Hadrian's Consolidation - reboot

Academia Militaria Practica, Via Appia, Rome, september 160

Hecatee

Donor
This week we keep looking at how things changed in the Empire during the previous rule in terms of the elite's sociology...

Academia Militaria Practica, Via Appia, Rome, september 160


The presence of the purple clad praetorians and of the more colourful german imperial bodyguards had become routine at the Academia as the emperor Marcus Aurelius was a frequent guest, to the point that a small imperial residence had been built in the complex for when he stayed too late to get back to the Palatine.

Today he was speaking with the teacher of the hydraulic courses, some obscure argument on whether water changed nature when submitted to high heat and became steam, with arguments both philosophical, in line with Epicure’s theory of atoms, and practical with the work of Heron of Alexandria as basis.

All this discussion was boring for Titus Aelius Borysthene, a member of the imperial private bodyguard. His father was a sarmatian noble who’d thrown his lot with the empire during the war of some years ago and who’d been granted roman citizenship as a result. The man had sent his son to the new emperor when the boy had been 16 and Antoninus had been elevated to the purple. He’d been trained and then entered the imperial bodyguard as a young officer when he turned 20 , a great honour and a surprise to many as the unit was mainly made up of Germanic recruits. Some had speculated that his nomination was in part due to the Marcomanic war that raged at the time, Titus’ elevation being a signal of the Emperor’s mistrust in his german tributaries.

Twenty years later the man was no longer a youth but a strong warrior, well versed in hand in hand combat and excelling in fighting mounted, as had his people for generations. He’d risen to become the second in command of the bodyguards, a place which gave great honour, great riches and even greater responsibilities. The time spent at the side of the Emperor had allowed him to gather enough money to become a member of the equestrian order and he’d spent quite a bit of money acquiring land in the north-eastern provinces, where it was cheap and plentiful. He’d settled a number of his relative there where they had settled from their previously nomadic ways. The money had allowed for the buying of slaves and the strength of his clan meant that a number of free farmers had asked for their protection and a plot of land to cultivate, a part of the harvest then going to the clan’s granaries.

He’d even had the chance to visit his land a few years before, during a tour of the emperor on the border, when he’d asked for a few day’s of permission which the emperor had granted readily enough to his officer. Going into the strongly palisaded village of his relatives at the head of two dozen richly ornamented germanic warriors had been one of his most pleasant moment, especially when his elderly mother had come out of the main house to see her son that she had lost some two decades ago.

He’d also been perfectly well placed to see how the imperial court had changed during all those years, and kept changing. The old friends of the divine Hadrian had slowly left the court, to be replaced by faces new to the palace and even to the city. Provincial elites came more readily in Rome to pursue career opportunities in the imperial services, with the hope of improving their power home. Syrians and Lybians, Gauls and Asians came often as young equestrian men and a number left the city two decades later as senators of Rome. Some even managed to rise to the consular dignity, but those remained few indeed.

Now a new emperor had risen to the purple and new changes were to be expected. Of course Marcus Aurelius had been a constant presence in the court during the reign of his adoptive father, but he would now rule independently.

The man was not a warrior, he did not have the body for it. Yet Titus Aelius also knew that the man did compensate his lack of pure strength by a degree of stamina most would not suspect and with a keen mind that often tricked his opponents. He should well know as he’d often sparred with him, as the emperor trained in weapons for four hours at least once a week.

The guard also knew his emperor had paid attention to lessons in strategy and had pushed the noble Arrianus in writing his famous military treatises on training, tactics and strategies. Marcus Aurelius had also lobbied his adoptive father in creating an extension to the Academia Militaria dedicated to the formal training of officers in tactics and strategies. Lessons in logistics, simulation of famous battles and even mock battles in the areas surrounding Rome using the praetorians cohorts as armies. While it was not yet mandatory for newly minted small stripe tribunes to train at the Academia, it was more and more common. On the other hand it had been decided four years before that governor of imperial provinces would be required to play at least one of the so-called wargame, commanding a full praetorian cohort against another one under the order of one of the Academia’s teacher and sometime under the personal command of the emperor.

For Titus Aelius Borysthene this was a very good idea, so much better than his own people’s ways. He’d made sure that the youth of his family were all taught to read and write, and he’d had copies of Arrianus’ books sent home. He hoped they too would enter the imperial service and rise through the ranks of either an auxiliary unit or a legion.

He could not understand why so many in the old aristocracy were against the idea of formally learning how to do war. For Titus Aelius war was a trade like all others, and had thus to be learned. And what better than a structured learning mixing theory and practice, like what the woodcarver would teach his apprentice ? After all it was not as if the officers were expected to dirty their hands outside of combat, they were not reduced to the level of the marble sculptor or the metalworker…

For all his intellectualism the new emperor was certainly not of those who thought getting one’s hands dirty was beneath his station. This encouraged the newcomers from the provincial elites to take a more proactive approach to their jobs and to look for improvement in the way things were done. The emperor always said that one’s duty was to improve. He meant it as a philosopher, and the improvement he called upon was of course the personal philosophical improvement, but even during the reign of his adoptive father this motto had escaped its original sense in the mind of many to become a will to also improve the way things were done.

Titus Aelius had thus overheard some senators talk of how they had craftsmen in their retinue whom they tasked with specific endeavours in order to improve some machine or some way of doing things. They did not always market those improvements, but would eventually sell the rights to them or simply ask for a share in the revenues of the sale, thus staying in the bounds of the laws that defined the Senators’ statute.

Indeed Titus Aelius Borysthene saw plenty of change in Rome’s power circles...
 
Interesting to see having a military academy to train their officers and NCOs has affected the Roman Empire. Now if the Roman Emperor can set up a General Staff one wonders how that will affect the empire and its military/military capabilities. Thoughts anyone?
 

Hecatee

Donor
Interesting to see having a military academy to train their officers and NCOs has affected the Roman Empire. Now if the Roman Emperor can set up a General Staff one wonders how that will affect the empire and its military/military capabilities. Thoughts anyone?
NCO's not yet, far from it ! I'll go to Wikipedia for a short version :
Wikipedia Roman Legion said:
  • Legatus Augusti pro praetore, Imperial Legate: The commander of two or more legions. The Imperial Legate also served as the governor of the province in which the legions he commanded were stationed. Of Senatorial rank, the Imperial Legate was appointed by the Emperor and usually held command for 3 or 4 years. In the present time, an Imperial Legate would be called a General.
  • Legatus legionis, Legion Legate: The overall legion commander. The post was usually filled by a senator, appointed by the emperor, who held command for 3 or 4 years, although he could serve for a much longer period. In a Roman province with only one legion, the legatus was also the provincial governor. In such circumstances, the Legatus was dual-hatted as both Legion Legate and Imperial Legate. The Legion Legate also served as commander of the auxiliary units attached to the legion though they were not formally a part of the legion's command structure.
  • Tribunus laticlavius, Broad Band Tribune: Named for the broad striped tunic worn by men of senatorial rank, this tribune was appointed by the emperor or the Senate. Though generally young, he was more experienced than the tribuni angusticlavii, he served as second in command of the legion, behind the legate. Because of his age and inexperience he was not the actual second in command in battle, but if the legate died he would take command of the legion.
  • Praefectus castrorum, Camp Prefect: The Camp Prefect was third in command of the legion. Generally he was a long serving veteran from a lower social status than the tribunii whom he outranked, and who previously had served as primus pilus and finished his 25 years with the legions. He was used as a senior officer in charge of training a legion, though he could also command a cohort of auxiliaires.
  • Tribuni angusticlavii, Narrow Band Tribunes: Each legion had five lower ranking tribunes, who were normally from the equestrian class and had at least some years of prior military experience. They often served the role of administrative officers.[8] This tribunate was often a first, but optional, step in a young man's political career
The rank of centurion was an officer grade that included many ranks, meaning centurions had very good prospects for promotion. The most senior centurion in a legion was known as the primus pilus (first file or spear), who directly commanded the first century of the first cohort and commanded the whole first cohort when in battle. Within the second to tenth cohorts, the commander of each cohort's first century was known as a pilus prior and was in command of his entire cohort when in battle. The seniority of the pilus prior centurions was followed by the five other century commanders of the first cohort, who were known as primi ordines.
The centuries took their titles from the old use of the legion drawn up in three lines of battle using three classes of soldier. (Each century would then hold a cross-section of this theoretical line, although these century titles were now essentially nominal.) Each of the three lines is then sub-divided within the century into a more forward and a more rear century.
  • Primus pilus, literally First File: The Primus Pilus was the commanding centurion of the first century, first cohort and the senior-most centurion of the entire legion. (Unlike other cohorts, the first cohort had only one javelin century, instead of a "front spear" and a "back spear" century). The primus pilus had a chance of later becoming a Praefectus Castrorum. When the primus pilus retired, he would most likely gain entry into the equestrian class. He was paid 60 times the base wage.
  • Pilus prior: The "front file" centurions were the commanders of the 10 1st centuries within the legion, making them senior centurions of their respective cohorts. While the legion was in battle formation, the Pilus Prior was given command of their entire cohort. The Primus Pilus was also a Pilus Prior, and the most senior of all the centurions within the legion. These positions were usually held by experienced veteran soldiers who had been moved up within the ranks. This rank is subordinate to the Primus Pilus.
  • Primi ordines: The "ranks of the first [cohort]" were the five centurions of the first cohort, and included the primus pilus. They, excluding the primus pilus, were paid 30 times the base wage. This rank is senior to all other centurions, save the primus pilus and pilus prior.
  • Other centurions: Each legion had 59 or 60 centurions, one to command each century of the 10 cohorts. They were the backbone of the professional army and were the career soldiers who ran the day-to-day life of the soldiers and issued commands in the field. They were generally moved up from the ranks, but in some cases could be direct appointments from the emperor or other higher-ranking officials. The cohorts were ranked from the first to the tenth and the century within each cohort ranked from 1 to 6, with only five centuries in the first cohort (for a total of 59 centurions and the primus pilus). The century that each centurion commanded was a direct reflection of his rank: command of the 1st century of the first cohort was the highest, and the 6th century of the 10th cohort was the lowest. Paid ten times the basic wage.
So here we have only the Legatus Legionis who has mandatory training in the form of some field wargame, and some of the young tribuni angusticlavii submit voluntarily to a cursus. Of course given we're talking about the elite senatorial order you don't have to expect anything too tiring ! Yet a seed is there.

About NCO's, there is no formal training, they still come out from the ranks and evolve from there on.

The issue of a general staff if not yet on the radar. Currently there is a war staff assembled in the entourage of the emperor every time there is a war, or a smaller staff around the legion commander or campaign commander for the less demanding tasks. Assignation to higher command is still the result of a combination of politics, scheming and princely favor, although we are in an era were many good commanders were to be had.
 
Berenice, Egypt, coast of Mare Erythreum, october 160

Hecatee

Donor
Berenice, Egypt, coast of Mare Erythreum, october 160


David tossed the roasted beans in a small pot of boiling water and waited for the decoction to turn a deep brown while a pungent odor took the room. The bunno beans were rather worthless by themselves, and not worth much more after being roasted in embers. But if one was to throw the roasted fruit in boiling water he would get a magical drink that gave energy beyond measure and restored many to their healths.

It was David’s father, Moshe, who’d discovered the beans in a small village in the interior of Ethiopea, the land of black men south of spice land where the family had been exiled during the time of the emperor Hadrianus, his name be cursed by the One God. Yet the ordeal had also proven to be a boon to the Jews who managed to flee the land of the Romans and who built a trade network alongside the coasts of the erythrean sea.

At first his family had some troubles but soon they had begun to collect spices and sell them in bulks to roman merchants coming from Egypt. The Jews’ banishment from the empire being lifted during the reign of Antoninus had allowed them to trade more directly with the Empire and to get enough to build some ships for their own expeditions : at first they plied both sides of the erythrean sea, going to Arabia Felix and to other cities around Mosylium, but then they had started going south alongside the African coast, trading small trinkets in exchange for spices and slaves they then brought back to their main base of operation for transport to and sale in Egypt. They could thus trade without spending much gold, which was as well as they did not have that many.

Their accumulating capital meant that before long the family was able to build bigger ships that could sail the Indian ocean as far as distant Taprobane, bringing silk and other riches bought thanks to glass objects they had gathered in the Egyptian ports for the purpose.

Of course they were not alone in this trade as other Jewish families plied it from other Arabian cities, some also directing part of the merchandises to the Persian Empire. The roman silk fleet was also still present but did not sail outside of the winds’ season, so the Jews had a rather free hand a lot of the time. This had not prevented Moshe from prospecting new markets, launching land expeditions to the kingdoms of Africa’s interior, and it was during one of them that he’d discovered the wonderful beans.

He’d had a large amount brought back home where his family became addicted to the new drink despite its bitterness. Other traders who came to his house were also introduced to the drink and soon he’d had a captive market which he slowly expanded until his death ten years ago.

Now it was his son David who managed the trade and this trip was to be his big attempt to bring it to the Roman market, with Alexandria as his first test. He did not know yet how much he’d charge for the beans, he was thinking of a sesterce for a bean, or the price of a cup of wine : the effect were well worth it…
Still, he had to bring the stuff through the desert and he'd need a good cup of bunno to get his day started !
 
Senate House, Rome, November 160

Hecatee

Donor
Senate House, Rome, November 160


The senate house was deadly silent. All the senators held their breath, none more than Appius Annius Atilius Bradua, consul of Rome and Lucius Vibullius Hipparchus Tiberius Claudius Atticus Herodes, who had been consul almost two decades ago. The emperor Marcus Aurelius was about to render his verdict in a case that held the good society of Rome in thrall since Aspasia Annia Regilla, wife of Herodes Atticus, had been found dead in her home, beaten to death by Alcimedon, one of Herodes Atticus’ freedman. Her death had been made even more horrendous for she had been with child at the time of her death, a baby girl as had been ascertained by the medicus who’d examined her body.

Herodes Atticus had been one of the teachers of Marcus Aurelius, and was a man of immense wealth and power, especially through the Greek east. Many said that he was in fact more powerful than the governor of Achaia given the amount of land he owned and his extensive network. But now he was brought on trial by his wife’s brother, who accused him of having ordered the murder of his wife.

Many in the city had placed bets on the outcome of the trial. Would the emperor dare condemn so powerful a personage, his former tutor and a pillar of the previous rule ? Few believed it. On the other hand the man was thought too powerful by many, his fortune unrivaled except by the emperor’s own. He owned large tracts of lands in Greece, in Asia Minor, but also near Rome itself, next to the via Appia. Such a fortune could also be interesting for the state because his condemnation would forfeit it. In olden times many would suicide themselves before a verdict was given, in order to pass on his heritage to the next generation. Of course Herode Atticus had already lost four of his five children, not counting the baby killed with his mother, but he still had his daughter Athenais, whom he’d betrothed to an Athenian nobleman unknown in court whom rumor said he was going to make his adoptive son too…

The silence stretched, uncomfortable, in the senate house. The gaze of the emperor passed upon every senator present. Finally Marcus Aurelius rose and began his discourse :

“Senators of Rome. The case brought before us today is a sad and painful affair. A thirty four years old woman lies cold in her grave, her unborn child cold by her side. A man, a freedman of her husband, has clearly murdered her but no one knows whether his patronus ordered the murder or not. Her brother claims justice, and I am supposed to be this justice.

Do we have proof of his culpability ? None direct. No testimony has been brought forward that would give definite certitude on the topic. Yet he met with the killer mere minutes before the act according to the testimony of the slaves that have been interrogated by our agents, and it was known that not all was peaceful between spouses, especially since the predictions that the baby would be another girl, five year after the death of their last son.

But more importantly senator Herodes Atticus was the dominus in his house. Former senator, aged of more than sixty years, he knew what was expected of him as Pater Familias. What happens under his roof is ultimately his responsibility as he has every rights on his familia, even the death right, although it must be done properly and what happened to Regillia was all but proper.

This is why I hereby pronounce the following sentence : Lucius Vibullius Hipparchus Tiberius Claudius Atticus Herodes is deemed culprit of the death of Aspasia Annia Regillia, whether by design or by negligence of his duty. For this reason he is sentenced to confiscation of all his belongings but one million denarii and is forbidden fire and water in the limits of the empire, being sent in exile to Chersonesos on the Euxine sea. He will no longer benefit from the protection brought by the roman citizenship but will only be a peregrine.

Messengers have already been sent to the provinces three days ago to execute this decision and praetorians are making sure of its execution in Italy as we speak. His lands will be sold at auction, as will the content of his houses and all the money shall enter the imperial treasury for the benefit of the state.

Beside that he is stripped of his dignity of senator of Rome and all statues erected in his honor are to be stripped from public places. Finally this decision shall be set on bronze tablets and exhibited on the forum or town square of every city and village next to his properties, alongside the list of his confiscated goods, following the practice of the ancient Athenians.

His daughter Athenais shall receive one million denarii to allow her to live in comfort but shall not inherit anything else from her father.

Such is the imperial decision. Praetorians, strip this man of his toga as he is no longer worthy of it.”
 

Hecatee

Donor
Very nice.
Thanks.

Note that this means that a number of famous buildings which survived until now won't be built : Herode Atticus' odeon on the Acropolis, the large nymphaeum in Olympia, the tomb in the park of the Caffarela in Rome, ...
 

Md139115

Banned
Thanks.

Note that this means that a number of famous buildings which survived until now won't be built : Herode Atticus' odeon on the Acropolis, the large nymphaeum in Olympia, the tomb in the park of the Caffarela in Rome, ...

More space for possibly even more beautiful buildings
 

Hecatee

Donor
Small nitpick, the Romans would probably know Ethiopia as Axum or Aksum

Sorry I had not answered you, mea culpa. The coffee producing area are, from what I can gather, further inland from the Axoum kingdom, I also used a word of greek origin because the characters would be from the greco-jewish culture (alexandrian jews originaly)
 
Finally caught up! And I can tell you I'm excited to see this new Rome! With much of its changing, I can't help but be excited over the thought of a stronger, more powerful Rome! Consider me a fan.
 

Hecatee

Donor
Finally caught up! And I can tell you I'm excited to see this new Rome! With much of its changing, I can't help but be excited over the thought of a stronger, more powerful Rome! Consider me a fan.
Thanks, I hope I won't disapoint you although I did not have time to ready this week's update for yesterday's release :(
On the other hand and like last year you'll have a release a day during the week up to Christmas
 
Thanks, I hope I won't disapoint you although I did not have time to ready this week's update for yesterday's release :(
On the other hand and like last year you'll have a release a day during the week up to Christmas
Does this update include killing off Christians :p bad jokes aside really great timeline
 

Hecatee

Donor
Does this update include killing off Christians :p bad jokes aside really great timeline
Thanks for appreciating it ! As for Christians, well their are not that many of them, quite a few got lumped in with Jews under Hadrian and so their numbered got rather smaller than before, and they remain a really small component of the religious mix of the empire at this time, so no need to feed them to the lions ;)
 
Near Elegeia, Armenia, August 161

Hecatee

Donor
From today on to the day of Sol Invictus there is an update a day, with war, philosophy and many other topics to pave the way to the end of the Saturnalia !

Near Elegeia, Armenia, August 161



Marcus Sedatius Severianus looked around him in despair. The men of the IX Hispana and their auxiliaries were in a bad position as Chosroes had outsmarted him since the beginning of the campaign.

He had only one way left, but it was shameful as it would mean abandoning Armenia to the Parthians until a stronger army could be sent. King Soahemus was already on his way to Cappadocia and now all that Severianus could hope for was to wage a fighting retreat until reinforced by new forces. Supporting a siege inside nearby Elegeia was unthinkable, as it would be unreachable by any putative rescue army and the legion would not be able to hold the city for long against the experimented Parthians.

It had all begun less than a month ago when the Parthian host had attacked the Armenian kingdom, protectorate of Rome, with the avowed goal of replacing its king with Pacorus, a member of Vologases IV’s own dynasty. The Parthians had been making noise since the death of Emperor Antoninus, but it had only been now that they’d started the new war.

Severianus had immediately mobilized his forces and marched to Armenia’s relief, only to be constantly outsmarted by his opponent who used the greater mobility given to him by his large contingent of cavalry to cut the Romans marching roads without ever giving battle. Now with his supply lines dangerously exposed, Severianus had no choice but to fall back and preserve as much of his command as possible.

The Parthian move was so aggressive that it could only mean total warfare from the mountains of Armenia to the plains of Syria and the longer he kept the Parthians occupied here the better as it would keep some pressure of his colleagues in the southern provinces.

Severianus felt a fool for having listened to Glycon’s oracle. The damned snake of Alexander of Abonutychus had promised great victory but now the governor could only wonder whether the man was not a traitor that had sent him into a trap…

Luckily on of his officers had recognized the predicament they were in and had opened his eyes by showing the opportunities open to him in the way of the Academia Militaria, which the man had attended. This had prevented a greater catastrophe and now gave him an opportunity to both save his dignity and take his vengeance on the false prophet...

Glycon%2Bstatue%2Bunearthed%2Bat%2BTomis%252C%2Bpublic%2Bdomain.jpg
 
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Hecatee

Donor
The cult of Glycon is supposed to origin from Macedonia and had a revival during the rule of Antonine, the priest Alexander had connection in the high roman society after a governor married his sister, this is why he had the ear of men such as Sedatius Severianus.
The war itself starts somewhat like OTL but with two major differences even before considering the events in last post :

1) OTL Antonine had just died mere months before the invasion, leaving the Empire to Marcus Aurelius AND Lucius Verus, then an indulgent wastrel. Here Antonine has been dead for somewhat longer and the transition of power has already taken place, so that Marcus Aurelius does not need to spend all of his time on internal matters.
2) There is no co-emperor here, and the Caesar planned by the new Hadrianic constitution is still too young to go on campaign : Marcus Aurelius will have to lead the army himself, much earlier than OTL.

For info, historically the legion (it is not certain it was the IXth) retreated in the city, was besieged and massacred a few days after its legate took his own life 3 days into the siege... So here the situation is less dire than OTL. historically the legion (it is not certain it was the IXth) retreated in the city, was besieged and massacred a few days after its legate took his own life 3 days into the siege... So here the situation is less dire than OTL, thanks to the Academia Militaria.
 
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