Edward V survives
- Thread starter Velasco
- Start date
Welcome, and good luck. Most of us are friendly here, but be prepared to take criticism, because you'll get it. Nobody knows everything and someone will find something amis and point it out. Take the critisism graciously and you'll find peopel here very helpful. 
On the 9th of April 1483, King Edward IV of England died, possibly of typhoid or pneumonia. He was no longer the active, healthy man he had been in his youth; excessive eating and an unhealthy lifestyle had left him stout and prone to various ailments, which only served to worsen his ill-disposition towards physical activity. The King had first fallen ill (for the last time) on Easter that year, but had lived long enough to add a few codicils to his will, most importantly naming his brother Duke Richard of Gloucester as Lord Protector for his underaged son, the Prince Edward of Wales.
Upon Edward IV’s death, the King’s chamberlain Thomas Vaughan proceeded to Ludlow, to inform the young Prince of Wales – now Edward V of England – of his father’s death and his ascension to the throne. As the late King’s illness had taken some time to run its full course, there had been sufficient time for those about him to contrive and scheme so as to prepare themselves for the oncoming change of régime. In preparation, the Queen (knowing full well the many enemies she had about the court) had had her brother, Anthony Wydeville, Earl Rivers, named her son’s governor (thus giving him immediate possession of the young prince’s person as soon as his father passed); various other relatives were also placed in the Prince’s household at Ludlow, including the Queen’s son Lord Richard Grey, who had become one of the Prince’s household officers. Her eldest son, Thomas Grey, marquis of Dorset, had been named governor of the Tower and received possession both of the arms of the Tower and of the King’s treasure.
Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham and William, Lord Hastings, two of the premier lords of the higher nobility, had been ill-pleased with these appointments; Hastings especially, for he was in constant struggle with the Grey family for ascendancy in the county of Leicestershire, where both houses owned much property. It was therefore only natural for them to align themselves with Richard, Duke of Gloucester, the King Edward IV’s younger brother who held sway over the entire north of England and who was, by way of the old King’s testament, to be the principal wielder of power in the oncoming régime.
At the dyeing King’s deathbed, the two parties shook hands as friends and pledged to forget all past grievances. But no sooner was His spirit passed from him than both parties had reverted to all possible scheming and politicking. The Queen, knowing full well that her pride and advancement of her kin would not so easily be forgotten by her enemies (of which she had many), immediately sent word to her brother the Earl of Rivers, commanding him to “raise such a body of men, as might be sufficient to defend him against the lords, and bring her son up to London to be crowned, that it might not be in the power of her enemies to keep him from the actual possession of the throne”, which order her brother promptly sought to execute. The Duke of Buckingham likewise sent, in great haste, his trusted servant Purcival northward to York, where the Duke of Gloucester had remained upon returning from his recent campaign against the Scots, to pledge to that Duke a thousand men at arms and his full support.
Gloucester, who had long cherished his own ambitions towards the throne, immediately agreed and the two dukes contrived to meet a little after the city of Northampton. They met, with all of the lords and gentlemen their friends, and nine hundred men in their retinue, at the agreed date; and there they all pledged their support to the Duke Richard of Gloucester, who protested vehemently that the young King their master should be left in the hands of the his mother’s kindred, who most certainly would exclude all the rest of the nobility from their attendance on the King, in order to engross unto themselves even greater honors and riches.
Shortly thereafter Gloucester was informed that Earl Rivers had rallied a large force and was ready with them to bring the young King to London and have him crowned there. Gloucester and his crew despaired at such news, for the Earl Rivers was a valiant and experienced soldier, and if they were to gain the King by force, they would risk the King’s very person and expose themselves to the charge of open rebellion. Whereupon Gloucester privately called upon some of his friends, who were about the Queen, to convince her to abort such plans, lest it appeared that the young King traversed not his own kingdom but enemy territory. And by this and many other reasonings they were able to convince the Queen to give up the plan and order Rivers to bring the young King to Northampton instead. Whereby Richard of Gloucester would with ease have secured the person of the King and of the Earl Rivers and been at full liberty to take the helm of the realm in his own hands. [1] Indeed it was only the great ambition of the Queen’s eldest son, the Marquis of Dorset, that thwarted Gloucester’s many schemes, for Dorset desired to disregard the old King's will and set himself up as Lord Protector, to the exclusion of Gloucester.
Writing to his uncle Rivers Dorset recommended that the Earl bring the King to London in the utmost haste and set out from Ludlow before news of his company of soldiers spread about the land. Rivers agreed and, without notifying his sister the Queen, made his way from Ludlow to London in great haste; dividing his numerous company into three, he sent a third of his men ahead of him on the road to seek out any danger or opposition that there might be; the space between them would allow him ample time to undertake a different route to the capital and bring the young King's person there in complete safety. Setting out under cover of night, Rivers took with him another third as guard, ordering the remaining third to set out shortly after daybreak, so that they might act as his rearguard and shield in the occassion that any should attempt to surprise him and his company and take possession of the King; again, the space between the young King's retinue and the rearguard would allow Rivers sufficient time to make away with the young King safely.
At length Rivers and the young King entered the city of London in great state on the second day of May, 1483. The young King proceeded by barge to the Tower of London, where he was joined by his mother and younger brother (Richard, Duke of York) but a week later, whilst the dumbfounded Gloucester and his company hesitated over how to proceed, still in Northampton.
[1] Everything after this point is a-historical; IRL Dorset did nothing and the Queen ordered Rivers to disband his men and go to Northampton with the King.
Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham and William, Lord Hastings, two of the premier lords of the higher nobility, had been ill-pleased with these appointments; Hastings especially, for he was in constant struggle with the Grey family for ascendancy in the county of Leicestershire, where both houses owned much property. It was therefore only natural for them to align themselves with Richard, Duke of Gloucester, the King Edward IV’s younger brother who held sway over the entire north of England and who was, by way of the old King’s testament, to be the principal wielder of power in the oncoming régime.
At the dyeing King’s deathbed, the two parties shook hands as friends and pledged to forget all past grievances. But no sooner was His spirit passed from him than both parties had reverted to all possible scheming and politicking. The Queen, knowing full well that her pride and advancement of her kin would not so easily be forgotten by her enemies (of which she had many), immediately sent word to her brother the Earl of Rivers, commanding him to “raise such a body of men, as might be sufficient to defend him against the lords, and bring her son up to London to be crowned, that it might not be in the power of her enemies to keep him from the actual possession of the throne”, which order her brother promptly sought to execute. The Duke of Buckingham likewise sent, in great haste, his trusted servant Purcival northward to York, where the Duke of Gloucester had remained upon returning from his recent campaign against the Scots, to pledge to that Duke a thousand men at arms and his full support.
Gloucester, who had long cherished his own ambitions towards the throne, immediately agreed and the two dukes contrived to meet a little after the city of Northampton. They met, with all of the lords and gentlemen their friends, and nine hundred men in their retinue, at the agreed date; and there they all pledged their support to the Duke Richard of Gloucester, who protested vehemently that the young King their master should be left in the hands of the his mother’s kindred, who most certainly would exclude all the rest of the nobility from their attendance on the King, in order to engross unto themselves even greater honors and riches.
Shortly thereafter Gloucester was informed that Earl Rivers had rallied a large force and was ready with them to bring the young King to London and have him crowned there. Gloucester and his crew despaired at such news, for the Earl Rivers was a valiant and experienced soldier, and if they were to gain the King by force, they would risk the King’s very person and expose themselves to the charge of open rebellion. Whereupon Gloucester privately called upon some of his friends, who were about the Queen, to convince her to abort such plans, lest it appeared that the young King traversed not his own kingdom but enemy territory. And by this and many other reasonings they were able to convince the Queen to give up the plan and order Rivers to bring the young King to Northampton instead. Whereby Richard of Gloucester would with ease have secured the person of the King and of the Earl Rivers and been at full liberty to take the helm of the realm in his own hands. [1] Indeed it was only the great ambition of the Queen’s eldest son, the Marquis of Dorset, that thwarted Gloucester’s many schemes, for Dorset desired to disregard the old King's will and set himself up as Lord Protector, to the exclusion of Gloucester.
Writing to his uncle Rivers Dorset recommended that the Earl bring the King to London in the utmost haste and set out from Ludlow before news of his company of soldiers spread about the land. Rivers agreed and, without notifying his sister the Queen, made his way from Ludlow to London in great haste; dividing his numerous company into three, he sent a third of his men ahead of him on the road to seek out any danger or opposition that there might be; the space between them would allow him ample time to undertake a different route to the capital and bring the young King's person there in complete safety. Setting out under cover of night, Rivers took with him another third as guard, ordering the remaining third to set out shortly after daybreak, so that they might act as his rearguard and shield in the occassion that any should attempt to surprise him and his company and take possession of the King; again, the space between the young King's retinue and the rearguard would allow Rivers sufficient time to make away with the young King safely.
At length Rivers and the young King entered the city of London in great state on the second day of May, 1483. The young King proceeded by barge to the Tower of London, where he was joined by his mother and younger brother (Richard, Duke of York) but a week later, whilst the dumbfounded Gloucester and his company hesitated over how to proceed, still in Northampton.
[1] Everything after this point is a-historical; IRL Dorset did nothing and the Queen ordered Rivers to disband his men and go to Northampton with the King.
And I'm in. You've got yourself a fan.
My personal hopes--Glouchester accepts a fait accompli--for the time being--and tries to make himself invaluable to his nephew. (I tend to view Richard as a decent man, on the whole, who was unfortunately placed into a horrifically tempting situation, and succumbed. Something he wound up paying for, in spades.)
My personal hopes--Glouchester accepts a fait accompli--for the time being--and tries to make himself invaluable to his nephew. (I tend to view Richard as a decent man, on the whole, who was unfortunately placed into a horrifically tempting situation, and succumbed. Something he wound up paying for, in spades.)
So the Duke of Gloucester will be closer to his Blackadder persona?
I like this TL so far, keep going.
I like this TL so far, keep going.
Once in London, the Queen was reluctant to break with her husband’s will and name her eldest son Dorset as Lord Protector; after all, Dorset was a man of but mediocre capabilities. To disregard her husband’s testament would expose her to the animosity of many, who would undoubtedly flock to the side of Gloucester’s standard and move against her. The chief men of the City of London especially she did not wish to offend, and after hearing their recommendations and the urgings of the reconciliatory Cardinal Bourchier, the Queen mother made known her desire to uphold the dispositions of her husband’s testament. If Dorset was upset he hid it well, remaining in his prestigious post as governor of the Tower – a post both lucrative and highly influential, as it gave him considerable hold on the entire city of London, of great value should warfare ever break out.
Yet, for all her protestations that Gloucester must assume the Protectorate, the Queen mother was quite happy to do what she could to delay Gloucester from assuming the Protectorate, being in no way disposed to be excluded from power. For whilst it was favourable to her to advocate the legitimacy of her husband's will and Gloucester's right to the Protectorate, it was not in her interest that he should actually assume the Protectorate (at least not in its full form). The running of the country she would happily entrust to Gloucester, but little else. Given the nature of English kingship - where the King was the fount of all power - her chief desire was to retain possession of her son's person and the final say in the marriages of her younger children. Possession of the King alone would ensure her future security and that of all of her kindred. And to that end she did not wish to set Gloucester up in such a way as he would be empowered to move easily against her and take possession of the King.
By then word of his congress with Buckingham and Hastings at Northampton had spread and reached not only the City but even foreign ears; such was the way of the City and court that heightened rumours quickly gained great currency and it was even whispered that the Duke of Gloucester sought to usurp the throne for himself. The Queen did little to openly dispell such rumours, in so much as they served well her purposes; for the time being she was happy to see how the cards would fall and how she might best position herself and keep Gloucester in check.
Even before these rumours began gaining much currency in the capital Gloucester had retired to Kirby, a property of Hastings', whilst Buckingham had followed suite and retreated to his manor of Ashby, near Leicester. With the King now in London, they had no ostensible need for so many retainers, and the pseudo-conspirators sought to avoid charges of treason which they feared might be construed from their actions and used by the Wydevilles to bring about their common ruin.
It was at Kirby, admist much plotting and worrying, that news reached Gloucester of his wife and son, adding insult to the injury already caused by the King's entry into London without him. Gloucester had a kinsman, by name George Neville, titled Lord Abergavenny, heir-general of the late Countess Isabella Despenser and by royal approval possessor of certain of her richest lands, principally Abergavenny and the rich lordship of Glamorgan (amongst many others). All of these properties Neville had been robbed of; first by his kinsman Warwick the Kingmaker and subsequently by the latter's son-in-law Gloucester, neither of them having any regard for the law and being well known to set aside legal worries when it came to enriching themselves. They were rich lands, contributing in no small part to Gloucester's yearly 3,000 pounds. Partly out of revenge, partly out of opportunism, Abergavenny had ambushed south of Sheffield the Duchess of Gloucester, coming down from her residence at Middleham. In her party was her son Edward of Middleham and her husband's ward another George Nevill, the deprived Duke of Bedford. In the ensuing skirmish Lord George Nevill, sometime Duke of Bedford, had been slain[1] alongside a few insignificant others, and the Duchess and her son taken hostage by Abergavenny, who promptly retreated with them to Wales.
[1] George Neville, previously Duke of Bedford, died IRL on May 4 1483, probably of natural causes.
By then word of his congress with Buckingham and Hastings at Northampton had spread and reached not only the City but even foreign ears; such was the way of the City and court that heightened rumours quickly gained great currency and it was even whispered that the Duke of Gloucester sought to usurp the throne for himself. The Queen did little to openly dispell such rumours, in so much as they served well her purposes; for the time being she was happy to see how the cards would fall and how she might best position herself and keep Gloucester in check.
Even before these rumours began gaining much currency in the capital Gloucester had retired to Kirby, a property of Hastings', whilst Buckingham had followed suite and retreated to his manor of Ashby, near Leicester. With the King now in London, they had no ostensible need for so many retainers, and the pseudo-conspirators sought to avoid charges of treason which they feared might be construed from their actions and used by the Wydevilles to bring about their common ruin.
It was at Kirby, admist much plotting and worrying, that news reached Gloucester of his wife and son, adding insult to the injury already caused by the King's entry into London without him. Gloucester had a kinsman, by name George Neville, titled Lord Abergavenny, heir-general of the late Countess Isabella Despenser and by royal approval possessor of certain of her richest lands, principally Abergavenny and the rich lordship of Glamorgan (amongst many others). All of these properties Neville had been robbed of; first by his kinsman Warwick the Kingmaker and subsequently by the latter's son-in-law Gloucester, neither of them having any regard for the law and being well known to set aside legal worries when it came to enriching themselves. They were rich lands, contributing in no small part to Gloucester's yearly 3,000 pounds. Partly out of revenge, partly out of opportunism, Abergavenny had ambushed south of Sheffield the Duchess of Gloucester, coming down from her residence at Middleham. In her party was her son Edward of Middleham and her husband's ward another George Nevill, the deprived Duke of Bedford. In the ensuing skirmish Lord George Nevill, sometime Duke of Bedford, had been slain[1] alongside a few insignificant others, and the Duchess and her son taken hostage by Abergavenny, who promptly retreated with them to Wales.
[1] George Neville, previously Duke of Bedford, died IRL on May 4 1483, probably of natural causes.
The Red Rose of Lancaster & The White Rose of York
The War of the Roses (so called because each side had a different color rose as its emblem) had been fought between the rival branches of York and Lancaster, cadets of the royal house. It had its origins in the usurpation of the English throne by Henry, Duke of Lancaster, in 1399, a junior prince of the royal house, to the exclusion of the Earl of March, who was the senior genealogical heir. March’s eventual heiress had married a son of the Duke of York, wherefrom the family drew its name. The war had raged intermittently thereafter. With the death of Henry VI and his son the Prince of Wales, the main Lancastrian branch had become extinct and the Yorkists ascended the throne in the person of Edward IV. Edward IV’s death in April 1483 and the succession of his underaged son under a disputed regency provided the perfect opportunity for a Lancastrian revival.
At that point, the chief Lancastrian heir was Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond, then living in exile in Brittany on the continent. He was the son of Edmund Tudor, uterine half-brother of the last Lancastrian monarch Henry VI, and of Lady Margaret Beaufort, the senior genealogical heiress of John of Gaunt (father of Henry IV and founder of the House of Lancaster). He could thus purport to the throne by proximity of blood, being the nephew of the last Lancastrian king, though through his father he drew no English royal blood. To this rather dubious claim was added the blood rights of his mother, who were unfortunately tampered by the illegitimate birth of her ancestor, John Beaufort. John Beaufort was the half-brother of Henry IV, born out of wedlock but subsequently legitimized by his parent’s marriage, Papal bull, royal writ and Parliamentary statute; unfortunately the legality of the Beaufort claim was brought into question by Henry IV’s amendment to the Parliamentary statute, which reaffirmed their rights to all of the honours and titles of the family, save the Crown. Still, in 1483, such impediments mattered little – what mattered most was who would be able to effectively give force and form to their claims and pretensions.
Henry had for some time resided in Brittany together with his uncle, Jasper Tudor, and various other Lancastrians who had fled England. In 1480 the Duke Francis II of Brittany had betrothed his daughter and heiress, Anne of Brittany, to the Prince Edward of England; with Edward's ascension to the throne, Anne stood to become Queen of England. Fearing the risk of being extradited back to England, Henry Tudor escaped from Brittany and stole away to the court of the dying Louis XI of France, where he was received with open arms. The French gladly supplied him with men and arms, and by June 1483 Henry Tudor was at the gates of Calais with a force of 3,000 men. Most importantly for Henry’s enterprise, was the support of Jean II, comte d’Eu, Nevers and Rethel. Jean held lands bordering the Pale of Calais and saw in Henry Tudor the opportunity to further enrich himself; by supporting him, he would stand to receive a great many land grants and benefices in the English kingdom once Henry Tudor was well established on the throne. Furthermore, Henry tentatively agreed to marry Jean’s daughter Charlotte, by which marriage he could safely hope to not only reacquire whatever lands he might grant to the count, but also expand the Calais Pale. And thus he had set out, his forces buoyed by Jean’s own retainers, to take Calais and set out from there to take the English kingdom, where his mother and other contacts were already busy at work behind closed doors.
As Henry drew close to Calais, the Queen mother, Elizabeth Wydeville, was still in London, together with her son the King and all of her relatives, at an impasse as how to proceed with her brother-in-law Gloucester. Gloucester had not remained silently at Kirby and set out from there for north Wales, where his kinsman Abergavenny held his wife and son hostage. Along the way he was met with a clergyman by the name of Robert Stillington, who held the rich diocese of Bath and Wells and had long served the Crown in various capacities. This Stillington claimed to have witnessed and presided over a precontract between the late King, Edward IV, and the lady Eleanor Talbot, prior to the King’s subsequent marriage to Elizabeth Wydeville; the King had ordered him to secrecy and he had not dared, for fear of his very life, expose the King’s marriage for the wholly adulterous and illegitimate affair that it truly was. Now, however, he was prepared to testify to these facts, by which Gloucester might be presented as the sole heir and proprietor of the royal dignity. Gloucester did not shy away from the heavy weight of the Crown, but was not desirous of taking it by sheer force. In the meantime word arrived from London that the young King was soon to be crowned, before Michaelmas at the very latest.
The situation in June 1483 was such that if Gloucester took up arms against the Queen, England would be divided almost down the middle, with the Queen and her men holding the south and likely most of the Midlands, and Gloucester’s hold being resigned to the north. The Queen would face war on two sides: Gloucester to her north and Henry Tudor very likely in the south-east and perhaps also in Wales, where he had much support. Gloucester was also well aware of the risk he ran of facing war on both sides; if he moved south against the Queen, the Scots could well attempt to regain Berwick or perhaps even overrun northern England. As recently as 1482 Gloucester had lead a full scale invasion of Scotland, attempting to take Edinburgh and set up the Duke of Albany as King “Alexander IV”. Unable to take Edinburgh, he had left Albany as Lieutenant-General and taken Berwick before returning to England; Albany did not long last in power and had crossed over the border into England shortly after Edward IV’s death that April. Albany joined Richard at Kirby and accompanied him into Wales, hopeful that Richard would soon be in a position to assist him in returning to power in Scotland.
As word reached the Queen of the ambush and capture of the Duchess of Gloucester and her young son, and of the Duke's speedy progression into Wales to take her back from the man Abergavenney, the Queen sprung into action, seeking to obtain for herself the maximum profit from the matter. Having given Abergavenny many reassurances and her word that he would incurr no punishment for his actions, and also that his property rights affirmed by her late husband would be upheld, she obtained from him the custody of the Duchess and the boy Edward of Middleham (also Edward Gloucester); with the Queen's money and secret assent Abergavenny withdrew to Ireland, whilst his son fled Wales with his two hostages and brought them to London. The Duke of Gloucester was immediately invited - "invited" - to join his rescued wife and son in London, in the company of her Highness the Queen.
As Henry drew close to Calais, the Queen mother, Elizabeth Wydeville, was still in London, together with her son the King and all of her relatives, at an impasse as how to proceed with her brother-in-law Gloucester. Gloucester had not remained silently at Kirby and set out from there for north Wales, where his kinsman Abergavenny held his wife and son hostage. Along the way he was met with a clergyman by the name of Robert Stillington, who held the rich diocese of Bath and Wells and had long served the Crown in various capacities. This Stillington claimed to have witnessed and presided over a precontract between the late King, Edward IV, and the lady Eleanor Talbot, prior to the King’s subsequent marriage to Elizabeth Wydeville; the King had ordered him to secrecy and he had not dared, for fear of his very life, expose the King’s marriage for the wholly adulterous and illegitimate affair that it truly was. Now, however, he was prepared to testify to these facts, by which Gloucester might be presented as the sole heir and proprietor of the royal dignity. Gloucester did not shy away from the heavy weight of the Crown, but was not desirous of taking it by sheer force. In the meantime word arrived from London that the young King was soon to be crowned, before Michaelmas at the very latest.
The situation in June 1483 was such that if Gloucester took up arms against the Queen, England would be divided almost down the middle, with the Queen and her men holding the south and likely most of the Midlands, and Gloucester’s hold being resigned to the north. The Queen would face war on two sides: Gloucester to her north and Henry Tudor very likely in the south-east and perhaps also in Wales, where he had much support. Gloucester was also well aware of the risk he ran of facing war on both sides; if he moved south against the Queen, the Scots could well attempt to regain Berwick or perhaps even overrun northern England. As recently as 1482 Gloucester had lead a full scale invasion of Scotland, attempting to take Edinburgh and set up the Duke of Albany as King “Alexander IV”. Unable to take Edinburgh, he had left Albany as Lieutenant-General and taken Berwick before returning to England; Albany did not long last in power and had crossed over the border into England shortly after Edward IV’s death that April. Albany joined Richard at Kirby and accompanied him into Wales, hopeful that Richard would soon be in a position to assist him in returning to power in Scotland.
As word reached the Queen of the ambush and capture of the Duchess of Gloucester and her young son, and of the Duke's speedy progression into Wales to take her back from the man Abergavenney, the Queen sprung into action, seeking to obtain for herself the maximum profit from the matter. Having given Abergavenny many reassurances and her word that he would incurr no punishment for his actions, and also that his property rights affirmed by her late husband would be upheld, she obtained from him the custody of the Duchess and the boy Edward of Middleham (also Edward Gloucester); with the Queen's money and secret assent Abergavenny withdrew to Ireland, whilst his son fled Wales with his two hostages and brought them to London. The Duke of Gloucester was immediately invited - "invited" - to join his rescued wife and son in London, in the company of her Highness the Queen.
The Nevilles are now in extreme danger holding two hostages dear to Richard, both of them in poor health. Let one or both die and...
Of course the Nevilles are in a sea of enemies not even counting Richard or Henry. Since they can't make a deal with Henry survival requires an arrangement with Richard.
Gloucester inherited nothing from the Kingmaker. It was seen as astonishing that in return for the Duke of Clarence, accepting his marriage to Anne Neville, George's sister-in-law and under his supposed authority, Richard accepted a division of Warwick's holdings which went overwhelmingly to George and even yielded a high appointment given him by Edward IV.
Since the legal tradition was for two daughters inheriting to split things equally and Richard had Edward's complete trust and confidence while George would be executed by Edward in the near future the only plausible explanation was that Richard was interested in Anne above all claims. No doubt he also (correctly) assumed Edward would make it up to him in other gifts.
All that is needed to avoid Richard's protectorship is to have the young king crowned. That's it. No period of minority, no protectorship, Edward's will no longer applies.
Of course the Nevilles are in a sea of enemies not even counting Richard or Henry. Since they can't make a deal with Henry survival requires an arrangement with Richard.
Gloucester inherited nothing from the Kingmaker. It was seen as astonishing that in return for the Duke of Clarence, accepting his marriage to Anne Neville, George's sister-in-law and under his supposed authority, Richard accepted a division of Warwick's holdings which went overwhelmingly to George and even yielded a high appointment given him by Edward IV.
Since the legal tradition was for two daughters inheriting to split things equally and Richard had Edward's complete trust and confidence while George would be executed by Edward in the near future the only plausible explanation was that Richard was interested in Anne above all claims. No doubt he also (correctly) assumed Edward would make it up to him in other gifts.
All that is needed to avoid Richard's protectorship is to have the young king crowned. That's it. No period of minority, no protectorship, Edward's will no longer applies.
Abergavenny handed over the two hostages to the Queen and fled to Ireland, so his family is more or less under the Queen's protection right now. Unfortunately for Gloucester, the Queen has now pushed him into a cranny between a rock and a hard place: either he gives himself up to her by coming to London (her power base) or openly revolts.
I could see the Neville family switching sides to support whoever suited their own interests best (if I recall correctly Warwick briefly sided with the Lancastrians).
I'm not exactly sure about the exact details of Warwick's succession, but from what I can make out Gloucester did obtain at least a part of his lands through his marriage. I think perhaps Clarence was initially favoured but as time passed and Clarence fell out of favour Gloucester was able to wriggle his way in and make some very very rich acquisitions. In 1474-5 he exchanged with his brother the King some of his wife's lands in Derby and Hertfordshire for lands in the north (his power base) and he also obtained through her the Lordship of Glamorgan. An Act of Parliament of May 1474 settled Warwick's lands on Clarence and Gloucester and declared his poor widow legally dead. Clarence was given mostly the Beauchamp-Despender-Salisbury inheritance in the west Midlands and south-central and south-western England. Gloucester was given all the Neville lands in the north (which he already held) with the addition of the Beauchamp lordship of Castle Barnard in Co. Durham, a group of Welsh marcher lordships (Glamorgan, Abergavenny, Pains Castle, Elvell, Welsh Bricknor) and scattered lands in east England, mostly in Buckinghamshire.
Another Act of Feburary 1475 vested all the Neville lands in the north on Richard and his heirs male, to the exclusion of the rightful heir male George Neville, duke of Bedford, who also lost his duchy. By then Richard's income was in excess of 3,000 pounds and he was already richer than Clarence (for comparison, Warwick's income was something like 3,500 pounds).
Still, Warwick had used his power and disregard for the law to take for himself the inheritance of Isabella Despenser, countess of Warwick, which was later partitioned between Gloucester and Clarence. Royal licenses empowered George Neville, the heir-male of the Countess' first marriage, to enter his inheritance (including the lordships of Abergaveny and Glamorgan) but he had been prevented from doign so by Warwick; again in 1477 another royal license was issued in George's favour, which Gloucester ignored and continued treating the lands as his own.
And finally in January 1483 Edward IV had created a palatine lordship for Richard comprising the counties of Cumberland and Westmorland and any additional lands he could take in south-western Scotland. Furthermore Richard and his heirs were to behold the office of Wardens of the west march together with the Palatinate.
Next update coming soon (Not that very many seem to actually be reading this).
I could see the Neville family switching sides to support whoever suited their own interests best (if I recall correctly Warwick briefly sided with the Lancastrians).
I'm not exactly sure about the exact details of Warwick's succession, but from what I can make out Gloucester did obtain at least a part of his lands through his marriage. I think perhaps Clarence was initially favoured but as time passed and Clarence fell out of favour Gloucester was able to wriggle his way in and make some very very rich acquisitions. In 1474-5 he exchanged with his brother the King some of his wife's lands in Derby and Hertfordshire for lands in the north (his power base) and he also obtained through her the Lordship of Glamorgan. An Act of Parliament of May 1474 settled Warwick's lands on Clarence and Gloucester and declared his poor widow legally dead. Clarence was given mostly the Beauchamp-Despender-Salisbury inheritance in the west Midlands and south-central and south-western England. Gloucester was given all the Neville lands in the north (which he already held) with the addition of the Beauchamp lordship of Castle Barnard in Co. Durham, a group of Welsh marcher lordships (Glamorgan, Abergavenny, Pains Castle, Elvell, Welsh Bricknor) and scattered lands in east England, mostly in Buckinghamshire.
Another Act of Feburary 1475 vested all the Neville lands in the north on Richard and his heirs male, to the exclusion of the rightful heir male George Neville, duke of Bedford, who also lost his duchy. By then Richard's income was in excess of 3,000 pounds and he was already richer than Clarence (for comparison, Warwick's income was something like 3,500 pounds).
Still, Warwick had used his power and disregard for the law to take for himself the inheritance of Isabella Despenser, countess of Warwick, which was later partitioned between Gloucester and Clarence. Royal licenses empowered George Neville, the heir-male of the Countess' first marriage, to enter his inheritance (including the lordships of Abergaveny and Glamorgan) but he had been prevented from doign so by Warwick; again in 1477 another royal license was issued in George's favour, which Gloucester ignored and continued treating the lands as his own.
And finally in January 1483 Edward IV had created a palatine lordship for Richard comprising the counties of Cumberland and Westmorland and any additional lands he could take in south-western Scotland. Furthermore Richard and his heirs were to behold the office of Wardens of the west march together with the Palatinate.
Next update coming soon
(Not that very many seem to actually be reading this).Warwick was killed during his alliance with the Lancastrians, yes.
George, Duke of Clarence, was certainly not favored, least of all after both he and his father-in-law sided with the Lancastrians, despite George's own typical later change of sides, which is why a division of his father-in-law's lands favoring him was considered to be so astounding. The law was against him and he was in extreme disfavor with Edward IV yet somehow...
Only a few years later he was tried, convicted and executed(under peculiar circumstances) for treason against Edward IV with Richard, ironically, the only one to say a word in his defense at the trial.
As an additional point of interest the marriage of Richard to Anne Neville was even more astounding given that she was married to the Lancastrian heir, Prince Edward, son of Henry VI and yet her relationship with Richard AND Edward, who approved the marriage, did not suffer. At minimum you might think she would have been held somewhere until it was certain she was not with child...
Anne died in March 1485, eleven months after her only son with Richard, and the health of both was seen as suspect well before their deaths so in this situation, having been captured and held as prisoner, one must wonder if a turn for the worse might come sooner and how Richard would respond to that.
George, Duke of Clarence, was certainly not favored, least of all after both he and his father-in-law sided with the Lancastrians, despite George's own typical later change of sides, which is why a division of his father-in-law's lands favoring him was considered to be so astounding. The law was against him and he was in extreme disfavor with Edward IV yet somehow...
Only a few years later he was tried, convicted and executed(under peculiar circumstances) for treason against Edward IV with Richard, ironically, the only one to say a word in his defense at the trial.
As an additional point of interest the marriage of Richard to Anne Neville was even more astounding given that she was married to the Lancastrian heir, Prince Edward, son of Henry VI and yet her relationship with Richard AND Edward, who approved the marriage, did not suffer. At minimum you might think she would have been held somewhere until it was certain she was not with child...
Anne died in March 1485, eleven months after her only son with Richard, and the health of both was seen as suspect well before their deaths so in this situation, having been captured and held as prisoner, one must wonder if a turn for the worse might come sooner and how Richard would respond to that.
On the 13th of September, 1483, Edward V of England was finally crowned and anointed as King, five months after his father’s death. Richard of Gloucester, the young King’s uncle and legally Lord Protector of the realm, had remained away from the capital; having been unable to secure the King’s person, he had then been forced to hasten into Wales, when his wife and son were taken hostage. By the time he arrived in Wales, Abergavenny (who had taken his wife and son) was long gone, and his wife and son were already on their way to London. Gloucester’s continued absence from London jeopardized his right to the Protectorate, yet he was also fearful of what might happen to him if he were to go into London (for he would not be able to come into London with many men).
The Queen mother, for her part, had been waiting on Gloucester making the first move, and had sought to pressure him (by acquiring the custody of his sickly wife and son) into either submitting to her or taking up arms against her. Yet Gloucester held out, refusing to come into London; he set himself up in his castle of Caerphilly, where he remained for all of September, citing illness as the excuse for his absence. As his first act as King, Edward V – no doubt acting on his mother’s urging –declared himself of age to rule, effectively putting a legal end to any claims of Gloucester to the Protectorate. Almost immediately thereafter he named his mother Regent of the realm in his name, empowering her to rule and conduct government in his name, until such a time as he was “well disposed” to take the reins of government. The King and his brother, the Duke of York, were sent to Eltham Palace to continue their education, whilst the Queen and her daughters remained at the Palace of Pleausance, where she now presided over court.
In mid-September Henry Tudor had taken hold of the entire Pale and captured the city of Calais. From there he intended to launch an invasion of England, renewing the War of the Roses and restoring the House of Lancaster. When (false) reports arrived at Caerphilly that Henry Tudor had arrived at Dover, Gloucester roused himself from his slumber and marched out, ostensibly to meet the invader. His demands that London open itself up to him and that the Queen hand over government to him were met with contempt, and when news spread that he had concluded a private treaty with the King of Scots ceding to that King the recently captured city of Berwick, the Queen demanded he come to London immediately and formally make his submission to her as Regent.
Gloucester refused and reasserted his right to the Protectorate; when informed of his wife's death, he demanded the return of his son and the Privy Council and Queen's submission to him as Lord Protector of the Realm. The Queen refused and issued another license empowering George Neville to take hold of not only Glamorgan and Bergavenny, but also of Richard's manor of Caversham in Oxfordshire. Gloucester was not only ordered to give up these properties, but also to assist Abergavenny in taking ownership. She also declared Richard's son, Lord Edward Gloucester, her own personal ward, and forbid the Duke from remarrying without the Crown's consent.
Infuriated, Gloucester rallied his men and proceeded to Chester, from where he sought to take hold of the palatinates of Chester and Lancaster and tie them to his own palatinate realm in the north. Buckingham and Hastings hastened to his side, as did all of his retainers. His erstwhile friend and ally, the Duke of Albany, was unceremoniously handed over to the Scots, together with Dunbar Castle and the city of Berwick; in return, King James set himself up at Berwick to await word from Richard, lest the Duke have need of that King's help.
News of Gloucester and the Scottish King's movements quickly reached the Queen, forcing her to send entreaties of peace to Henry Tudor. He was not to come into England as an invader, but as her own personal guest. In return for his submission, support and military aid against Gloucester, she pledged to give him her eldest daughter Elizabeth in marriage, the palatinate lands of Lancaster and to place the government of the realm in his hands as Lord Protector.
In mid-September Henry Tudor had taken hold of the entire Pale and captured the city of Calais. From there he intended to launch an invasion of England, renewing the War of the Roses and restoring the House of Lancaster. When (false) reports arrived at Caerphilly that Henry Tudor had arrived at Dover, Gloucester roused himself from his slumber and marched out, ostensibly to meet the invader. His demands that London open itself up to him and that the Queen hand over government to him were met with contempt, and when news spread that he had concluded a private treaty with the King of Scots ceding to that King the recently captured city of Berwick, the Queen demanded he come to London immediately and formally make his submission to her as Regent.
Gloucester refused and reasserted his right to the Protectorate; when informed of his wife's death, he demanded the return of his son and the Privy Council and Queen's submission to him as Lord Protector of the Realm. The Queen refused and issued another license empowering George Neville to take hold of not only Glamorgan and Bergavenny, but also of Richard's manor of Caversham in Oxfordshire. Gloucester was not only ordered to give up these properties, but also to assist Abergavenny in taking ownership. She also declared Richard's son, Lord Edward Gloucester, her own personal ward, and forbid the Duke from remarrying without the Crown's consent.
Infuriated, Gloucester rallied his men and proceeded to Chester, from where he sought to take hold of the palatinates of Chester and Lancaster and tie them to his own palatinate realm in the north. Buckingham and Hastings hastened to his side, as did all of his retainers. His erstwhile friend and ally, the Duke of Albany, was unceremoniously handed over to the Scots, together with Dunbar Castle and the city of Berwick; in return, King James set himself up at Berwick to await word from Richard, lest the Duke have need of that King's help.
News of Gloucester and the Scottish King's movements quickly reached the Queen, forcing her to send entreaties of peace to Henry Tudor. He was not to come into England as an invader, but as her own personal guest. In return for his submission, support and military aid against Gloucester, she pledged to give him her eldest daughter Elizabeth in marriage, the palatinate lands of Lancaster and to place the government of the realm in his hands as Lord Protector.
If Henry accepts, then he is in Richard's exact same historical position, perfectly positioned to usurp the throne for himself. Question is: would/will he?
@GrimmReaper, Anne Neville (in this TL) ends up being a sad "always the bridesmaid, never the bride" character. Princess of Wales, then Duchess of Gloucester, but never Queen, never really at the center of affairs. Poor girl. As far as I can tell her "marriage" to Henry VI's son Edward was more nominal than factual, more of an official betrothal than actual full-on conjugal life, so probably there was no chance of her being pregnant by him at the time of his death.
Now Anne is dead, and her young son is still alive but in the Queen's hands.
Henry Tudor has the Pale of Calais with French help, but has to choose between allying with the Queen or the French (the French didn't go to all this trouble just for him to be married and provided for in property and title, they want him on the throne, indebted to them). Either way the Calais Pale's future is jeopardised - either Henry Tudor uses it as his base to invade England or the French seize it in revenge for Henry coming to terms with the Queen.
@GrimmReaper, Anne Neville (in this TL) ends up being a sad "always the bridesmaid, never the bride" character. Princess of Wales, then Duchess of Gloucester, but never Queen, never really at the center of affairs. Poor girl. As far as I can tell her "marriage" to Henry VI's son Edward was more nominal than factual, more of an official betrothal than actual full-on conjugal life, so probably there was no chance of her being pregnant by him at the time of his death.
Now Anne is dead, and her young son is still alive but in the Queen's hands.
Henry Tudor has the Pale of Calais with French help, but has to choose between allying with the Queen or the French (the French didn't go to all this trouble just for him to be married and provided for in property and title, they want him on the throne, indebted to them). Either way the Calais Pale's future is jeopardised - either Henry Tudor uses it as his base to invade England or the French seize it in revenge for Henry coming to terms with the Queen.
This I have a problem with. Handing the country over to the Lancastrians (actually not the Lancastrians, a minor Lancastrian claimant at this stage) would be seen as both bizzare and not to mention a not too particularly astute move in respect of Edward's V ultimate position.
In short, I can only see the Yorkists breaking en-masse for Gloucester at this point.
My guess is the ultimate aim of the Woodevilles would be to maintain the concilliar system that existed (IIRC) before Gloucester took over with the protectorate. You would probably need to bolster that with military strength through marriage etc but I can't see Richmond being the one.
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