@Archduke: you will do better in establishing a permanent separation between Spain and don Carlos’ new lands (as was done in OTL) making the two crowns mutually exclusive not removing him from the Spanish succession.
In OTL don Carlos became Carlos III of Spain after the childless death of both his half-brothers and when became King of Spain he was forced to abdicate the Crown of Naples in favor of his first available son (aka the next one after his heir in Spain) instead of his younger brother (the Duke of Parma) as originally planned.
Plus why do not have France and Britain offering back Sardinia as part of Carlos’ land? That would be useful for them and acceptable to Spain as would give a royal title of his own to Carlos

The ultimate succession of Spain is to be revealed as the narrative progresses.

Regarding Sardinia, the Spanish government always viewed it as straight up theirs. So within the Spanish court there is not any support for giving Sardinia up to Don Carlos. Spain under Felipe had already tried to conquer Sardinia for itself in 1717, which was after Don Carlos' death. Additionally, Sardinia is very much a backwater title. Although giving it to Don Carlos would make him a king, Elisabeth wants for her son to be more than just the King of Sardinia. In particular she is eyeing Lombardy. If Don Carlos becomes the King of Lombardy he will be able to rule a constolidated, rich, and powerful Kingdom. For this reason, Elisabeth did not aggressively attempt to make Don Carlos the King of Sardinia.
 
Since Montemar was able to contain Berwick's army by himself Zuloaga's army seemed almost pointless. Or at least that is what people lacking the imagination and ambition of the Spanish court would think

My favorite part from this update for sure.
 
My favorite part from this update for sure.

In the past historians have claimed that people like Alberoni and Ripperada conned the Spanish government into giving them positions of power. However, a reexamination of Spain in the aftermath of Utrecht demonstrates otherwise. It is not that Spain did not realize the flaws of people like Alberoni or Ripperada, it's that Spain was so desperate it didn't care. Spain during this period is the epitome of throwing stuff at the wall until something sticks. Which is what makes Spain during this period so interesting, they see all these 30/70 risks and say well it's worth a try. Often this is to comedic effect like the Jacobite invasion of 1717 or Spain's request for the Southern Netherlands, Sardinia, and Sicily from the Austrians in return for nothing. Fortunately for Spain, in this timeline, something finally did stick and now Spain is riding on a high.
 
In the past historians have claimed that people like Alberoni and Ripperada conned the Spanish government into giving them positions of power. However, a reexamination of Spain in the aftermath of Utrecht demonstrates otherwise. It is not that Spain did not realize the flaws of people like Alberoni or Ripperada, it's that Spain was so desperate it didn't care. Spain during this period is the epitome of throwing stuff at the wall until something sticks. Which is what makes Spain during this period so interesting, they see all these 30/70 risks and say well it's worth a try. Often this is to comedic effect like the Jacobite invasion of 1717 or Spain's request for the Southern Netherlands, Sardinia, and Sicily from the Austrians in return for nothing. Fortunately for Spain, in this timeline, something finally did stick and now Spain is riding on a high.
Who represents this Spain that it so desperate? Post Utrecht, remarkable progress was made putting the country back together. Then Farnese (whose influence I think you dismiss too much) wanted to regain the Italian lands and set the country in that direction. She persuaded Philip that all efforts should be made in that regard. It wasn't that A & R conned the royals, it's that the royals chose people who would follow that line of thinking. The ministers they chose were shrewd enough to portray themselves as able to achieve royal aims. Those potential ministers that threw cold waters on the ambitions of Farnese never made it to power.

Spain certainly had cause to bemoan loss of much of its empire, but that didn't create an atmosphere of desperation. Philip was not Spanish, and likely would have accepted the loss. the loss wasn't his, but that of his new country. I think he could have accepted the loss. Farnese, being Italian, was the prime driver. I believe I read somewhere that Alberoni was planning long term, but the crown, meaning Farnese, was impatient and moved up the timetable. It was a pipe dream to think Spain would be ready to take on the world so quick.

That said, I like the TL.
 
Aside from the Russian glory hound, who still wants this war?

If I’d be the British, I’d give the Prussians recognition of their gains, so they stay out. Tell the Habsburgers they can keep what they have, between that and the Spanish leaving, they’ll be out too. Then the Russians get Finland, Courland and financial support to oust the Ottomans from the south of Russia/Crimea. That’s better then a third victory.

Quickly forget about the whole thing and rebuild trust and prowess from there.
 
Aside from the Russian glory hound, who still wants this war?

If I’d be the British, I’d give the Prussians recognition of their gains, so they stay out. Tell the Habsburgers they can keep what they have, between that and the Spanish leaving, they’ll be out too. Then the Russians get Finland, Courland and financial support to oust the Ottomans from the south of Russia/Crimea. That’s better then a third victory.

Quickly forget about the whole thing and rebuild trust and prowess from there.

I suppose that the British reasoning runs more or less as follows now:
1) This war's been quite a disaster so far.
2) We should quit this mess as soon as we can do that honourably.
3) Which means scoring something resembling a victory.
4) Especially because telling Prussia and Austria that they keep their gains NOW means that Brunswick-Luneburg may be entirely lost. Which is bad on many regards.
5) So we need something resembling a victory at least as a bargaining chip re: Hanover.
6) Which is a more likely prospect now that Spain no longer distracts us.
7) And hopefully France will be somewhat more cooperative and also less distracted now.
8) So it's worth trying to save some face before quitting and actually limit losses.
 
Ow I agree. Just where will they get that victory? Since - or I’ve misinterpreted - none of their allies want to continue, I’d say their prospects are bleak. Maybe in Denmark?
 
Ow I agree. Just where will they get that victory? Since - or I’ve misinterpreted - none of their allies want to continue, I’d say their prospects are bleak. Maybe in Denmark?
The Vienna camp is also creaking loudly. That may offer opportunity. Denmark is the most likely bet, I agree.
 
Spain is out now, so 60~ thousands French troops can now move. The British also have to have some reason why they gave up Gibraltar and Minorca now. The Russian force occupying Luneberg and Holstein just lost 30~ thousand just from Prussia and Saxony deciding they have what they want. The Austrians have done jack so far, but managed to score a propaganda victory. Considering they only joined due to their alliance with Spain, they could honorable get out now. So basically, the forces that actually want something are Denmark and Britain, as Russia has occupied Hanover and Holstein. When Catherine dies and going home becomes important to the Russian generals, whose going to hold Hanover and Holstein?

The Vienna Camp has definitely done well enough, but most of them are now satisfied or weren't to eager in the first place. However, Britain now has suffered a major loss and has to recoup that somewhere. Denmark is as fine with waiting until an opportunity arises, since just not fighting the Russians has so far gone well for them.
 
Spain is out now, so 60~ thousands French troops can now move. The British also have to have some reason why they gave up Gibraltar and Minorca now. The Russian force occupying Luneberg and Holstein just lost 30~ thousand just from Prussia and Saxony deciding they have what they want. The Austrians have done jack so far, but managed to score a propaganda victory. Considering they only joined due to their alliance with Spain, they could honorable get out now. So basically, the forces that actually want something are Denmark and Britain, as Russia has occupied Hanover and Holstein. When Catherine dies and going home becomes important to the Russian generals, whose going to hold Hanover and Holstein?

The Vienna Camp has definitely done well enough, but most of them are now satisfied or weren't to eager in the first place. However, Britain now has suffered a major loss and has to recoup that somewhere. Denmark is as fine with waiting until an opportunity arises, since just not fighting the Russians has so far gone well for them.

All correct, but France may also want to show her army to be worth something after all.
Also, Piedmont is unlikely to be pleased by the uncompensated loss of Sardinia, and while of course they can do little about it by themselves, they might very willing to assist either Britain or France if they think they can gain something from it, "something" likely to be in the form of some piece of Northwestern Italy, better if they can somehow extract a royal title out if it (though they might settle for the indeed strange approach of just elevating what they have to kingdom, something that has very little if any precedent and that Emperor Charles would absolutely dislike - but not dislike as much as actually losing land in a war he has otherwise won, and even cheaply).
 
I can see that work. Still, the nervousness about the French isn’t gone and as stated before, the Vienna camp is creaking as well. I’d still make sure Prussia and Savoy stay out, Russia doesn’t really care about Holstein and Hannover so as I said before, they can keep Courland and Finland to no pain to the British.

In fact, it'll be easy to direct them onto the Ottomans - lord knows they have a <bleep> for Tsargrad anyway and Crimea is a great prize - which is only 50 years before OTL.

Leaves Vienna to defeat for the PR and to achieve “status quo ante bellum”. Can’t call it irony but it would leave the most reluctant member of the alliance opposing the Brits the last man standing...

The main pain is Gibraltar, but that was something they considered dropping anyway. Gives 12 years to prepare for OTL’s rematch to vindicate the Royal Navy and Britain’s reputation.
 
Aside from the Russian glory hound, who still wants this war?

If I’d be the British, I’d give the Prussians recognition of their gains, so they stay out. Tell the Habsburgers they can keep what they have, between that and the Spanish leaving, they’ll be out too. Then the Russians get Finland, Courland and financial support to oust the Ottomans from the south of Russia/Crimea. That’s better then a third victory.

Quickly forget about the whole thing and rebuild trust and prowess from there.

Russian conquest of the Crimean Khanate was not an issue of money (the Ottomans had been holding just a couple of the strategic coastal cities). It was all about the tactics and logistics and Russian army of that time did not have ones needed for a successful conquest as was demonstrated during the war of 1735 - 39: the peninsula was occupied twice and both times Russians (one of the armies had been led by fieldmarshal Lacy who is quite active in this TL) had to withdrew due to the food shortages and high losses due to the heat and diseases. In 1771 conquest of the Crimea took approximately 2 weeks and did not cause any noticeable problems.

Finland was, completely or partially, occupied by the Russian troops more than once between the GNW and 1808 and every time was returned to Sweden so it was not an issue of a military possibility but rather of the diplomatic considerations.

In this TL Russia does not need annexation of Courland because (a) it is formally a vassal of the Russian ally and (b) it is under the Russian control (in OTL Maurice of Saxony unsuccessfully tried to became a duke against the Russian wishes) and a formal annexation would not produce any obvious benefits.
 
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Russian conquest of the Crimean Khanate was not an issue of money (the Ottomans had been holding just a couple of the strategic coastal cities). It was all about the tactics and logistics and Russian army of that time did not have ones needed for a successful conquest as was demonstrated during the war of 1735 - 39: the peninsula was occupied twice and both times Russians (one of the armies had been led by fieldmarshal Lacy who is quite active in this TL) had to withdrew due to the food shortages and high losses due to the heat and diseases. In 1771 conquest of the Crimea took approximately 2 weeks and did not cause any noticeable problems.

Would British ships via the sea be able to negate that? Obviously having the supply leave the coastal cities is an issue, but then again that is were it’s needed anyway.

Finland was, completely or partially, occupied by the Russian troops more than once between the GNW and 1808 and every time was returned to Sweden so it was not an issue of a military possibility but rather of the diplomatic considerations.

What were those considerations?

In this TL Russia does not need annexation of Courland because (a) it is formally a vassal of the Russian ally and (b) it is under the Russian control (in OTL Maurice of Saxony unsuccessfully tried to became a duke against the Russian wishes) and a formal annexation would not produce any obvious benefits.

Makes sense. So the Hannoveraner alliance basically don’t have anything to offer Russia in territory that they don’t already have / can’t keep anyway. Unless British shipping / supplies allow Russia to hold the Crimea until the proper logistics trail can be setup, which seems to me to a) unlikely and b) very vulnerable. But you’ve proven me wrong before ;-)

Btw Semi off topic: do you have non-Russian or translated sources on Russia during the Napoleonic wars? You seem to know a great deal about it. I’ve in my mind a Russian TL where they avoid some of the coalition wars and counter Napoleons favorite tactic but I feel woefully underprepared.
 
Would British ships via the sea be able to negate that? Obviously having the supply leave the coastal cities is an issue, but then again that is were it’s needed anyway.



What were those considerations?



Makes sense. So the Hannoveraner alliance basically don’t have anything to offer Russia in territory that they don’t already have / can’t keep anyway. Unless British shipping / supplies allow Russia to hold the Crimea until the proper logistics trail can be setup, which seems to me to a) unlikely and b) very vulnerable. But you’ve proven me wrong before ;-)

Btw Semi off topic: do you have non-Russian or translated sources on Russia during the Napoleonic wars? You seem to know a great deal about it. I’ve in my mind a Russian TL where they avoid some of the coalition wars and counter Napoleons favorite tactic but I feel woefully underprepared.

The British ships would be useless because, to start with, they would have to pass through the Straits against the Ottoman opposition and they failed in that task even in the early XIX. Not to mention that carrying enough supplies for 40 - 50,000 troops would be impossibility in that schema. Plus, as I mentioned, the big problem was tactics. In the early XVIII Russian troops had been operating in the big formations with the supply train and the “beef” placed inside the slowly moving “Munnich squares”. The battle losses were negligible comparing with those from the heat and diseases and operations in these big masses allowed the Crimeans a great freedom of actions. OTOH, in 1771 Russians had been operating in the small square formations allowing to hit many places simultaneously (and to get supply from the land). Plus they were supported by the Azov fleet (absent in 1735 - 39): while smaller than Ottoman’s fleet, it was able to prevent the Ottoman reenforcements from landing in the coastal cities.

Finland - my understanding is that in GNW Peter wanted a peace ASAP (and even agreed to pay Sweden some compensation) and in the later times there were political games with the Swedish parties and Russian influence. Alexander probably had combination of a need to restore prestige lost after Tilsit and finally solve a problem of securing St-Petersburg.

Agree with your conclusions about the Russian goals: there are pretty much none in that TL except for Catherine’s wish to help Duke of Holstein and revenge for the British actions on the Baltic. Seems to be rather unconvincing? Only if one ignores OTL document issued by the Conference (council of ministers) of her daughter regarding the Russian reasons and plans for war against Prussia (7YW). It is extremely vague regarding political goals (boils down to preventing a possibility of the future Prussian influence in the PLC even if it is not spelled out) and, while there are plans to give Silesia to Austria and the Ducal Prussia to the PLC, Russian compensation is formulated in the vague terms: the PLC may agree to give Russia Courland and perhaps some unidentifiable areas on the South which would allow “commerce” on the Black Sea (to which the PLC did not have access). Then, don’t forget that Russian participation in the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Coalitions were mostly “wars of the principle” which could bring nothing or close to nothing (well, there was a Greek island republic under the join Russian-Ottoman protectorate) and the war of 1877 - 78 was advertised as a “war of honor” in which Russia does not look for any acquisitions. So this TL is quite realistic as far as Russian policy is involved. Needless to say that it all hinges on the rule of CI and as soon as she dies policy can be easily reversed, as happened with EI and PIII.

As for the non-Russian sources on 1812, I’d recommend Caulaincourt and Clausewitz.
 
Who represents this Spain that it so desperate? Post Utrecht, remarkable progress was made putting the country back together. Then Farnese (whose influence I think you dismiss too much) wanted to regain the Italian lands and set the country in that direction. She persuaded Philip that all efforts should be made in that regard. It wasn't that A & R conned the royals, it's that the royals chose people who would follow that line of thinking. The ministers they chose were shrewd enough to portray themselves as able to achieve royal aims. Those potential ministers that threw cold waters on the ambitions of Farnese never made it to power.

Spain certainly had cause to bemoan loss of much of its empire, but that didn't create an atmosphere of desperation. Philip was not Spanish, and likely would have accepted the loss. the loss wasn't his, but that of his new country. I think he could have accepted the loss. Farnese, being Italian, was the prime driver. I believe I read somewhere that Alberoni was planning long term, but the crown, meaning Farnese, was impatient and moved up the timetable. It was a pipe dream to think Spain would be ready to take on the world so quick.

That said, I like the TL.

The desperation I talk of is mainly from Farnese whereas the rest of the Spanish court could probably more accurately be described as despairful of the loss of the empire. Perhaps eager and spirited would be a better characterization than desperate.

Aside from the Russian glory hound, who still wants this war?

If I’d be the British, I’d give the Prussians recognition of their gains, so they stay out. Tell the Habsburgers they can keep what they have, between that and the Spanish leaving, they’ll be out too. Then the Russians get Finland, Courland and financial support to oust the Ottomans from the south of Russia/Crimea. That’s better then a third victory.

Quickly forget about the whole thing and rebuild trust and prowess from there.

Thusfar:
Spain - outie
Russia - Menshikov is looking for that third victory
Austria - they have their victories but are looking to exit the war alongside Russia as Austria is realizing just how important Russia's friendship is.
Prussia - they are practically out but this is not the age of Frederick the Great and separate peaces. Frederick William has what he wants but he is not going to straight-up scorn Austria and Russia by outing alone.
Saxony - similar
Hanover - conquered
Denmark - is hopeful that Menshikov will try and find that third battle because they think they can turn it around. If not turn it around then at least give the Russians a bloody nose.
Sweden - they have been trying to exit the whole time, Russia is just saying let us beat you for your lunch money first.
France - they came in wanting to curb Hapsburg power/get back in the good hearts of the Germans. Thus far they have failed and its not obvious how they can change that in the current war so they are not particularly interested in continuing the war.
Britain - the Parliament wants out out out. However, few members are brave enough to propose a peace with the king still abroad fighting. Although the King is not all-powerful, opposing the new king so brazenly could be a career-ender and its typically the politicians who have actual careers who are the most outspoken. So the Parliament is in a bit of a bind. George sorta needs something to happen because his whole self-image has taken a massive blow with him seeing his estranged son celebrated and he himself experiencing failure after failure.

Ow I agree. Just where will they get that victory? Since - or I’ve misinterpreted - none of their allies want to continue, I’d say their prospects are bleak. Maybe in Denmark?
The Vienna camp is also creaking loudly. That may offer opportunity. Denmark is the most likely bet, I agree.

Schleswig is where Menshikov wants that victory. To not look like a glory hound he is ostensibly fighting to secure Charles Frederick's claim to Schleswig, but he really could care less.

Spain is out now, so 60~ thousands French troops can now move. The British also have to have some reason why they gave up Gibraltar and Minorca now. The Russian force occupying Luneberg and Holstein just lost 30~ thousand just from Prussia and Saxony deciding they have what they want. The Austrians have done jack so far, but managed to score a propaganda victory. Considering they only joined due to their alliance with Spain, they could honorable get out now. So basically, the forces that actually want something are Denmark and Britain, as Russia has occupied Hanover and Holstein. When Catherine dies and going home becomes important to the Russian generals, whose going to hold Hanover and Holstein?

The Vienna Camp has definitely done well enough, but most of them are now satisfied or weren't to eager in the first place. However, Britain now has suffered a major loss and has to recoup that somewhere. Denmark is as fine with waiting until an opportunity arises, since just not fighting the Russians has so far gone well for them.

Minorca is still British, I repeat that its still British. Port Mahon is the real British base in the Mediterranean, Gibraltar gets more credit simply because its still British and it survived the Great Siege. Gibraltar is a good naval base but Port Mahon is an excellent naval base, which is why Stanhope wanted to give Gibraltar back to Spain in return for a reconciliation. Gibraltar is nice to have but without a deeper, truer naval base it becomes less important. That's why once the British lost Port Mahon they tried to get Corsica and ultimately got Malta.

All correct, but France may also want to show her army to be worth something after all.
Also, Piedmont is unlikely to be pleased by the uncompensated loss of Sardinia, and while of course they can do little about it by themselves, they might very willing to assist either Britain or France if they think they can gain something from it, "something" likely to be in the form of some piece of Northwestern Italy, better if they can somehow extract a royal title out if it (though they might settle for the indeed strange approach of just elevating what they have to kingdom, something that has very little if any precedent and that Emperor Charles would absolutely dislike - but not dislike as much as actually losing land in a war he has otherwise won, and even cheaply).

About the Savoyards making gains in Northern Italy...

Any updates? This thread can't be dying anytime soon :(

Don't worry, I got you. Busy two weeks at work followed by a week of no wifi and storms.
 
15: Bassignana
15: Bassignana
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Count Claude Florimond de Mercy

As the titanic behemoths of Eugene and Villars eyed each other on the Rhine, as the rising stars of Lacy and Maurice stalked the Hanoverians in northern Germany, as Spain's foreign generals, Montemar and Verboom, sought to make their names, Victor Amadeus and Count de Mercy challenged one another in northern Italy. For most of Europe, Italy was some other theatre. For the Russo-German commanders of Brunswick-Luneburg, Italy was a place for inferior generals, smaller armies, and lesser politics; for Britain and France, Italy warranted only the slightest attention; and for Spain and the Hapsburgs, Italy was at best a secondary front. However, for Victor Amadeus and de Mercy, Italy was the one and only theatre which mattered. There among the mountains and plains of the ancient Romans, both generals felt that they could decide their careers and their country's fates. Despite the importance which the King of Sardinia and Reichsgeneralfeldmarschall placed in Italian warfare, they were both restricted by the fact that their allies and superiors felt differently. In the case of Victor Amadeus, his requests for French armies and British fleets were soundly but politely rejected. In the case of de Mercy, as a consequence of his successful campaign in 1727, the Holy Roman Emperor had stolen one-fourth of his army to reinforce the Rhenish front [1]. Even with these limitations, Victor Amadeus and de Mercy still had a war to fight and to win.

In the eyes of de Mercy, he had been robbed of a triumphant victory in 1727 due to the cowardice of the Sardinians. In 1728, de Mercy was determined to find and secure that triumph to cap off his long and decorated career as he was nearing an age where he knew he would struggle to maintain his brilliance [2]. In de Mercy's mind, the best way to get his victory was to go straight down the highway of Piedmont. Either the Sardinians would have to confront him or he would be outside Turin by end of the campaigning season. On the other side, Victor Amadeus and his army were left battered and humiliated by their retreat. Within the court of Turin, the discontent over and disdain towards the King's failure were palpable, and the ambitious and cold-hearted crown prince seemed to be reveling in his father's more recent fumble. With such a hostile homefront, Victor Amadeus knew that although he could afford to concede some of Piedmont's outer defenses he could not afford to lose someplace of real significance such as Cuneo or Casale. In such a case, Victor Amadeus might not just lose the war but also his throne [3]. As a result of these two perspectives, a true showdown of the two Italian armies was destined before spring even turned into summer.

In line with de Mercy's plan, the Hapsburg campaign began in late May with a march straight towards the town of Novi near Piedmont's outer reaches. Lacking much in the means of defense, the town was overrun with ease by the Hapsburg army. From there de Mercy continued on to Tortona and its citadel. Although Victor Amadeus could have made an effort to defend Tortona he opted not to. Tortona although possessing good fortifications lacked the inherent defensibility and strategic worth to make fighting over it a smart decision. Indeed, Tortona's citadel hardly made up for the fact that the Hapsburgs outnumbered the Sardinians 30000 to 22000, almost 3 to 2. However, Victor Amadeus did elect to leave behind a few hundred soldiers just to slow down the Hapsburg advance. Due to the gigantic disparity between the size of the garrison and the size of besieging force, the town was forced to surrender after ten days of bombardment. However, once the town had fallen the Sardinian soldiers fell back into the citadel and now proved more difficult and irritating for the Hapsburgs. With strong walls and plentiful supplies, the Sardinian garrison refused to surrender and aimed to draw out the siege as long as they could, and for twenty long days, they did. Yet on the twentieth day, the bloodthirsty and impatient de Mercy decided that enough was enough and ordered a full-on assault of the citadel to forcibly put an end to this farce. With thousands of Hapsburg soldiers surging towards and up the walls of the citadel of Tortona, the Sardinian garrison had no choice but to surrender after just over an hour of fighting.

Although Tortona had annoyingly delayed de Mercy it had not changed the strategic situation before him nor his desire to show Victor Amadeus his place. For this purpose, de Mercy sought to conquer the famed fortress of Bassignana, the guard of the highway of the Po and of the city of Alessandria. If Victor Amadeus allowed de Mercy to have the fortress then Alessandria would fall and Casale would be under threat. If Victor Amadeus chose to defend it then de Mercy would have his battle. Looking at the same facts as de Mercy, Victor Amadeus made the same conclusions. In spite of the fact that de Mercy's army still significantly outnumbered his army, Victor Amadeus chose that he would in fact accept de Mercy's challenge and fight him for Bassignana. Victor Amadeus understood the risk he was taking but felt that with Bassignana's formidable fortifications and geography that victory would be attained and the Hapsburgs ejected. In light of Victor Amadeus' new-found mettle, de Mercy slowed his approach towards Bassignana and deployed a screen to prevent any Italian mischief. However, de Mercy's caution was unnecessary as Victor Amadeus was intent on waiting for de Mercy at Bassignana, there they would their showdown. Thus in early-July the Hapsburgs were permitted to reach the environs of Bassignana without any combat outside of a few skirmishes.

Once near Bassignana, de Mercy could see the fortress and its surroundings for himself. Bassignana was situated on a sideways triangle that was guarded along its northern edge by the Po River and its southern edge by the Tanaro River with their confluence forming its eastern vertex. Fortunately for the Hapsburgs, the geography of Bassignana was not unassailable as the Po and Tanaro rivers featured numerous crossings and fording points, and a plain laid to the west of Bassignana. With this geography before him, de Mercy could unravel the complexities of taking Bassignana. Quickly it became clear to de Mercy that to take Bassignana, he needed to control the western plain. There he could cut off and prevent an easy escape of the Sardinian army to Turin. Instead, the Sardinians would be forced to cross the Po or Tanaro and try to maneuver east or south, neither direction would be particularly welcoming for the Sardinians. At the same time, de Mercy recognized that the Sardinians being native defenders would also realize the necessity of the western plain and very well might leave the safety of Bassignana's tall walls to stop de Mercy from taking the plain. So long as de Mercy could effectively cross the river such a scenario could prove very favorable and become the victory that de Mercy lusts for.

On July 21st de Mercy established batteries along the southern bank of the Tanaro to cover the crossing of his army towards the plain. The Sardinians immediately recognized this for what it was and sent some cavalry and infantry to harry this process. These raiders quickly ran back when the Hapsburgs deployed in force to stop them. Meanwhile, the rest of the Sardinian army began the hard work of digging trenches and building cheval de frises for the oncoming battle [4]. Once the Hapsburg artillery was set up, however, the bombardment soon followed and the Sardinian effort was stymied. By the end of the day, both armies had positioned themselves on opposite sides of the bank and the stage for the Battle of Bassignana was set.

On the morning of July 22nd, the two armies began to set their lines but each found itself hampered by the artillery of the other. Ultimately at 10:30 am the battle began in earnest as the Hapsburgs approached the bridge in strength and fierce exchange of gunfire began. De Mercy gradually poured more soldiers into their focal point and Victor Amadeus responded in kind. Finally, as de Mercy felt that Victor Amadeus' focus was well and truly on the bridge, he began to have elements of his left flank ford the river to the west of the bridge. In reply, Victor Amadeus redeployed soldiers from his own left flank to reinforce the attacked right flank. Steadily but bloodily, the Sardinians pushed back the Hapsburg left flank and sensing a potential victory Victor Amadeus unleashed his reserves and the Sardinians began to cross the Tanaro themselves. Now with Victor Amadeus' mind fully occupied with the combat on the bridge and to its west, de Mercy completed his battle plan. Using the fording points revealed by the attempted Sardinian raid the previous night, de Mercy sent his entire right flank and much of his cavalry straight at the weakened left of the Sardinians. In this manner, the Sardinians pushed across the river to the west of the bridge while the Hapsburgs did the same to the east. However, unlike Victor Amadeus, de Mercy still had reserves at his disposable. Ever the reckless risktaker, de Mercy did not use the reserves as most other generals would have [5]. Rather than just deploy these reserves to stabilize his left flank, de Mercy sent all his reserves and himself to his right flank so that he might punch into the Sardinian line and break it. On his left, all de Mercy did was give his subordinate Wirich Philipp von Daun full command and his best wishes. In the succeeding sequence of actions, Daun could not reverse this western tide on his own. However, Daun did manage to hold on long enough for de Mercy's effort to the east to overwhelm and shatter the Sardinian left flank. As Victor Amadeus' right flank scattered, he realized that the battle was very much lost and ordered the retreat. However, the simple realities of the battle meant that this retreat was not close to as organized or good-fashioned as Victor Amadeus hoped for. With the left flank already broken, those Sardinian soldiers struggled to do much more than run. Meanwhile, the Sardinian right flank was caught in a terrible position as it was split between two sides of the Tanaro River and the centre was already retreating. Although the Sardinian commanders among the right flank did their best, they could not prevent the panic that overtook those soldiers fighting on the southside of the Tanaro as the army to their north began to pull back. Amid this localized panic, Daun and de Mercy were able to build upon this victory with many more enemies being captured or killed. Ultimately by 4 pm, the Sardinian army had left the vicinity of Bassignana with only a few troops left within the fortress to defend it.

Looking back at the battle, although de Mercy's skill and daring had seen the Sardinian left flank obliterated the real reason the Hapsburgs had claimed victory was simple mathematics. With a numerical advantage of nearly 8000 men, the Hapsburg army's sections were all considerably stronger than their opposite number. Even though Victor Amadeus had reinforced his right flank and deployed his reserves to his right flank, the Sardinians did not gain the massive advantage one would expect simply because of their initial inferiority. This fact mitigated the pressure Daun was under and allowed him to survive the relentless Sardinian attack. Furthermore, Daun was able to depend on supporting fire from the Hapsburg centre since they outmatched the Sardinian centre and could afford to do so. Without these numbers, de Mercy's reckless and bloodthirsty nature might have been punished and repulsed. However, blame needs to be placed on Victor Amadeus. All Victor Amadeus needed to do was defend Bassignana. By launching a counterattack across the Tanaro, he was going beyond what was necessary and putting his army at risk when it did not need to be so. Additionally, the retreat of the Sardinian army was poorly managed mainly as a result of Victor Amadeus being overly frightened by de Mercy's success in the east. Although the battle was certainly lost at that point had Victor Amadeus been willing to stand his ground for some time then his right flank's escape could have been performed properly. In the end, the Hapsburgs secured a good although bloody victory. For the cost of 2800 men, they had taken 7000 of their foes [6]. In other words, the Hapsburgs had lost under a tenth of their army to take nearly a third of the Sardinian army. On top of the numbers within the battle, the battle also afforded the Hapsburgs a number of gains after the fact. Within a week of the battle, the great fortress fell and Piedmont opened itself up to the Hapsburgs like a flower. By the end of November, Alessandria, Casale, and Asti were all in Hapsburg hands. As a consequence, the Hapsburgs were now in control of a third of Piedmont and in position to threaten either Turin or Cuneo in the following year.

In spite of how good this victory at Bassignana was, going back to the initial point of this chapter it was not celebrated as it should have been. Bassignana had the misfortune of quickly following Munster and Soltau and then being followed by the Spanish landing at Sardinia. The sister battles of Munster and Soltau were obviously grander in scale, significance, and in the minds of Europe's courts. Meanwhile, the Spanish landing at Sardinia was more daring and shocking. This poor timing combined with the natural disclination of European courts towards Italian combat led to de Mercy's victory at Bassignana being lessened and diminished. In contrast to Hordt or Bellhiem which turned nothing into everything. Indeed, in Vienna, although Emperor Joseph was proud to have another victory for the Hapsburg Realm, he did not celebrate it with the same energy and luster as he did with Bellheim. Bellheim was the first Hapsburg victory of the war, was against the ancient Hapsburg enemy in France, and against the acclaimed Villars. Bassignana even though it was bigger, realer, and led to actual territorial gains did receive the same treatment. Overall, Bassignana was just too normal of a battle relative to the rest of the war. Thus even though Eugene of Savoy was writing extreme compliments to de Mercy for his victory, the rest of Europe was not so exciting [7].

[1] In the Italian update, a Meaningless March to Milan, the campaign ended with de Mercy's army being reduced from 40000 men to 30000 men.
[2] Within half a decade de Mercy was almost blind so I imagine he is already having some issues with eyesight and other physical difficulties.
[3] OTL Victor Amadeus abdicated a few years from now and when he tried to return to power he was imprisoned by his son and no one batted an eye. Here there is more discontent and its more obvious which makes Victor Amadeus more cognizant of the fragility of his position.
[4] In this case the cheval de frises are the long bars of wood with wooden stakes attached in the form of x's.
[5] De Mercy's character is that of a risky, reckless, and headfirst general who seeks confrontation and battle.
[6] Much of these Sardinian casualties are from the mop-up of the retreating forces.
[7] To be clear, Bassignana is recognized as a major battle and as a major victory. In Vienna, Joseph loves another victory but he does not treat it like his baby of Bellheim. He celebrates it and calls it another example of Austrian excellence but he does not publicize it as much nor push its narrative as hard as he did Bellheim. In other countries they are obviously more concerned with their own victories or defeats. Spain of course has Sardinia; Russia, Prussia, Britain, and Denmark have Munster; and France sees it as a sign of Savoyard incompetence and looks on with disgust.

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16: Finland's Fall
16: Finland's Fall
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Mikhail Mikhailovich Golitsyn

1727 had seen the Hanoverian Alliance suffer twin reverses against the Russians in Finland, both at sea and on land. At sea, the renowned Royal Navy had been given a bloody nose and a true defeat by Fyodor Apraksin and his crew off of Kymmendale. On land, the well-aged Alexander Menshikov had whipped the young Charles Emil Lewenhaupt at Fredrikshamm. This pair of defeats for Sweden only reinforced the existing opinion in the Riksdag that Sweden had been hasty to throw itself into a war with so many uncertainties. As a consequence, the Swedes spent the end of 1727 and the beginning of 1728 just as they had spent the beginning of the war: trying to talk Russia into a good peace. Since the border had already fallen to the Russians, the Swedes were now more willing to be generous as they offered the Russians a favorable border readjustment to end the war. The Russians, however, were unwilling to make peace just yet or more importantly the Russian, Menshikov, was unwilling to make peace. Even though Menshikov was riding towards Germany for his glory he still wanted a war to be fought at his rear and close to home. As Menshikov understood it, a war all the way in Germany was of little real worth to Russia and if that was the only war being fought he would steadily see his opponents surge in his absence. However, if Menshikov maintained a war only tens of miles away from the capital and against one of Russia's oldest foes, Sweden, then he could at least maintain the illusion of the necessity of the war while he chased after fame and fortune elsewhere. Thus Menshikov instructed the foreign minister, Andrey Osterman, to reject all Swedish peace missions until otherwise instructed, and so Sweden's diplomatic efforts once again failed in the face of Russian hardness.

As Osterman was instructed to deny Sweden's diplomacy, the Russian general in Finland, Mikhail Mikhailovich Golitsyn was commanded to continue onwards and stomp out all the Swedish resistance in his path. Under this simple order, Golitsyn resumed the offensive in June after the weather permitted him to and he had been reinforced to a full 30000 men. Golitsyn's opponent, Lewenhaupt, had also been reinforced but only to meager 14000 men. Unlike the previous year, this year did not feature Lewenhaupt being so bold as to attempt to challenge an army more than twice the size of his [1]. Instead, Lewenhaupt slowly withdrew in the face of Russian superiority. Initially, the Swedish army fell back to its supply depot at Borga while skirmishing with the Russian vanguard. However, once there a quick review of the military base's defenses left Lewenhaupt completely unsatisfied. As a result, Lewenhaupt and his staff elected to continue the flight towards Helsingfors, where they had a greater probability of at least stalling the Russian conquest of Finland [2].

Once the Swedish army finally arrived in Helsingfors they immediately began to prepare themselves for the long siege that would follow. Within a week, the Russians also arrived at Helsingfors and cut all its land connections before beginning to establish their siege lines. Just as the Swedish army had been cowed by its defeat in 1727 so had the Swedish navy. However, while the Swedish under Lewenhaupt was at least willing to try to carry on the war with some dignity and gallantry, the Swedish navy was not so obliged for when Apraksin and the Russian Navy approached the Swedish navy fled with all haste. To be fair to the Swedish navy, they were inferior in numbers and in quality especially with Russia's additions of the Retribution, Kymmendalen, Moonsund, Anna, and Elizaveta [3]. These powerful British-built ships completely outmatched the Swedish ships of the line and when it game to lesser vessels such as galleys and prams Russia had those in abundance. Still, the lack of any effort on the Swedish navy's part was shameful.

Without any actual naval opposition, the Russian navy was given full leeway to sail into the Archipelago Sea to the east of the Aland Islands. Using this position, Apraksin ferried over several troops of Russian soldiers onto the Aland Islands. Over the course of the following week, the Russian men subdued the important island chain gave Russia strategic supremacy in the Gulf of Bothnia, Aland Sea, and the Archipelago Sea. Furthermore, control of the Aland Islands meant that the naval blockade of Helsingfors could be effected and the stranglehold of the Swedish garrison could be completed. Finally, from out of the Aland Islands, Apraksin launched a series of raids on the Swedish coast and even bombarded Stockholm a few times [4]. Russia reigned supreme in the Eastern Baltic.

Cut off from all hope of relief or respect, Lewenhaupt's situation was hopeless. Still, Lewenhaupt knew that his garrison could hold out for some time and that each week that he held on was a week that the Russians could not otherwise spend wasting Finland and threatening Sweden. Therefore, Lewenhaupt resolved to hold on for as long as God might allow him to. Should Lewenhaupt survive till winter there was even chance that the Russians could have to retire towards Borga and defer their siege till the succeeding year. However, Marshal Golitsyn was more than willing to drag the siege through the summer if it meant that he did not have to throw away the lives of his men in a costly assault. Thus through July and August, the siege of Helsingfors prolonged with only the occasion sortie breaking the monotony. Eventually, in September after three months of sustaining heavy bombardment from all sides, the will to fight on any longer among the Swedish defenders had withered away and died off. As far as Lewenhaupt was concerned, three months of Russian time wasted was enough. Without these three months, the Russians almost certainly could not enter into Sweden proper and probably could not finish their conquest of Finland. Hence on September 23rd, 1728 Lewenhaupt offered his conditional surrender to Golitsyn, which Golitsyn accepted. Under these terms, the Swedish army was to be disarmed and imprisoned in Finland [5].

Now that Helsingfors had finally fallen, Golitsyn was able to pivot towards completing the occupation of Finland unhindered. However, Lewenhaupt's plan to delay the Russians had succeeded as they were only able to occupy Southern Finland before the weather made military operations too difficult [6]. Still, the Russian progress over the course of 1728 was immense and the Swedish situation had just grown more direful with each passing month. At this point, to many observers it seemed obvious that the coming year of 1729 would only be filled with more Russian achievements to succeed the likes of Munster. Many expected that under Peter Lacy and Menshikov's command that the Russians would throw the Danes out of Schleswig, and across the sea, Golitsyn and Apraksin would complete the take over of Finland before directly assaulting Sweden itself [7]. Yet these expectations proved wrong for news from Saint Petersburg promised to dramatically change the course of the war [8].

[1] In 1727 at Fredrikshamm, Lewenhaupt attacked more than 20000 Russians with just 10000 Swedes. This year, Lewenhaupt has perhaps learned his lesson.
[2] Helsingfors is modern-day Helsinki.
[3] Respectively these ships are the HMS Britannica, HMS Revenge, HMS Canterbury, HMS Lion, and HMS Southhampton.
[4] Stockholm's naval defenses are not particularly impressive. For this reason, the city was under naval threat repeatedly during the 18th century. It's also one of the reasons that Stockholm was not the main base of the Swedish navy.
[5] OTL when the Swedes surrendered Helsingfors in 1742 they achieved more favorable terms. Here, however, Golitsyn pushes a tougher line and the Swedes decide to fold and accept his terms.
[6] By Southern Finland I don't just mean the Southern Coast, I mean the entire southern two-thirds of Finland.
[7] Obviously, the Danes think they can beat Menshikov as they are more familiar with the harsh terrain of Schleswig than international observers.
[8] Spooky, this is the next update.

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Yet these expectations proved wrong for news from Saint Petersburg promised to dramatically change the course of the war [8].​


[8] Spooky, this is the next update.

Hopefully, you are finally letting CI to rest in peace thus seriously changing the Russian part of equation. OTOH, the changes are not drastic enough to end this thread because letting CI to die, is not taking you completely off the hook (;)):

With PII in and Menshikov is not being physically present to control him, Menshikov is out faster than in OTL (are you going to be more generous to him than his OTL opponents?) and star of Michael Golitsin is on ascent so, if he replaces Menshikov on the Western Front, there is a powerful support in Moscow for the war keep going because military success strengthens position of Golitsin's family. The same goes for the Dolgorukov clan: Vasily Vladimirovich, who in 1726 was made a commander of Caucasus forces also would like to get an extra military glory (in OTL he was made fieldmarshal in 1728 without having serious prior military accomplishments as an independent commander) and from PII's perspective he had a serious bonus point of being an open partisan of his father (for which he was exiled to Solikamsk). If PII appoints Vasiliy Lukich Dolgorukov and Alexey Grigoryevich Dolgorukov into the Supreme Privy Council (in OTL Michael Golitsin and Vasily Vladimirovich also became its members) then, together with pro-Austrian Osterman, you have a powerful block which may be interested in a victorious war even if the initial goal of helping Holstein is not there anymore. With the priorities changing and a need to show some tangible gains, annexation of Finland may become one of the goals of war. What about some gains on the West? Not sure what they could be unless Russia annexes Courland. Then what about Maurice? Can he settle for the "French scenario" of ending up as a very rich (grant of the estates with 10 - 15,000 thousands serfs; an income much greater than one of the Duke of Courland) Russian fieldmarshal?
 
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