of that region, gaining the loyalty of many of the dynasts, eager to place one of their own on the Throne of Horus. Bakenanhur now could no longer risk fighting the Macedonians with Egypt itself in civil war, thus he contacted Antigonos and a compromise was reached. The Argead Empire would gain Phoenicia and Damascus and would allow the Egyptian garrisons to return unharmed, Philistia and Judea would remain under Egyptian control. The various Cypriot kings too did now change their allegiance from Egypt to the Argeads, who by now had managed to become the strongest power in the Eastern Mediterranean, with both the Cypriot and Phoenician fleets supporting them. Shortly after the peace treaty Sidon was stormed and sacked, although the Egyptian garrison was allowed to leave. Antigonos had thus managed to secure and expand the Argead position in the Levant, and thereby also strengthened the position and prestige of himself and his family, most notably his son Demetrios who served well during the campaign.

Bakenanhur, now with a enlarged army, thus marched back to Egypt in December 318. He had been a close confidante of Nakhtnebef II and, more importantly, his son-in-law, and it was through this connection with the ruling dynasty that he now claimed the throne. Horsaiset had managed to seize Memphis and even Tjebnetjer, but the royal family had retreated to Pelusium which was under the command of Bakenanhur’s brother, a man named Saneith [2]. From Pelusium Bakenanhur launched his offensive, first aiming at Memphis itself, which would provide the prestige of owning the capital and a crucial link to Upper Egypt. The details of the campaign are scarce, but it seems that Bakenanhur’s more experienced troops managed to trounce the machimoi of Horsaiset, who retreated back to the Western Delta. With Memphis under his control and communications with Upper Egypt restored he received gold and soldiers from Usermontu, governor of Nubia, which was sorely needed to pay his mercenaries. Bakenanhur’s final offensive started in June, when the Nile was at it’s lowest, and he spend the following months storming several Delta towns to subdue the supporters of Horsaiset. It was in November 317 that Bakenanhur and his army cornered Horsaiset at Imou [3] and defeated him decisively, securing the kingship of the Two Lands for himself. Bakenanhur made a second, much more triumphant, entrance into Memphis and was coronated at the Ipet-Mehu. He faced a daunting challenge, ruling a country ravaged by civil war and disease. In the end he would effectively be the last pharaoh of the Thirtieth Dynasty.

Footnotes

  1. Which translates to ‘Horus son of Isis’
  2. ‘Son of Neith’
  3. Modern day Kom el-Hisn
 
Last edited:
Nakhtnebef was carried, barely alive, to the palace at Hebyt where he managed to cling unto life for several days, but in the end the wounds were too severe for him to survive. It was thus that suddenly and at the height of his success Egypt lost it’s pharaoh, now to be succeeded by his three-year old son.
Oh no. Thank Amun-Ra for Bakenanhur's timely and decisive actions to ensure stability while the young heir grows up.
The Tyrians, through their trade contacts, managed to relay this message to Antigonos, chiliarch of the Argead Empire in Alexander’s absence. Antigonos probably did pass this massage on to Alexander and did not entirely act on his own initiative, and in the end he decided to support the Tyrians, hoping to secure the Levant for the empire.
Oh no!
The news seems to have paralyzed Bakenanhur, for he did not advance further upon hearing it. He send envoys to Antigonos, demanding that the Macedonians withdraw, but to no avail.
He's between a rock and a hard place here, pausing the advance is understandable. He doesn't appear to have many options here.
There both the young Nakhtnebef III, not even a year into his rule, and his mother Neferura had passed away, another blow to a dynasty that had risen far but now seemed to come crashing down.
OH NO
Bakenanhur now could no longer risk fighting the Macedonians with Egypt itself in civil war, thus he contacted Antigonos and a compromise was reached. The Argead Empire would gain Phoenicia and Damascus and would allow the Egyptian garrisons to return unharmed, Philistia and Judea would remain under Egyptian control.
This seems to be a decent salvage of the situation and level headed thinking by Bakenanhur. It's going to be interesting seeing what Alexander thinks about all of this. Would a potential son of Nitiqret/Nitokris and Alexander be seen as just as legitimate as any child of Bakenanhur?
He faced a daunting challenge, ruling a country ravaged by civil war and disease. In the end he would effectively be the last pharaoh of the Thirtieth Dynasty.
This is sad but all things come to an end I suppose.

Another really nice update. I'm really looking forward to seeing how events unfold from here.
 
Would a potential son of Nitiqret/Nitokris and Alexander be seen as just as legitimate as any child of Bakenanhur?
No probably not, he doesn't grow up in Egypt and his mother was born not to Neferura, Nakhtnebef's primary wife, but to a less prestigious consort. That doesn't mean that a claim couldn't be made, just that it would be less strong.

Egyptian succesion however has never been quite clear. While obviously the son of a pharaoh was given preference if there wasn't one available they sometimes looked outside the royal family (for example Thutmose I, who was a general unrelated to the then ruling 18th Dynasty). Another example is Ahmose II, who came to power after ousting pharaoh Wahibre in a coup but was still seen as part of the ruling 26th Dynasty because he married one of Wahibre's daughters afterwards. Succesion in Egypt could thus be suprisingly fluid, if the situation called for it.

This is sad but all things come to an end I suppose.
Yeah it does, but Egypt has done quite well for itself in this TL until now and it certainly won't end up like it did OTL.
 
I wonder how victorious the Phoenicians will feel when Alexander takes the fight to Carthage. That reaction would be interesting. Would they shrug it off or regret there move against the Pharoah? Can't wait for news from the west to travel east.
 
No probably not, he doesn't grow up in Egypt and his mother was born not to Neferura, Nakhtnebef's primary wife, but to a less prestigious consort. That doesn't mean that a claim couldn't be made, just that it would be less strong.

Egyptian succesion however has never been quite clear. While obviously the son of a pharaoh was given preference if there wasn't one available they sometimes looked outside the royal family (for example Thutmose I, who was a general unrelated to the then ruling 18th Dynasty). Another example is Ahmose II, who came to power after ousting pharaoh Wahibre in a coup but was still seen as part of the ruling 26th Dynasty because he married one of Wahibre's daughters afterwards. Succesion in Egypt could thus be suprisingly fluid, if the situation called for it.


Yeah it does, but Egypt has done quite well for itself in this TL until now and it certainly won't end up like it did OTL.
Because in Egypt (but also Persia) royal blood was really important and often tied more to the women than to the men (reason for the many weddings inside the family)
 
I wonder how victorious the Phoenicians will feel when Alexander takes the fight to Carthage. That reaction would be interesting. Would they shrug it off or regret there move against the Pharoah? Can't wait for news from the west to travel east.
Alexander hasn't moved against the Carthaginians yet, and there are some other affairs that will require his attention. But when he does it will be mostly the Tyrians who will grumble about it, since they're Carthage's mother city and had regular contact.
 
Because in Egypt (but also Persia) royal blood was really important and often tied more to the women than to the men (reason for the many weddings inside the family)
I'm not sure about Persia, but in Egypt that's not really the case. If there wasn't a male heir, for example after the death of Amenhotep I, it's true that often the next king would marry into the ruling dynasty (as Thutmose I did) but that did not always happen. See Horemheb for example, or Ramesses I, who were seen as legitimate kings despite lacking royal blood and who did not marry any royal women. In the period that this TL covers, the Late Period, marriage inside the family also is rare outside of the foreign dynasties (Kushite and Ptolemaic) who probably did it to appear more authentically Egyptian (the Ptolemies, who did seem to believe in some kind of royal bloodline) or traditions of their own (the Kushites). The bloodline thus really wasn't as important as you seem to imply.
 
I'm not sure about Persia, but in Egypt that's not really the case. If there wasn't a male heir, for example after the death of Amenhotep I, it's true that often the next king would marry into the ruling dynasty (as Thutmose I did) but that did not always happen. See Horemheb for example, or Ramesses I, who were seen as legitimate kings despite lacking royal blood and who did not marry any royal women. In the period that this TL covers, the Late Period, marriage inside the family also is rare outside of the foreign dynasties (Kushite and Ptolemaic) who probably did it to appear more authentically Egyptian (the Ptolemies, who did seem to believe in some kind of royal bloodline) or traditions of their own (the Kushites). The bloodline thus really wasn't as important as you seem to imply.
Ramesses I was the founder of a new dynasty, and is possible who Horemheb‘s wife was daughter of Ay (and if she was not, well, that were hard times for Egypt and the royal family got extinct while Horemheb was a valorous general, likely older and childless)
 
Last edited:
Ramesses I was the founder of a new dynasty
I know, that's why I named him, he lacked connection to the previous dynasty but that was apparently no impediment to assuming the kingship, which at least to me implies that while a link to the royal bloodline was important it was not a necessity. I won't deny that lineage and blood ties were important to the rulers of Egypt, but they weren't all deciding and were not limited to the female side of the family.
 
Hippos are bastards, indeed.

When it rains it pours. Egypt is in for tough times for a while. Conceding land in the periphery without a fight to the Argeads was an unfortunate necessity this once, but it may well become a standard solution to having both internal and external problems.
 
Hippos are bastards, indeed.
Yeah they really are quite dangerous, of all the large animals they kill the most humans per year (outside of well, humans). Interestingly Nakhtnebef II might not be the first pharaoh to suffer a death by hippo, according to Manetho Narmer/Menes was also killed by one.

When it rains it pours. Egypt is in for tough times for a while. Conceding land in the periphery without a fight to the Argeads was an unfortunate necessity this once, but it may well become a standard solution to having both internal and external problems.
The heydays of the Thirtieth Dynasty are now firmly behind us, and the road ahead looks rather bumpy. Technically of course Egypt has lost no territory, the Phoenician cities were vassals, but their loss has been a blow to dynastic prestige. Bakenanhur has to shore up Egyptian power and show that he can be an effective king otherwise the remaining vassals also might switch sides. The same applies to Egypt itself and Nubia, which was only conquered very recently. A lot of blood has been spilt to make sure that the gold from the Nubian desert flows to Egypt, it would be a shame if that was all for nothing. If Bakenanhur turns out to be an ineffective monarch he might end up conquered or vassalized himself.
 
20. Hellas and Sicily
20. Hellas and Sicily

The Hypereidian War


‘’Nothing is easier than self-deceit. For what each man wishes, that he also believes to be true.’’

- Demosthenes

When Alexander crossed the Adriatic in September 320 BCE he must have thought that the situation in the Hellenic mainland was, although not perfect, at least manageable. Fear of the Macedonian army, so he must have argued, was more than enough to keep the Greek cities in line. And in this he was mostly right. Despite anger over the Decree of the Exiles most of the Greek cities did not revolt against Macedonian rule, knowing that they stood little chance against the Macedonian army.

Off course there were exceptions. In December 320 at Thebes the Macedonian garrison had to put down an uprising, during which a large part of the city burned down. It was however, unsurprisingly, at Athens, that the largest and most successful of the revolts took place. Chief instigator was Hypereides, but other orators like Agnonides and Lykourgos also incited the flames of sedition among the Athenian population. Constantly they reminded the Athenians of the greatness of their city’s past, it’s heroic efforts against the Achaemenids, the glories of Marathon, Salamis and Plataia. Why should they now linger under a man who claimed to be the successor of Darius and Xerxes and who himself was but a half-barbarian Macedonian? For months unrest simmered in the city, but things came ahead in February 319 when a Macedonian soldier was accused of stealing by an Athenian vendor at the agora. The soldier and some of his comrades promptly ransacked the vendor’s stall, but were soon confronted by an angry mob led by Hypereides, who was in the vicinity. The soldiers were overwhelmed and killed, their bodies paraded through the city while in the meantime Hypereides had his men occupy strategic positions in the city. Not long afterwards Hypereides addressed the Athenian Assembly, proclaiming Athens independent and autonomous.

While the oratory of Hypereides was enthralling the members of the Assembly the streets of Athens were running red with blood. Supporters of the pro-Macedonian faction were killed in their houses or in public as were many of the recently returned exiles. Phocion, who had long led the conservative faction, was dragged before the Assembly and unanimously condemned to death. Before his execution Phocion taunted Hypereides, saying that in their anger the people had lost their head, but when they’ll regain it they’ll come for his (Hypereides, that is). For now however Hypereides seemed to be secure in his power, the Assembly unanimously voted to give him and a prominent anti-Macedonian soldier named Leosthenes the command of the war against the Macedonians. The garrisons on the Acropolis and at Piraios were put under siege, with the Acropolis falling after several days probably due to treachery. The garrison at Piraios however managed to hold, it could be resupplied by sea, and so denied the Athenians access to their fleet and the sea.

Hypereides however was undeterred by this, and his forces fanned out over the Attican countryside, taking control over it except for the fortress at Rhamnous. Despite failing to capture Piraios Hypereides had managed to reinforce his position, by confiscating the possessions of the pro-Macedonian citizens, who were mostly found among the richer part of the population. There were quite a lot of workless mercenaries since the end of Alexander’s campaign in the east and some of them were quite willing to fight for the Athenians, paid for by the confiscated gold and silver of Athens’ upper class. Hoping to inspire revolt in the rest of Hellas Hypereides and Leosthenes marched forth from Athens, their army consisting of Athenian levies and mercenaries was in total 20000 strong. First they managed to defeat a small Macedonian force near Megara. Hypereides touted it as a great victory, nothing less than a second Marathon. The ‘army’ the Athenians had managed to defeat was more like a scouting party than an actual invasion force, and mostly consisted of mercenaries. After Megara Leosthenes crossed the isthmus and approached Corinth, but after it became apparent that the cities of the Peloponnese would not join the Athenians in their uprising he relented and returned to Attica.

Despite the success of the Athenian revolt it was not replicated in any other Greek city, with exception of the unrest in Thebes which preceded the revolt in Athens. The threat of the Macedonian army appeared to be enough to keep the other Greeks in line. Thus the logical course of action for Hypereides and Leosthenes was to confront the Macedonians in battle and defeat them, shattering their image of invincibility. It was thus in April 319 that, despite the failure of the invasion of the Peloponnese and the ongoing siege of Piraios, the Athenian marched out again, northwards to confront the Macedonians. The regent Hephaistion had not been idle and had already prepared the army, although it consisted largely of fresh troops reinforced by mercenaries and soldiers send by the Anatolian satraps. When the Athenian army left their city he was already in Thessaly, where his presence made sure that the Thessalian nobility would not change sides in the coming conflict. Early May 319 the Macedonian army passed through the pass of Thermopylai and then must have heard the news that the Athenian army had bypassed Thebes and had taken up a defensive position at the plains of Chaironeia.

50834135623_65ae3b442c_o.png


The Battle of Chaironeia

When the Athenians reached Thebes late in April they were unable to take the city, the Macedonian garrison had already squashed a rebellion and the city’s elite were unwilling to support Hypereides’ cause. Thus Hypereides and Leosthenes gambled everything on a decisive battle with Hephaistion, who was now coming south. If they could defeat him, so they believed, their example of Hellenic martial prowess would inspire rebellion against Alexander, after which liberation would soon follow. On the 15th of May 319 BCE the armies clashed at Chaironeia, a place which would host several large battles throughout the ages and thus became known as the ‘dancing ground of Ares’. Despite being outnumbered at least initially it seemed that the Athenians would carry the day, after repelling the initial Macedonian advance they managed to push the inexperienced phalangites back. The Athenian advance however caused a gap to form in their line, probably because of less than optimal coordination between the various detachments of the phalanx. Hephaistion, seeing his chance, launched a charge with his cavalry, smashing through a meagre Athenian screen of light infantry and then through the gap, shattering the Athenian centre. What appeared to be the start of an Athenian victory turned into a rout when they were flanked by the Macedonian cavalry. Leosthenes died on the field, Hypereides managed to return to Athens but with only 500 men in tow.

Hephaistion followed close behind and started his siege of Athens in June 319. Despite their desperate situation the Athenians still decided to resist. Siege engines were constructed and Athens was cut off entirely, with hunger and disease quickly ravaging the city. Despite all this several Macedonian assaults were repelled, and it was only in November 319 that the walls were breached and Athenian resistance broken. What followed was a bloodbath, a general massacre of all those who had supported Hypereides and his revolt. The orator himself was dragged before the regent and unceremoniously beheaded, his head packed and send off to Alexander as proof that Athens was his again. It was only after several days of looting, rape, murder and arson that Hephaistion pulled back his men. Aware of the history of Athens and its role in the Hellenic world he would spare the living out of respect for the dead. The Athenian democracy was severely curtailed and practically abolished, participation in the Assembly was now restricted to the wealthy, who had by and large supported Macedonia against Hypereides. The garrison on the Acropolis was enlarged and fortified, making it easier to support a large occupying force in the city. Hephaistion returned to Pella in January 318, having secured Hellas at least for the foreseeable future. In Pella Hephaistion would be reunited with his wife Cynane and his two sons, the three-year-old Amyntor and the newborn Alexander.

Start of the Seventh Sicilian War

While in Taras Alexander received news of the battle of Chaironeia and the defeat of the Athenians. He lamented the foolish actions of the once-great city, and derided their war effort; stating that Chaironeia had been a ‘battle of mice’.

- Excerpt from Ptolemaios’ The Wars of Megas Alexandros

Upon his return to Syracuse late in 320 Agathokles, who still had a sizeable mercenary force and treasury worth many talents, was confronted with a city in chaos. The aristocratic faction, opposed to both democracy and the rule of a tyrant like Agathokles, had attempted a coup but had been opposed by a large part of the population who supported the tyrant. As tyrants go Agathokles had been relatively benign, and many Syracusans might have feared a return to the factional stasis so endemic to many Greek cities. Once safely back in the city Agathokles launched a ruthless purge of the aristocracy, not unlike the one Hypereides would perform in Athens, and seized their estates and wealth and doled it out to his close friends and supporters. Despite the failed Italian expedition and the defeat against Alexander Agathokles was still seen by the city’s lower classes as their champion, and not without reason. Having secured his powerbase Agathokles opened up negotiations with Alexander, who for now however rebuked the tyrants attempts at making peace, although in practice hostilities were over and trade between Syracuse and the rest of the Hellenic world resumed.

Agathokles must have known that his political situation was far from secure, having already seen off one coup. To secure his position, and to unite the Syracusans against a hated foe, he marched north in July 319 and put the city of Messana under siege under the pretext of stopping banditry. A rather curious accusation considering it came from Agathokles. The siege was maintainedvfor several months and in the end the Messanians gave up, opening the gates to the tyrant of Syracuse in October 319. Already however a call for aid had been send, not to Alexander but to the Carthaginians, who were in charge of the western side of the island. There the greatest of Phoenician colonies had established a protectorate over various cities, many of them also Phoenician in origin, but some of them were also Greek or native Sicilian. Over the centuries there had been clashes with the Greeks of the eastern part of the island, most notably with the Syracusans. Still in living memory was their defeat at hand of Timoleon at the river Krimisos, and when Messana’s call for aid arrived at Carthage it did not take long for the Assembly and the Adirim[1] to heed their call for help. A fleet was send to Sicily and a large army was raised, consisting mostly of levied Libyans and a diverse array of mercenary contingents, featuring among others Celtic swordsmen, heavily-armed Campanian infantry and cavalry, Hellenic hoplites, expert slingers from the Balearic Isles and infantry from Carthage’s Iberian dependencies. As general for this endeavour the Carthaginians elected Abdmelqart, son of Gersakun [2].

This was off course exactly what Agathokles wanted, he could now pose as defender of the Sicilian Greeks against Phoenician perfidy. At the same time Agathokles finally managed to sign a treaty with Alexander, in which he nominally submitted himself to the Great King and in return would be named as his satrap of Sicily. Ships, money and men now arrived in Syracuse, send by Alexander to secure the island for his empire. Alexander himself had temporarily returned to Pella, but had left Ptolemaios behind in Taras with a sizeable force. Before his departure to Macedonia, in May 319, Alexander had summoned envoys from the city-states of Megale Hellas to Taras. They would now all join the new Italiote League, more or less a copy of the Hellenic League based in Corinth, of which Alexander would be strategos autokrator (commander-in-chief). He hoped that by combining the various city-states into a League combined with the nominal subjugation of the various Italian peoples he would leave Megale Hellas a pacified land.

50834952907_cdc95737a0_b.jpg


Carthaginian cavalry trampling fleeing Syracusans

While Megale Hellas was pacified the flames of war were consuming Sicily. Wasting no time Agathokles send out his raiding parties to the west of Sicily, who burned and pillaged their way across the countryside, not discriminating whether the village they ransacked was Phoenician, Greek or Sicilian. Abdmelqart in the meantime marched forth from the Carthaginian stronghold at Lilybaion, and launched his offensive in January 318, quickly capturing Akragas after a short siege. Akragas had been occupied by the Syracusans shortly after Agathokles initial coup in 321, and thus Abdmelqart, not entirely without reason, posed as the city’s liberator. Continuing his advance eastwards it was in April 318 that Abdmelqart came across Agathokles’ army near Gela. On the 10th of April 318 the opposing armies clashed, and for some time it seems things were quite even, with no side managing to best the other. Disaster struck for the Syracusans when Agathokles, who lead his cavalry in a flanking manoeuvre, was hit a well-aimed javelin from a Numidian cavalryman. He fell of his horse, stunned, and was finished off by a Celtic longsword. Panic gripped the Syracusan ranks, and Abdmelqart noticed this, the Carthaginians rallied and drove them off the field. Upon hearing the news panic spread through Syracuse, and the Assembly voted to ask Alexander to come west, to save his ‘satrapy’ from the Carthaginian barbarians.

Footnotes

  1. Adirim means ‘the great ones’ and refers to the Carthaginian Senate
  2. Hamilcar son of Gisgo, who OTL also featured during the war against Agathokles
 
Last edited:
Top