Headquarters of Tammany Hall on East 14th Street, c. 1908 - Source: Wiki Commons
Chapter XVI: Crimes Against the People: The Manhattan Scandal
On September 2nd, 1909, an editorial was printed in that morning's issue of The New York Times containing a rather revealing exposé of the William R. Hearst Campaign. The story was published by an anonymous author, a man purportedly close to the central organizing machine of the presidential candidate. Lettered beside the editorial was an emboldened statement warning the reader that the allegations contained in the text could not be substantiated. Exploring several facets of the Hearst Campaign, the piece covered one individual's personal experience from Hearst's gubernatorial campaign, to the Democratic National Convention, and through the general election. What had caught the public's eye and generated the most controversy had been a curious section devoted to the campaign's complex New York State operation.
According to the author, the legendary and rather infamous Society in St. Tammany functioned as a mantelpiece of fraudulent activity for the benefit of the Democratic Party and then-Governor Hearst. Tammany Hall had long-since played a role in commanding Democratic Party politics in New York and symbolizing the textbook example of a "political machine." At about the turn of the century, however, it had gone through a marked transformation of public perception. Tammany was previously known as a mighty, exploitative force under the leadership of "Grand Sachems" William M. Tweet in the 1860s and Richard Croker in the 1880s and 90s, but the political machine had undergone a significant facelift. Its Bryan-inspired leaders hoped to renovate the institution's poor reputation by implementing progressive reforms and uplifting the five boroughs. Charles Francis Murphy maintained leadership of Tammany Hall in this period, and he nourished a cozy relationship with Hearst upon the latter's ascension to the Governor's Mansion in 1906.
Murphy looked to scrub clean the pressure group of any remnants of Croker's minions and revitalize Democracy in the Empire State. He seemed to accomplish just that by the early 1900s, with most local publications acknowledging Tammany's newfound respectability. Boss Murphy, albeit initially suspicious of his intentions and vocally preferring a more level-headed nominee in the 1906 gubernatorial race, did come around to support Hearst against Hughes. The new governor introduced to the Democratic boss his comrades-in-arms, including Joseph Willicombe, Clarence J. Shearn, and Lewis S. Chanler, Hearst's personal secretary, attorney, and lieutenant governor respectively. Shearn, in particular, worked closely with Murphy in finessing borough governments to acquiesce to Governor Hearst's reformist policies, and, as later noted in the Times piece, the Grand Sachem began walking back his pledge to purify the halls of East 14th Street.
The anonymous writer alleged that in the weeks leading up to the election, as Hearst campaigned vigorously in California, Charles Murphy and state party Chairman Norman Mack consciously selected "men they trusted and confided in" to monitor polling places and volunteer to count votes on Election Day. These individuals, named in the article as "Tammany Rats," signed up as either independents or members of an opposing political party in order to present a guise of customary non-partisanship. The author asserted that Brooklyn Boss Patrick McCarren and Bronx President Louis Haffen played central roles in their boroughs' operation to fulfill this task, apparently made evident with Democratic returns far outpacing historical trends. Shearn was allegedly involved, as were Chanler, Willicombe, and perhaps Hearst himself. "The conspiracy to commit city-wide voter fraud," read the article, "spread far and wide, with all of its tentacles originating from Tammany Hall and the Hearst Campaign." If true, these voting irregularities may have flipped the state of New York (won by Hearst by a mere 20,000 votes).
This tale validated the assorted claims of voter fraud initially asserted by Republicans at the time of the final electoral count. Back when the results were first announced, a slew of Republicans and Progressives came forward with accusations of vote-buying in New York City. Roosevelt, at the time, refused to contest these results, likely considering the controversy a side effect of the Popular Vote loss. Now, as new evidence came to light, those who cried foul back in November of 1908 were seemingly justified. At a time when the Republican Party was at its lowest point in a generation, the Times story validated their claims and significantly bolstered their image.
For the most part, Democrats on the national stage ignored the article. It was written by an anonymous source, with no tangible evidence to back up any of the accusations. Even Hearst's most vicious opponents in Congress had little interest in playing ball with a baseless editorial featurette. "It's unsubstantiated," stated Representative Underwood. "If further information is uncovered, my office will request a detailed analysis." President Hearst, meanwhile, laughed off the story as irrelevant filth and lambasted its author as cowardly for refusing to come forward with his or her identity. He stopped short of criticizing the newspaper itself, recognizing the danger and frank foolishness of targeting a fellow newspaper chain, but he did hint his disfavor with the story for its unsubstantiated nature.
The splash of that first article did not appear to ripple. In the hay-day of yellow journalism it was not uncommon for sensationalized or fabricated stories to pop into the public consciousness. Politicians were naturally the easiest targets. Only the most adventurous Republicans declared the anonymous editorial worthy of increased investigation, and even they were mostly disregarded by the congressional press corp. [...] When the second and third letters were published, initially thought to be from the same author, it gave more credence to the allegations. The affair did not bode well for Hearst, and it bode worse for a post-Croker Tammany organization looking to restore its image.
Robert Espejo, Breaking News: The Role of Journalism in Washington, 2003
Last edited: