Bahia de Todos los Santos: Spanish Colonization of the Mid-Atlantic

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Part 32: War of Independence - 2nd Carolina Campaign

Starting strong for the Comunero cause in 1805 and 1806 the battle for Carolina seemed to take a drastic and dangerous turn for them as Spanish forces counter-attacked with an invasion of Bahia. General Condel de Lucena had blunted Comunero offensives into Cristiana and had gone on the offensive into the northern shores of La Bahia. To the south General de Arco had likewise succeeded in capturing Bahia forcing our Comunero forces.

As spring gave way into blistering Summer Comunero and Royalist fought to end the revolution in Carolina proper. If the Comuneros succeeded then the Spanish would effectively be kicked out of the majority of North America, but if they failed then behind the Sierra Apalchen the Spanish could re-gain control and become impervious to any assaults from Comunero leaders strung out across the Misisipi and Rio Grande.

No sooner had de Arco captured Bahia the fight for the 2nd Carolina campaign was on as now General Enrique Gonzalez Lopez moved his army up from Baja Carolina to Mareas and Senacoma to prevent the Spanish from gaining ground. In the heat waves that rocked the Mid-Atlantic both sides took casualties to sun stroke and outbreaks of mosquito born diseases.

However, for the Comuneros despite losing Bahia they still very much had terrain on their side. Gonzalez organized two offensives against Spanish possessions around Bahia to prevent the Spanish from moving outward. The locally known “Great Dismal Swamp” largely prevented the Spanish from moving men and equipment south into Mareas, hit-and-run raiders from Gonzalez’ forces also saw that patrols that ventured south of Bahia quickly disappeared in the overgrowth and loose soil.

Across La Bahia on the de Ayllon Peninsula between the Rio San Juan and Rio San Leon the Comuneros put up a more traditional fight after Spanish ships crossed La Bahia and Castillio de San Juan was captured after a brutal battle for control. Spanish forces moving up the peninsula however came into stiff opposition from Comunero forces who had created trenches and fortifications to slow down and halt Spanish movement toward Vila Rica, the capital of Senacoma. The so called “Rio Chueco” Campaign was named after the Rio Chueco (Chickahominy) where much of the later fighting between Comunero and Spanish forces would take place, only around 20 miles from Vila Rica. The culminating defeat was the Battle of Federico Colina when Spanish forces crossed the Rio Chueco only to be stopped at Pueblo Federicoand forced to surrender as flood tides prevented crossing of the river.

The actions by General Gonzalez bought valuable time for de Rivilla in the north, in Toledo he had used the winter of 1806-1807 to prepare his soldiers of the Army of the Ohio, training them in weaponry and battle tactics captured from the Spanish until he dubbed them the Republic’s “La Legion”. Satisfied he crossed the Sierra Apalchen in Mid-Summer of 1807, cutting into Cristiana by smashing the garrison set by the Royalists to prevent his passage. This quickly forced de Lucena to end his siege of Rivilla city and march back into Cristiana to deal with the threat posed by Rivilla. The two forces met around the town of Colina Santa (Gettysburg) where Rivilla having reached the town first quickly seized the advantageous positions on the hills and ridges surrounding the town so when de Lucena arrived he was forced to attack Rivilla from a greater position of disadvantage. The Battle of Colina Santa was won by Rivilla, and while it did not destroy de Lucena’s army it is seen as a major strategic win as it forced de Lucena to retreat and he was quickly chased by Rivilla who hounded the Spanish across the province. Almost within sight of Cristiana, Naravez’ vaquero riders forced de Lucena to give battle to Rivilla after hit-and-run attacks slowed down the pace of the Spanish forces. Much more bloody than at Colina Santa despite this the Comuneros won and de Lucena surrendered, with that Cristiana fell to Comunero forces.

The news of de Lucena’s defeat was a shot in the army to the Comuneros. Gonzalez forced de Arco back toward Bahia. Further south, after wrapping up Nuevo Cadiz and Mabila, Alcaldo had crossed south of the Sierra Apalchen into La Florida went on the offensive against San Agustin. Along the Rio Medio Pancho Naravez and Vincente Morales have turned south and west. Crossing the Sonora desert and into California Naravez helps Californian Comuneros take San Miguel. Morales has traveled south along the Pacific to help Mexican rebels take San Sebastian.

With Spanish gains sinking fast, de Arco called for reinforcements to begin a new offensive against the Comuneros. Before Arco could get his reinforcements however, the British stepped in. A combined British and Comunero fleet which included Delgado traveled north from the Bajamas and into La Bahia, cutting off Spanish access as they blockaded Spanish positions. With supplies dwindling and the Comuneros on the offensive, General de Arco surrendered to Gonzalez on November 5th, 1807. This victory for the Comuneros was the last major battle of the war, fighting continued into 1808 but with the capture of San Agustin the Spanish had no major toeholds in Carolina to launch a new offensive.

Events in Europe also moved ahead of Spanish colonial interests. Seeking to bring the Wittelsbachs to heel and purloin their remaining Caribbean possessions the French Republic invaded Spain once more. Spain’s ability to conduct their Reconquista collapsed at this point, Spanish dignitaries quickly asked the United Provinces in Nouevlle Rochelle to mediate a peace as soon as possible so that they could extradite their soldiers back to Europe and re-open American markets.

When news arrived of the Spanish requests for peace talks celebrations erupted across not just Carolina, but the entire Western Hemisphere.

 

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Part 33 – Mexico, Toward Independence.

As Carolina and Mexico would call each other sister-republics moving forward one must look back at Mexico to see how it developed on its own course. Looking at the Kingdom of Mexico within the Viceroyalty of New Spain it would be hard to not notice the stark differences between the people of Carolina and Mexico.

The crown of the Spanish empire in the Americas, Mexico was viewed as far more important in comparison to Carolina. Where as Carolina was mostly viewed as a buffer to British and Dutch interests, Mexico was what the Carolinians protected. Mexico had the wealth of silver and gold that Carolina had lacked and it was an important link on the Manila trade route.

Not only that but the population was much more starkly different. By the time of independence Mexico had a population of five million compared to Carolina’s just over one million. Mexico was by far the majority populated by a different tribes and cultures of indigenous Americans, with a growing mestizo population all ruled by white Europeans. Carolina on the other hand was the opposite, its indigenous population much, much smaller than the European, Mestizo and then African populations that swelled year by year with new arrivals from overseas. The social dynamics between these populations also existed on different levels, the infamous Casta system was well in place in Mexico whereas in Carolina the Casta system had a much, much less hold on the population due to the pragmatism of early Carolinian settlers and righteous crusaders that followed de Montesinos.

Perhaps if the revolts by the elitist conservatives or the martyrdom of the priest Diego had not coincided so quickly with the growing trends of tipping the status quo or wider events in the political circles of Europe the Carolina and Mexico at the beginning of the 19th century would have been bitter rivals. No doubt leading to years of competition and invasion and counter-invasion from both, even if only one of them had achieved independence how would the two have developed? Would it have given rise to political instability as claudillos within either country took advantage of tensions between both states and competition between liberals and conservative political forces? While not always seeing eye to eye the friendly relationship between Carolina and Mexico had been pointed at many times as being why neither country suffered the series of military debacles experienced by their cousins in South America.

It would be the pre-mature revolt of the conservative elites in Mexico City, first the Bourbonistas in 1753 and then in 1798 following the death of Queen Joanna which sparked the first round of the Wars of Spanish American Independence. The leaders of these revolts were primarily the landed elite, though many of the liberal leaders were also elites within Mexican society, the conservatives of Mexico represented a desire to prevent the status quo in Mexico from following Carolina’s example of greater individual rights while keeping heavy-handed government intervention. Liberal elites who gravitated toward breaking the status quo wanted progress, meaning the breaking up of the old-backward power holds of the landed nobility but also those of the indigenous populations.

The Catholic Church would play an important role between the two factions as well as the masses in Mexico and Carolina. The Church feared the liberal push toward breaking their traditional land holdings and so initially aligned with the conservatives, this brought support of the peasant masses to carry out the coup in Mexico City. The martyrdom of Diego de Carolina though had an effect on relations between the local Church and conservatives in Mexico and Carolina as Diego had been killed by a member of the landed elite in Carolina. It made the Church hierarchy pause in their support of the conservatives and open a crack for more liberal, radical minded elements within the Catholic Church in Mexico especially as famine and misrule by the conservative Junta in Mexico City lead to a backlash among the peasantry. Salvador Allende’s “Faith and Good Rule” proclamation gave the Catholic Church a backdoor to work with neutral and moderate members of the liberal factions in Mexico especially as Spanish forces advanced on Mexico City.

Between the events of 1753 and 1798 the conservative elite in Mexico had been decimated by two generations worth of political purges of their members and supporters with Mexico’s social and political hierarchy. This lead to a new wave of liberal-minded leaders to seize power in Mexico just as they had done in revolting areas of Joseana and Carolina. Even prior to the Convention of Roble in 1805 leaders in Mexico had already organized a secret society toward seeing Mexico be free from the rule of Spain, that in the aftermath of the first round of revolts Spanish administrators took large reparations out of Mexico for rebelling not once but twice added fuel to the fire as the famine and lawlessness under the former conservative Junta failed to be fixed under restored Spanish administration.

Still, when the Mexicans revolted for the third and last time within fifty years unity was not whole throughout Mexico, as many communities, particularly Indio ones refused to work with the new liberal assembly that took power in Mexico City. In particular the Yucatan and Guatemala was the site of the fiercest rebellion against Spanish and Mexican authorities and it would take time and blood before it was integrated into Mexico.

As Mexico had been conquered by Spanish and Carolinian forces the presence of Spanish professional armies was much higher than in Carolina but so were sympathetic Carolinian conscripts. Fighting in the interior of Mexico gradually pushed out the elements of Spanish Royalists as assistance from Nueva Extremadura by Comuneros helped the Mexican Comuneros sweep through central Mexico and push the Spanish toward the coastlines on the Pacific and Gulf of Mexico. Much as in Carolina the timely intervention of the British also helped the Mexican rebels as the last Royalist strongholds along the Gulf of Mexico were blockaded by the British.

In Spanish had perhaps been able to crush the revolt in Carolina some wonder if they would have proceeded to re-conquer Mexico. They certainly would have tried to do so but many alternative history writers believe that by 1808 the invasion of Spain by the French Republic would have saved Mexico-perhaps not Carolina however. As mentioned earlier Mexico most likely would have gone through periods of crippling instability as insurrectionist and counter-invasions from Carolina would have rocked the country. Mexico would either have broken apart completely under the stress or become a puppet to the British or other European creditors. Again, the success of revolution in Carolina would greatly help Mexico become a stable republic by the end of the 19th century and along with Carolina an industrial powerhouse for the Americano Industrial Revolution.

 

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Marranos in Carolina

The history of Crypto-Jews or more commonly, Marranos, goes back to the very foundation of Carolina itself. Due to the persecution of the Catholic Monarchs of Spain a significant number of secret Jews or recently converted Jews traveled across the Atlantic to the New World. In the early days of the 16th Century these communities sprang up of course on Cuba and Santo Domingo, the two-principal island-colonies of Spain at the time frame. Hundreds if not thousands of Jews took the opportunity to be on the fringe of Spanish authority to practice their faith in secret. While migration to Spain’s New World colonies was officially restricted those, who made the journey across managed to find ways around the system in place, from impersonation, forged documents, and bribery. The illegal smuggling ring to the New World would be targeted on and off by Spanish secular and inquisition authorities.

The third wave of settlers to Santa Maria in May 1527 contained at least five families of Marranos, de Ayllon and his associates were aware of their presence but with the settlement already bleeding money they were happy to take backers. One of which was the Gonzalo Correa, a tanner and leather maker who helped supply many of the crafted goods that kept early relations with the natives friendly. Beyond the first few early families, immigration to Carolina by Marranos either from Spain or elsewhere in Latin America was tepid at best for many years. Primarily, Marranos moved to Prometeida as farmers. It was only in the mid-17th Century after de Soto’s reign, after the settler populations had begun to move farther inland that a new wave of “Marrano” immigrants moved into Carolina.

This new wave of Jewish immigrants actually did not arrive directly from Spain, in fact they were primarily from the Netherlands. With the end of the Eighty Years War and Nouvelle Rochelle joining the United Provinces Jewish immigrants flocked to Nouvelle Rochelle where they were met fairly cool by the Huguenot settlers. While both were enemies of Catholic monarchs prejudices existed and it would take the social phenomenon of Holland’s social contract of toleration to see the Huguenots and Jews live side by side-especially in the face of the English to the North and Spain to the south. From Nouvelle Rochelle new communities of Jews entered Carolina where they were referred to as “Marranos”. Often as traders and craftsmen many of which were the descendants of Jews who had fled from Spain. However, communities did begin to pop up on the frontier, more often the result of Jewish traders and fur trappers joining Indio communities and forming Marrano-Mestizo villages on the Carolinian frontier.

The Spanish Inquisition was by the large only faintly felt in Carolina for most of its history, maintaining offices in Bahia the Spanish Inquisition was more focused on countering Protestant literature from Nouvelle Rochelle and ensuring orthodoxic practices among the Carolinian secular clergy. However, there were at least several trials relating to the discovery of secret Jews in Carolina which involved punishments from forced baptism to execution.

By the time Carolina secured independence there were several thousand Marranos living in Carolina, the initial Sephardic majority becoming upset with an influx of Ashkenazi Jews from the Netherlands and Central Europe. The Marrano community in Carolina largely fought for independence joining the Comuneros against the persecutions of the Wittelsbach government. Ramon Sid, approached the Convention of Roble with support, helping finance the Convention from contacts in Nouvelle Rochelle and as far east as Persia. The only historical example of a wartime contribution by a purely Marrano force in the war was a part of several skirmishes with Royalists south of Chattanooga, a Marrano-Mestizo community drove out several Royalist holdouts along the Misisipi, the Battle of Fort San Fernando being the last and most notable for being the future site of the capital of Carolina.

 

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Part 35 – The Conference of Caracas and New Independence

With Spanish desires for peace and to extricate itself from what was perhaps one of the greatest military quagmires in world history negotiations between the Spanish Kingdom and the various new states were conducted at various locals. The reason for this was that the Spanish did not want to deal with their wayward colonies as a whole but to hopefully instead gain some advantage from separate negotiations.

For Carolina and Mexico their negotiations were held in Nouvelle Rochelle, for the Central Americans it was in Havana, for the South Americans (including the Granadans, the Venezuelans, Quitoians, Llaneros, Peruvians, Chileans, and Platans) various peace meetings ranged from Sao Salvador (Bahia) to islands on the Greater Antilles or again Havana.

Despite, this a united effort by the various governments of the new Spanish-Americano states did arise in the summer of 1808 in what would be known as “The Conference of Caracas”. The Conference of Caracas was the work of Pan-Unionista efforts across the whole of Spanish America. The Unionistas, a group of proto-nationalist politicians and thinkers influenced by the Age of Enlightenment who prior to the Wars of Independence lobbied for independence from Spain and the total unification of Spanish America. They sought for the total unification of all of the Spanish-Americano peoples into a super state, seeing all Americanos as the evolution of both Indio and European societies (only a few groups acknowledged the contribution of the Africans) and thereto distinct and in some ways superior.

Depending on the faction they varied in how this Union would come about, either as a single kingdom or republic, perhaps a federation, or even just an alliance of nations not unlike a league of nations. The most radical of their number called for the invasion of Spain to be subjugated as a colony.

As could be seen the Unionistas composed of various supporters at all different levels of the new governments and different points of the political spectrum. Alfonso de Santamaria, President of the Roble Convention himself was a Unionista though his views changed through his life, becoming less radical as time went on. The newborn nation states sent several representatives to the Conference, to both explore the possibility of total union and other matters of foreign policy.

The new nations discussed the issue of greater unification or a united front in a main forum but while the representatives met in the common forum often there were side meetings between specific states that ran parallel discussing more local concerns. For Carolina, the focus was largely toward their Caribbean facing cousins (Venezuela, Llarno, Central America and Nuevo Granada). They had already close and common cause with Mexico that such affairs specific between the two nations were discussed in Nuevo Cadiz separately, in Caracas they hoped to look for a united front.

The number one issue of course concerning that Spain still maintained control of not just Cuba but also Puerto Rico in the Caribbean. This posed a military concern for all of the Caribbean nations, it was feared that perhaps in the future once Spain had dealt with France they would use these islands a springboard to attempt another Reconquista. Considering Spanish tenaciousness this was not unbelievable, especially the thought that a 5th column could attempt to invite the Spanish or even one of the more royalist nations would join Spain (Peru being the most cited example, as they had remained staunchly Royalist until the request for peace from Spain when conveniently a ‘local’ Junta had seized power and also declared independence). In the concern of Spain all the nations agreed on a common doctrine, the Caracas Doctrine, that all of them would not stand for not just Spanish but any European intervention in the Americas.

This was all that they agreed upon. Naturally, thoughts moved on toward ‘liberation’ of Cuba and Puerto Rico and of course who would administer these islands. Mexico and Venezuela were the chief proponents of invasion but disagreed on administration-Carolina backed Mexico (the two nations even drawing up a secret agreement that could possibly include the administration of the Cayman Islands and Jamaica should they go wayward) while New Granada backed Venezuela. Central America and Llarno disagreed on any action being taken place or that the islands should govern themselves.

This disunion would lead to none of the involved parties leading an invasion of Cuba or Puerto Rico- at least for the time being. It also highlighted a concern for Mexico and Carolina in the New Granadans. The Central American representative-representing the Republic of Central America- brought to the attention of Mexico and Carolina that the New Granadan representative had made several very assertive inquiries into the future of the states of Central America and was very keen on pitching that they should join with New Granada. This was ill-received by the Carolinian and Mexican representatives and to blunt New Granada pushing north they promised aid to the Central Americans.

This was not a distinct trend to these nations, but very soon would become apparent in negotiations with all of the new Spanish-Americano nations as they jockeyed for dominance and argued over borders or resources. The dream of the Unionistas for a central Spanish-Americano nation would be frustrated by regional rivalries and the birth pangs of these new nations. In the coming century attempts for total unification would be fought for with guns instead of words. While the dream of a unified Spanish-America would be dashed, the Conference of Caracas would still lead for a groundwork of cooperation between the Spanish-Americao states, being a predecessor to the Alliance of American States, a pan-American organization geared toward the mediation and solidarity between not just Spanish-Americano but all nations in the Western Hemisphere.

 

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Part 36: The Second Convention of Roble – 1810

The Interim Government as it is known laid the foundations for the Second Convention long before July 1810. It had been agreed in the original charter that still fighting Spain or not the various Comunero representatives would meet in Roble in 1810 for a second convention to decide the fate of Carolina. Where it may have been to decide to keep fighting or not had the war not stopped, it was to the relief of many that the decision making would be for the future government of an independent republic.

Quite a bit went into the decision making for the Constitution of 1810, not just words and inkwells of course, but manpower and time. Representatives for the new nation hailed from the mountains of the Sierra Apalchen, to the deserts of the Southwest, and even the shores of the Pacific. It would be a continent spanning endeavor to hopefully unite a nation. The bitter infighting already being faced by their more southern republics was already starting to weigh heavy on the Carolinians who wanted to ensure a smooth and stable government. This would be the foundation:

It was agreed upon that at the base level communities would be the foundation of the local government. Therefore, the creation of a “Comuna” or local administration was mandated. It was proposed that a Comuna would consist of just communities with 1000 or more people but this was rejected as the sprawling nature of the nation was debated. As there existed many communities of various sizes spread out (and were spreading out) across wilderness. The Comunas would be elected by popular vote.

From these Comunas then they would elect representatives to the next level of civil government, the Provincia Cortes. These would form from the former governments of the old colonial provinces (and be formed from new ones). With the ratification of the Constitution of 1810 the Republic of Carolina consisted of over twenty different provincias. While the Provincia Cortes was also open to popular election there were more restrictions, early laws putting restrictions on who could join the Provincia Cortes restricting disenfranchised populations. Similar to the Comunas the Provincias which would be headed by Governors would primarily deal with the administration of their territories.

Next up the totem pole would be the Regional Senate. The Regional Senate was the legislature for what would be the Region administrative division within the Republic of Carolina. It was decided that Carolina would need to be split up based on geographic and historical needs in order for the various provinces to work together. The Regions would consist of Oriental Carolina, Joseana, Ohio, Gran Pampas, Nueva Extramadura, Caribe, Occidental Carolina, California, and the capital, Colombia. These divisions would be purely administrative they would lack any kind of legislative authority. Election to the Regional Senate would come from the Cortes General. This was agreed upon because at least three of the regions did not even exist.

Gran Pampas, Occidental Carolina, and the Colombia in particular at the time of the Constitution of 1810 were more territory than anything. The First two consisted of most Indios tribes that mostly did not know or refused the administration of the Carolina Republic. Time and new waves of settlers would be needed to bring these territories into full extent but even by 1810 the representatives of the Convention of Roble were aware of the general geographic features of the western portions of the country even if they did not yet hold de facto sovereignty there. The effect of including these territories may have been more of a message to the Virginians and European powers to shore up Carolina’s own territorial claims on much of the West.

It was agreed in the convention that to fit the nature of the continent spanning republic the capital would be moved westward from Roble and that the administrative region should be to unto itself. It would take time but eventually the Colombia Region would settle along the banks of the Misisipi River on an advantageous bluff (Memphis, TN). The name Colombia itself was a power play by Unionistas within Carolina, as naming the region after Christopher Columbus spoke of ambitions for being the center of all Latin America.

For many years the Cabildos and Audiencia apart of the Viceroyalty of Carolina represented a combination of judicial and legislative power. The representatives to the Second Convention agreed that there needed to be a separation of this legislative and judicial authority to keep both sides impartial (and possibly prevent a provincial secessionist movement). This the Judiciary for Carolina would the Audiencia Court. The legislative powers would go to the Cortes General, the People’s Congress. The Cortes General would have the major legislative power of the republic as well as see to major administrative controls. From the Cortes General the Executive branch for the Republic of Carolina, the Presidente being elected by a majority of the representatives to form a cabinet leading the administrative functions of the Cortes General. The first Presidente of Carolina would actually be Eduardo de Santa Juan, having managed to salvage a political career following his military defeats during the War of Independence.

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You can use the below as a rough estimation on how the Regions will shape up.

Spoiler

 

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Part 37: The Beginnings of a Different Kind of Revolution

For the Spanish Americans the revolution would be in economic terms a double edged sword. On one hand they had finally obtained the rights to free trade but that didn't mean every nation would cooperate in unlimited free trade. With only the infrastructural damage of years of fighting coming in second the foremost blow was the loss of what was the world's largest economic trade zone, the Spanish American colonies despite having limited avenues and had to traverse to certain markets did have open access to each other's colonies. Where before the Spanish mercantilist policies were focused on Non-Spanish powers now the new Spanish-American nations found each other rushing to put in place tariffs and taxes on trade with one another. Financially weakened the new Latin American counties sought to build up their own native industries and pay off the debts they had accrued. Most quickly found out that this was very difficult, and sought the capital they no longer had and create new and diversified economies.

Britain was more than happy to provide this capital rapidly bringing up British influence in the emerging economies to the for. For Carolina dependence on British capital was extremely hesitant, the new United Carolinian Bank one of the first steps the Carolinos took to stabilize their financial market. However, unlike their southern cousins the Carolinos had several advantages that they could call upon. First, including large swathes natural harbors and rivers to conduct trade. Second, a domestic market much larger than perhaps all but Mexico. Third, which would play extremely key in coming years was access to large deposits of coal to fuel the Carolino Industrial Revolution.

This was of particular interest to Presidente Eduardo de Santa Juan. He turned to de Rivilla, elected as Governor of the new Province of Apalchen, to provide the reforms for a future industrial base for Carolina. Their efforts would bear slow fruits through the 19th Century but explode in the later decades as Carolina rose as part of the so called "Steel Revolution" of the Second Industrial Revolution of the 1870s and onward as the importance of coal in new and larger machinery became important. For now in the first decades of the 19th Century Carolina joined other nations with "advancing" on the textile machines of the British. Innovating if not outright stealing British designs to bring them to Carolina where the domestic cotton market of Joseana united with the factories of Oriental Carolina and Ohio.

 

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Los Grandes Lagos

By the time of increased Spanish-American settlement around the Great Lakes the area had already largely been explored or visited by other European explorers. This along with the local connotation for using names of Indio tribes to describe the majority of the lakes largely passed most of the names over to the Spanish lexicon. Lago Ontario, Lago Eriana, and Lago Hurono passing largely unchanged. Likewise the same was for Lago Superior given the closeness of the Spanish and French word for "Upper". The one exception would be Lago Jose, otherwise known as Lake Michigan to the Virginians. Lago Jose was considered to be part of Joseana considering its position north of Joseana and the headwaters of the Misisipi river were not fixed by Spanish colonial officials quite yet by the foundation of Joseana. Thus when looking at Carolinian maps of the lakes Lago Jose is the only one usually depicted with (Lake Michigan) for English and French readers. Most famously in the text of the Treaty of Nouvelle Rochelle following the Misisipi War with Virginia. And despite this Lago Jose would not be considered part of the Joseana Region following independence nevertheless it would lead to the foundation of a Joseana province on the western shore of the lake.

 

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Part 38: Troubled Beginnings and the Misisipi War

The 1810s for the Republic of Carolina would be known colloquially as the “Decade of Troubles” by commentators of the time. This period being characterized by several domestic and one large foreign troubles that disrupted the domestic shape of Carolina. Each one could be chalked up to economic, social, and political factors.

The Panic of 1811 was an economic recession for the Republic of Carolina, and it was by no means constrained to Carolina. The Panic of 1811 which last three years was the result of an economic slowdown following the war of independence from Spain and also a global downshift coming off of the Napoleonic Wars – in particular the Bank of England was a common thread. The Bank of England had invested in many of the new Latin American countries and was facing insolvency from the financial strains of the Post-War period and the recession.

A second recession would occur in 1816 as a part of the Misisipi War as the economic embargo imposed against and from the Republic of Virginia, and the privateering in the Northern Atlantic. This resulted in lagging trade volumes and commodity prices soared as a result. It would be a push for domestic industrialization in Carolina but again these were seeds which would take additional decades to bloom.

There was also a real estate bubble in Carolina which burst, ravenous land claims by Carolino settlers fluctuating in value. Part of the recession was forestalled by Pre-War infrastructure in the Carolino provinces and the relative intact nature of the public roadworks and canals, but this was not the case in many other Latin American countries which had seen longer and harder fighting. Most of the issues were a result of the new Region administrations attempting to unite preexisting and create new organization arms to encourage their new political and economic sub-unions. With settlement pushing westward investment in new infrastructure, especially canals and roads across the Apalchen and along the Misisipi which saw increased economic value as towns and ports developed in the wilderness. This would also play into the increasing industrialization of Carolina, focused on infrastructure it would be during this period that steamboats began to become a common sight across the Carolino rivers.

Indios were also a new issue for the Republican government, as the territorial independence of Carolina had netted it claimed lands from the Atlantic to the Pacific, thousands of miles of unexplored lands which included tens of thousands of native tribes -many which would only hear of the independence of Carolina when government representatives arrived at their campfire or villages. Relations with these tribes varied greatly. The traditional tribes of Carolina, those inhabiting Moyao and Chattanooga had of course the friendliest relations with the Carolina government-having already been integrated into the framework of the new country.

The Seminole in Florida not formally integrated were able to get good terms on joining Carolina. In the west relations with the Pueblo and Zuni tribes were also very adaptive to the changing political situation. The native tribes of the Tongva and Chumash in Southern California were also open and officials out of San Miguel were able to establish favorable land divides. However, many more tribes were evasive if not outright hostile by attempts to the Carolinos to integrate them, resulting in numerous wars with the native tribes.

For the 1810s the two primary wars would include the Ohio War and the 1st Comanchero War. The first was the result of several tribes among the Miami, Sauk, dissident Shawnee, and Illinois which opposed the increasing settlement of the Ohio and Misispi valleys. The war itself was primarily lead by de Rivilla who was Governor of Ohio who continued to pioneer and fine tune his “la Legion” military concept. Taking republic and local soldiers, he lead the Carolinos in cornering the leaders of the dissident tribes and defeating them in battle. Following the war the tribes were either disbanded and forced to integrate with bands and tribes allied to the Carolinos or forced to accept limited land overturns. The 1st Comanchero War extended into the 1820s and was an on-off conflict between Africano settlers moving westward out of Joseana and Mestizo settlers out of the Rio Medio valley. Not so much a war so much as a series of hit and run raids and kidnappings by some Comanchero tribes opposed to the Carolino government it would last until a peace treaty was signed but would flare up again in the 1830s.

It was these instabilities that saw the eruption of the Misisipi War between the Republic of Carolina and Virginia. Virginia was something of the pariah of the Americas by the 1810s, with a friendly British government in Carolina, the Virginian economy saw worse economic damage than Carolina would see as radical policies by the staunchly Puritan government of the Fillmore administration prevented reconciliation with the British government and opening their economic to a great portion of the world market. Historical Anti-Catholic prejudices of the Carolinos also prevented proper integration with the Carolino economic despite the two sharing an absolutely long border. Most of the economic interaction between the two occurred either in the Republic of Nouvelle Rochelle’s ports or on the Great Lakes where smugglers were commonly active. It was cracking down on the Great Lakes black market that would prelude the invasion by the Virginian government.

Prior to the conflict the Carolino-Virginian governments had three major land disputes between each other. The first, was in the east along the Allghenia (Northern Pennsylvania) and Cristiana (Southern Pennsylvania) borders between Virginia and Carolina. This piece of real estate had shifted back and forth between the English and Spanish in the previous century, settlers crossing the border were routinely harassed on both sides. The second dispute was in the Michigan Peninsula, Carolina claimed the peninsula as part of their territory as it was south of the Great Lakes and for the Virginians it was a possible (and future) springboard against the Carolinos. The final dispute was further west, Virginia claimed the 41st parallel as the southern border west of the Great Lakes through settlement of the Green Bay, Carolina claimed their northern border was the 49th parallel above Lago Superior.

These claims would come to ahead as the increasing importance of the Misispi River became evident, as the river was a major highway for people and goods through the center of North America. Whoever controlled or had access to the river would very likely become the preeminent power not just in North America but the Americas if not the globe. Demands by the Virginians to settle the border disputes grew through the early years of the 1810s, growing to encompassing more territory south of the 41st territory and the source waters of the Misisipi river. Carolina officials refused to budge on recognizing any Virginian control of the region, and very soon both powers were constructing forts in the disputed territories around Lago Jose/Lake Michigan. The issue was forced when an attack by Carolino aligned tribes of the Miami (following the Ohio War) attacked trader posts around the Virginian fort of Fort Arlington (roughly Chicago). When pursued by the Virginians soldiers from an opposing Carolino fort prevented the Virginians from following and eventually in argument both sides fired on each other.

War was declared in March of 1816, the Carolino and Virginian governments blaming each other for what would be known as the Arlington Incident. Both sides blocked off trade with one another and soon privateering between independent captains on the Northern Atlantic saw ships flying opposing flags fighting one another, seizing ships and goods and returning to Cristiana or Virginian Avalon. The United Communes of Nouvelle Rochelle (Nouvelle Rochelle having obtained independence from the United Provinces following the Napoleonic War on amicable terms) was in particular caught in a difficult position, as owing to its position of neutrality it did not prevent ships from Carolina or Virginia from visiting its ports-however this policy opened to political conflict as privateers would use Nouvelle Rochelle’s territorial waters to skirt and launch raids on opposing shipping lanes or seek safe haven. The Nouvelle Rochelle navy was particularly overburdened by the large number of disputes until eventually forbidding any captains with a letter of marquis from entering their waters.

De Rivilla having retired from his governor ship in Ohio was elected as the commander of the Carolino Legions, despite his age he was more than willing to take command. That he was intimately familiar with the terrain that much of the fighting would take place in would be a major asset to the Carolinos. With much of the northern Carolino border still heavy with snowfall from that winter, de Rivilla elected to shore up Carolinian defenses around Cristiana and Toledo. He looked westward to Detroit where the Virginian attack would fall, in this he was surprised when instead the Virginian army under General Francis deWitt instead launched an attack further west out of the western shore of Lake Michigan. DeWitt had ported a sizeable force of the Virginian army across the Great Lakes and attacked down the Misisipi River toward Las Colinas (St. Louis) which he managed to take before wheeling his army down the Ohio river just as another Virginian offensive did erupt from the Michigan border.

The Ohio region however was de Rivilia’s backyard, and he was able to defend the Carolinian settlements from attack, stalling deWitt long enough for reinforcements from Joseana to travel north along the Misisipi and cut off deWitt’s supply lines. It was after this phase of the conflict, surprise and the impressive maneuverability of deWitt and the Virginian army became ineffective for the Virginians as the differences between the Carolino and Virginian armies became increasingly apparent. The Carolino army, la Legion, was a professional military force having the advantage in military training and well-developed supply lines and increasingly in numbers. The Virginian army however was one based on militia that were inducted from across Virginia on one hand giving them maneuverability as they could maneuver through heavy wooded terrain and take supplies from the land they passed through but lacking in uniform cohesion and training. On the field of battle de Rivilla or his commanders could grind down the Virginians, taking the field and forcing them back time and time again. By the end of 1817 deWitt’s forces had been ousted from Carolina territory and the Carolinos had gone on the offensive.

Carolino forces swept along either side of Lake Michigan/Lago Jose, a short naval battle on the lake giving the Carolinos superiority to march on Green Bay and Detroit. Meanwhile, further east Carolino forces out of Cristiana had forced the Santa Anna river (Susquehanna), using the Nouvelle Rochelle border to cover their right flank the Carolinos and were advancing fast on the city of Taylor (Scranton). An failed counter-offensive by the Virginians seeking to surround Toledo following an ill prepared amphibious landing was defeated and ended the war effort for the Virginians as the moderate William Carroll was elected to head of the Virginian government and promptly sued for peace. The 1818 Treaty of Nouvelle Rochelle saw the majority of Carolino land claims granted, the Michigan peninsula and all land claims south of the 49th parallel west of Lake Michigan was ceded to Carolina. Further in the east, the border was fixed at the 41st parallel and the 80th meridian, giving Carolina the majority of the Apalchen mountains and plateau. In return the Carolino government paid reparations to the Virginians of the Arlington Incident and gave a payment for the eastern territories.

Though taking the eastern territory would see a short lived insurgency by indignant Virginian settlers who refused to obey the Carolino government the victory of the Misisipi war was important for the future of Carolina. Besides setting the border with Virginia, it gave Carolina what would be undisputed access to the Misisipi river. Native tribes along the Misisipi river would soon bow to the authority of Carolina agreeing to integrate into Carolina. It would also solidify the confidence in the Carolina government of the 1810 Constitution by Carolinos and even new immigrants. With threats in the east dealt with Carolina could look westward across the continent from sea to shining sea.

 

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Aftermath of the Misisipi War

For Carolina the victory in the Misisipi War would bring ups, downs, and assorted events to the forefront of the Carolino people and the new Presidente of Carolina, Nicolas Gonzalez de Rivilla.

Ending his governorship of the Province of Apalchen during the Misisipi War Nicolas Gonzalez successful ran for a senatorial position within the Cortes General and following the closure of the Misisipi War was elected as Presidente in what would be known as the Panic of 1818. The Panic of 1818 was the result of the economic slowdown in North America following the Misisipi War, the economic recession also was combined with the Post-French Republic and Post-Independence doldrums through the world economy. De Rivilla and the Cortes General spent the Panic of 1818 and 1819 working against the economic recession and its effect on the Carolino economy, in particular inflation and mass unemployment. Heavy government intervention was used to provide fiscal safety valves, forgive land debt, and provide economic stimulus to internal infrastructure within Carolina to combat the inflation and unemployment.

A thorny issue would be the integration of formerly Virginian territories into Carolina, particularly large sections of formerly Virginia Apalchen and the Michigan Peninsula. The end of the war prompted an exodus of settlers to Virginia which depleted the manpower of the regions, but also prompted issues as many of those that remained were uncooperative to the Carolino government and Carolino settlers. It is here that the regional governments of Ohio and Carolina Oriental took the reins of bringing the new territories into Carolino compliance. A carrot and stick approach was taken. Regional officials began a process of reaching out to the formerly Virginian settlers, finding most traction with recent Amish and Mennonite immigrants from the Low Regions and the Germanies who had held Virginian citizenship for barely four years. From there the regional governments slowly cracked the resolve of the remaining original English-speaking settlers, allowing them certain privileges ranging from allowing them to take land and bi-lingual language policies. The stick approach was only needed a handful of times, with violent local holdouts being put down by the Carolino Legion. These territories would continue to limp along with marginal economic success until later in the century when the 2nd Industrial Revolution would see the need for coal lead to the creation of a booming mining industry.

As settlers move into the heartland of North America Presidente de Rivilla commissioned a new overland expedition to explore the new territory gained as a result of the Misisipi War. All land south of the 49th Parallel was officially ceded to Carolina by Virginia, but that did not mean others had claims to the vast territory spreading westward. In particular the two rivals that concerned de Rivilla were the British from their outposts in Hudson Bay and the Russians operating from Alaska, both angling to spread their influence into the Pacific North-West threatening Carolino territory across the North American continent and the settlers moving up through California. With expeditions to establish outposts along the Fuca coast (Oregon-Washington) already underway, de Rivilla wanted an overland route that would be eventually followed by Carolino settlers, part of the expedition’s mission was to also deal with Indio tribes they met along the way. Lead by Jose de Haro, the overland expedition crossed the continent, mapping out the course of the Missouri or Oscuro River, over the Sierra Nevada Mountains into the Snake River and finally onto the Suerte River (Columbia River) to the Pacific Ocean.

The final crowning achievement for de Rivilla’s Presidente before his retirement was laying the foundations for the future capital of Carolina, Colombia. Having commissioned the French architect, Pierre L’Enfant, to design the city. Surveying the land along the Misisipi, L’Enfant looked for a section of land which would be well above the flood tides of the river and he found it on bluffs along the coast of Joseana close to an older Spanish fort (Memphis, TN). While he did die before construction on the capital began, the majority of L’Enfant’s notes were passed down to the city planners who took over the project after his death. Land that which was to make Colombia were given up by the regions of Carolina Oriental, Joseana, and Gran Pampas- in particular the provinces of Chattanooga and Marianna; and the settlement of Jerico in Gran Pampas. De Rivilla would spend his two weeks in Presidency in the newly constructed site of the Assembly of the Cortes General in Columbia, Presidente Joaquin del Pozo would be the first sitting Carolino Presidente to take up residence in the so called “Green House”, the residency of all future Carolino Presidents.

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Hmm, what I largely need is ideas to write about! I think my next update will shoot for the Carolino Navy and Anti-Piracy efforts.

 

[Malta]

Founding of the Carolino Navy

With independence came new responsibilities for the Carolino government, in particular the responsibility of thousands of miles of ocean coastline as well as several island chains. Prior to Independence the protection of Carolina shipping had been handled by the Spanish navy from its bases our of Cristiana, Bahia, San Agustin, Miami, and Nuevo Cadiz. During the fight for independence much of this navy had turned its guns on the Carolino Comuneros, the navy that fought for the Convention of Roble largely being made up of privateers operating out of the Bajamas. Without the power of the British navy, naval operations for Carolina would have cost them all of their Caribbean possessions. This concern would be championed by the father of the Carolino Navy, Juan Delgado.

Having a long record as a merchant, privateer, and comunero following victory for the Convention of Roble, Delgado was instated within the administration of Carolina’s navy. Unfortunately, his early lobby for funding to create several frigates for war fell on deaf ears during the early years of the Republic, it was in the years just prior to the Misisipi War that Delgado was able to turn the Cortes General around on the issue. The first two ships were named after ships used by the founding patrons of Carolina to reach Carolina, the C.R.N. Capitana, and C.R.N. San Nicholas. Additional ships were named after the founding patrons, C.R.N. Ayllon, C.R.N. Cavallero, C.R.N. Urruita, and the C.R.N. Rivilla. Additional ships were named after the rivers of the Bahia de Todos los Santos, such as the C.R.N. San Juan, C.R.N. San Leon, C.R.N. San Martin, and the C.R.N. Santa Maria. The C.R.N. Capitana would be Delgado’s flagship throughout his service. Though, the reason for the Cortes’ sudden interest in funding a navy wasn’t so much Delgado’s persuasion but more world events beyond Carolina.

In Europe, the war for Republican France had taken a downturn. Their failed invasion of Spain would be the final straw for the ambitions of the Republican government that sought to install a greater French empire across Europe. During their drive for Madrid the French military was surrounded by British-Austrian forces that had managed to land on the coast of Navarra and Catalonia, defeating the French invasion, the Savoy revolt and invasion of France lead by the Napoleons which contributed to leading to the overthrow of the Republican government and Bourbon Restoration. This lead to an immigrant wave of French republicans to the New World, many going to former French colonies or the newly independent republics. This would lead fuel to the fire of border conflicts between the newly independent states such as the Granadan Expedition, the Venezuelan invasion of the Republic of Llanos, and the Triple War between Granada, Ecuador, and Peru. These conflicts inevitably disrupted trade across the Caribbean Sea and soon saw the privateers who had fought against the Spanish turn to pirates attacking shipping from the newly independence republics and states.

Carolino merchants were no exception to many of the pirates that plagued the Caribbean in the 1800s-1820s. Raids by pirates also occurred directly on Carolino territory, one notable example being the Boca Raid on Santo Domingo. Though Carolino shipping faced problems elsewhere, from the Barbary Pirates in the Mediterranean to the Indo-Pirates of the Far East and even Russian threats along the Pacific Coast. With these numerous threats, Delgado received what he asked for. Eight frigates were constructed in the shipyards of Bahia to be used by the Carolino Navy to policy its shipping lanes and defend its coastlines. While with the authority granted to the new department of the Navy Delgado laid down the first naval bases on continental Carolina at Mabila, San Agustin, and Bahia he would take official residence in Distrito Dominicana, the largest city on Santo Domingo island. From here he could take his war against the Caribbean Pirates which he would do even through the Misisipi War.

Delgado pursued a policy of keeping his fleet of ships together, by keeping them together as one fleet he was able to disperse any pirate ships from the areas that the fleet traveled through. Forcing them to steer clear of specific shipping lanes or run them aground where the Carolino Navy could deal with them.

Though these fleet actions would also lead to several instances of near war, such as the 1823 Mosquito Incident. The Mosquito Incident involved the San Juan, San Leon, Ayllon, and Cavallero pursuing a pirate vessel off the coast of Cuba, the ship being known as Mosquito. When the Carolino ships managed to catch up to the Mosquito the pirate crew abandoned ship and fled toward the shore with Carolino marines hot on their trail. Just when the Carolino marines were returning from shore three Spanish navy vessels sighted the Carolino ships and demanded they stand down, hand over the Carolino marines that had landed on Cuba and leave Spanish Cuban waters. The Carolino commander refused and both fleets shot warning shots at once another. Eventually, the two sides compromised by handing over the Mosquito and its pirate crew to the Spanish before leaving Cuban waters, the incident still sent an uproar in Carolina and Spain with fears of a war breaking out again between the two.

Carolino fleet actions in the Caribbean also earned the on and off trust or ire of the other Latin American nations. It would increasingly be seen throughout the 19th Century that wherever Carolino ships went so did their foreign policy. It was through a direct approach that the Barbary Pirates were defeated and the kidnapping of Carolino sailors were halted. The Carolino navy protected shipping for both Carolina and Mexico in the Atlantic and Pacific. The Carolino Navy helped expand Carolina’s influence into the Pacific Northwest, putting pressure on both hostile tribes of Indios and the aggressive Russian-American Company.

 

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The Vaquero Republics: Republic of Alta America and the Republic of California

As representatives from Carolina and Joseana convened for discussion on how to reform and organize their republic to better address the needs of the people the representatives from further west came to Roble with different designs. In Carolina and Joseana the War of Independence had disrupted and wiped away the old order of social hierarchy in both regions. Likewise, in Mexico the revolutionary politics were mirrored, ousting the land owning class in favor of the lower and middle classes of Central Mexico. The Spanish land holders and their allies suffered the greatest during the conflict and most saw themselves forced to migrate to Spanish Cuba or Puerto Rico. However, the war along the Rio Medio did less to break the old social hierarchy that had thrived prior to Independence, Pancho Naravez himself was a major Hacendado and in the aftermath of the war he and his allies consolidated their holdings throughout Nueva Extradamura. Similarly, further west in California the Vaquero descended ranch owners seized power in the political vacuum after the War of Independence, the distance to Roble allowed for the Californians to act very much on their own, taking San Miguel and the other coastal cities.

In war against Spain the "Nortenos", Carolinos, and Mexicanos had been united by a common enemy but with that enemy removed personal politics began to take the field. Naravez became increasingly wary of the political changes his eastern comrades hoped to foster in united republic of Carolina. Especially, as the considered "radical" politics of the Carolino leaders favored reforms which would continue to put large land owners at a disinterest of middle class which were seeking better enfranchisement. Naravez did not want this, his actions leading up to the Convention of Roble mirrored this as he and his allies railroaded provincial legislation which kept Naravez in charge of Nueva Extramadura as governor. He also entered in special talks with the Mexico over border disputes without consulting the Cortes General. Negotiations with Mexico would eventually result in most of the territory south of the Rio Medio being returned to Mexico City's rule, except for territory north of the Rio Salado. Likewise, the Californians would reach similar agreements ceding territory south of the Central Valley to Mexico in return for recognizing their independence.

When the Nueva Extramaduran and Californian representatives were called for review on their proposals for the territorial administration of the western regions the assembly was shocked by the declaration. The representatives declared that as per the original Convention of Roble if the representatives did not accept the terms for the current convention then they were of no obligation to ratify and accept the proposed constitutional union. Through this the western territories legally claimed their right of sovereignty and dissolved their union with the other territories of the provisional republic of the original convention of Roble.

Tensions flared in Carolina, some argued for taking the territory by force while others wanted them to go on their own. The Unionista factions in particular wanted to bring the western territories back into a united republic. Ultimately, war weariness and a willingess by Great Britain to recognize both republics forced Carolina War Hawks to give up or at least delay their plans. Especially, as tensions with Indios and Virginia flared up in the North-West border regions. However it was not as clean cut, especially in the Trinidad river region between Joseana and Nueva Extremadura's region of Alta Coahuila (Texas). Fighting erupted between primarily Zambo and African settlers from Joseana against Nortenos moving east from Santa Fe (and of course Comanche raiders in between) over the area. Talks between Roble and Santa Fe bogged down for over a year before ultimately the region was granted to Carolina in exchange for dropping claims further north. Tension between the two governments would erupt later on over the Missouri watershed.

Following independence the Californians declared themselves a full republic. Likewise, Nueva Extremadura with Pancho as Presidente, declared themselves to be free from their colonial past. They declared themselves as the Republic of Alta America or North America. To put on a personal view, notably Felipe Naravez the brother of Pancho who lead his Vaquero riders eastward during the revolution refused to return to Santa Fe despite being offered a position as Commander of Alta America's forces. He would remain in his position as Colonel of the Republican Riders, made up of his vaquero riders from the war, the elite unit of La Legion and protectors of government grounds. When he did die he would have his body interned at the Capitol cemetary in Carolina.

 

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Race and Settlement Following Independence.

The War of Independence for Carolina had not been the beginning of the upset for the racial-social order in Colonial Carolina. It had been just the latest event in a long chain of events that had been moving forward since the first colonization of Carolina. Indeed, scholars would look at the racial-social balance in Carolina as moving ‘progressively’ forward when in many cases this has not always been the case, a better analogy would be a zig-zagging path of greater equality for the people of Carolina.

The first step in this was the nature of Spanish colonization was in ways two faced. The Spanish colonists looked as their enforcement of Spanish culture on the local Indio tribes as being paternal and protective. However, in many cases this paternal attitude was a screen to mask actions which included eradication of native culture, Latinization, and enforced servitude of the people. At the same time due to the settler situation in Carolina, a higher male to female ratio, many of the Spanish colonists took wives from among the Indios and as a result a burgeoning Mestizo population developed. This Mestizo population was treated on an equal level as the Criollo and Espanoles which allowed them to inherit land and become leaders of the developing colonial society.

The second great steps for Carolina’s social-racial system began much latter, when Espanoles landowners began to import large numbers of slaves as a part of the 17th and 18th century cash crop booms. Many of the Negros, Zambos (African and Indian parentage), and Mulattos were affected again with horrible treatment and what was considered a ‘paternal’ treatment by Espanoles, Criollos, and Mestizos within Carolina society. The only exception to this was among the border Indio tribes where many were treated as equals. It could be said that as Carolino settlers moved inland the relationship with Indio tribes that had been ‘Latinized’ became friendlier, with the introduction of the Africans this processed seemed to have very gradually been started for them. Throughout Carolina you had a difference of opinions, ranging from believing the Negros could be equals to believing that this would never be true. Perhaps fortunately the belief of “Latinization” did not hold to blood (but culture) was held among the majority of Carolino scholars and leaders.

For the considered “Black” populations of Carolina their struggle for common rights was long and fierce, with widespread individual attempts to make their own place in Carolino society on their own terms. Be it using the law to win their freedom or out right rebellion. The Communero revolts of the 18th Century showed to the Criollo and Mestizo populations of Carolina that the Negros, Zambos, and Mulattos were determined to bleed and die for their equal rights, and for the machismo culture of Carolina this sparked a great amount of respect especially among those in Carolina that held a vague or middle ground opinion toward their status in Carolina. This would begin a shift that would still take a century more to fully fill but it was beginning.

What was occurring prior to the War of Independence was a wide-spread “Americano” viewpoint. The people of Carolina increasingly were looking to other Carolinos or “Americanos” to solve their problems and help in their lives. There was a back lash against the Espanoles population in Carolina as by the 19th century the majority of Espanoles within Carolina were wealthy land-owners who coming from Spain or other Spanish colonies disregarded Carolina’s unique and changing racial-social system. As it would be, this resulted in a massive revolt against the power of the Espanoles within Carolina culminating in their total removal from power. Though to say it was all against the Espanoles would be glossing over true history, as members of the other racial-social castes within Carolina did side with the Pro-Americano or Anti-Americano sides, respectively those fighting to break away from Spain and those who fought to stay with Spain. The reasons were many, either out of loyalty to Spain, their economic position was tied to the Espanoles, their rivals had sided with the Communeros or other personal reasons.

The end result was the total breaking of power by the Espanoles and what could be considered their total ejection from Carolina’s society, though this again would be glossing. Those Espanoles who rejected the new regime left Carolina and mostly migrated to Cuba or Puerto Rico. However, there were two notable groups that stayed in Carolina. The first were the Espanoles upper class who had sided with the Communeros, being landowners or bureaucrats or merchants, they abandoned their self-identification with Spain and adopted Criollo status or even refused either status and declared themselves just “Carolinos”. The second group was made of not only middle to lower class Spaniards but also other Europeans as in their drive to restrain Carolina they had hired mercenaries from other countries and used soldiers on loan from Bavaria. This group defected to Carolina and formed the core of a new settler push through the Ohio Valley but also a sizeable portion of the Carolino Legions.

With the Espanoles removed, the other racial-social castes not only moved in to fill the gap, as it was described by a Carolino poet at the time, “So did all men seek to hold the chains of state but did each one find their hands side by side”. All wanted their own control in the new order of the Republic of Carolina, especially the Negros and Mulattos would not back down to any threat that forced them to become second class citizens or worse. It should also be noted that at this time the racial diversity within Carolina in much of Carolina Orientales was more divided than that of Joseana. Centuries of alternating patterns of settlement had created a mixture of Criollo, Mestizo, Indio, Negro, and Mulatto communities. Joseana having been created from a very slash-and-burn style of plantation settlement was much more homogeneous with a large Negro base and smaller minorities of Indio, Mulattos, and Mestizo settlers. The population of Joseana could have at the time threatened to secede from Carolina and form their own state had the parties at the Convention of Roble not been accommodating.

Though, leading up to the Constitution of Roble was not an easy task as fallout was still widespread throughout the country following the war and every community was trying to see where they fit in the social order. Tensions especially flared when splitting up large estates or pushing new settlements in the Misisipi river valley, instances of rioting and violence flared up and threatened to break the country. Perhaps though it was the secession of California and Alta America that ironically saw the different racial-social groups in Carolina to work together. The news itself was shocking, but that the Vaqueros republics leaned toward tyranny sent a chill through the leaders of the communities in Carolina and Joseana. An outside threat that forced all sides to recognize that they wanted to keep their freedoms and working together was preferable than working against one another. As dramatic as it sounds shortly afterward the constitution was approved with a “Guarantee of Rights” which included measures that all Carolinos despite their race or creed would be considered equals under the law. With these and other guarantees of regional governments and their powers the status of Negros and Mulattos in Carolina was by law considered equal. This was the first steps for a united Latin Americano viewpoint.

Though, equality under law had been gained it would still take time for cultural inequality to dissipate between the groups. Most of which would be fought on the grounds of West of the Misisipi. Following the Misipi War the entire river valley region saw a new period of settlement coming from eastern portions of Carolina. From the Ohio river valley and from Joseana settlers moved, pushing out or absorbing Indios tribes that got in their way. Federal commissioners worked to incorporate the Indio settlements into the framework of the new Provincias that sprang up those that refused eventually met the same fate of many tribes that refused the first wave of Spanish colonists in Carolina.

Settlers from the Ohio River Valley moved north along the Great Lakes meeting interference only from a few Indio tribes and leftover Virginian settlers. With the Misisipi War came a great influx of Virginians, mostly English or Scot-Irish in origin, as Carolina absorbed their settlements. Here was a good-sized minority of non-Latin Americano and their introduction into Carolino society was for the most part forced and bloody. The Carolino Legion was deployed to the Northeast to put down revolts by formerly Virginian settlers who refused the authority of Roble and later Columbia. The Legion also safeguarded Latino Americano settlers and “Los Ingles” who wanted to work with the Carolino government.

Many of the Virginians who wished to work with Carolina were from the Virginian state of “Maryland” and were Catholic themselves, many Marylanders had sought the frontier to practice their faith openly when it became persecuted by the British crown. The racial-social push and pull in Carolina had always involved religion, for the most part the Spanish colonists saw faith to the Church as a sign of culture and equality and so a war against the Native and African gods had commenced on a low scale whenever ‘Latinization’ was involved. Faith in the Catholic Church was strong throughout Carolina but many leaders who had seen the Church’s influence in the other Spanish American wars of independence were wary. Hence a clause for freedom of religion had been included into the Constitution as among the Guarantees. Still, a very Anti-Protestant theme was strong as they were demonized as being everything from lazy to corrupt to greedy.

Further south, many Carolinos from Joseana moved west and south into the Trinidad river region which abutted that of the Vaqueros Republic of Alta America. The tensions here were largely political and would affect greater Carolina further down the road.

Where the two settler movements of Criollo, Mestizo, Indio, Negro, and Mulatto met was in a stretch of the Misisipi from the capitol region of Columbia (centered on Memphis) to a portion of the Misisipi north of the mouth to the Misuri (Missouri) river. Here racial-social clashes became the most violent but also the shortest lived. Here the populations of Carolina met and were thrown into one another. Here blood and tears were shed by all sides. Here the racial-social boundaries between all blurred and would eventually dissolved. Here the government of Carolina would follow a united ethnic policy much like their southern neighbor Mexico to blur and blend the different ethnic groups of Carolina and so the west would be claimed not by individual ethnic groups but by Carolinos.

 

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Stabilization, Politics and Economics for Latin America

Following the period of struggle for independence that the Latin American (and Anglo American) nations fought for the next stage of their development would be characterized by how they stabilized. The period of stabilization refers to each nation settling down into long periods of enduring, largely without political or economic conflicts or disasters. The various nations of the Americas fell on a spectrum of rapid versus slow stabilizations in part due to the circumstances of their colonial status before independence and the circumstances of their struggle to gain independence. For example, it could be said that Peru, Granada, Llanos, and Bolivia fell on the slow stabilization path with Peru being the worst example as it experienced for decades after independence several bouts of civil war between conservative and liberal parties that almost constantly toppled each other’s governments within the country which prevented any sort of economic progress. It would not be until the late 19th century that Peru began to climb out of its pit.

On the other end of the spectrum the countries with the shortest or smoothest paths to stabilization would be Nouvelle Rochelle, Chile, Brazil, Carolina, Virginia, and the Central Republics in that order. These nations very quickly, within twenty years of independence, pull together a political unity and channel this into expanding and diversifying their economic potential. Though these countries achieved this through several different means, not taking the same paths for the most part and in some cases relying on each other to achieve it.

Nouvelle Rochelle: The Beacon of Democracy – The United Communes of Nouvelle Rochelle achieved their stabilization even before many of the other American countries were waging their wars for independence. Having joined the United Provinces following the Eighties Year War the Rochellians had already taken the model of the Low Country’s democracy and affixed it to themselves but with their own American flair in mind. Already by the 18th century Nouvelle Rochelle had become a refuge for not just French Huguenots but also dissenters from across Europe and even in their neighboring colonies. Catholics and Quakers pushed out of Virginia and Carolina formed their own communities in Nouvelle Rochelle. The Rochellians therefore adopted policies towards ethnic and religious tolerance which were also adapted to functioning as a unified government. Their territory was divided into communes and each one sent a set number of delegates to vote in the Generality, their legislature. The Council of State acted as the executive branch of government and a Court of Law was established as their judiciary. Most of this was ironed out even when the Netherlands were overrun by the French, so the Rochellians were already acting on their own behalf by the time they made the split official. Nouvelle Rochelle and the competing Batavian Republic split the trade routes and colonies, drawing Anti-French and Pro-French loyalties during the early stages of the French and then Napoleonic Wars. With the defeat of France it meant the victory for Nouvelle Rochelle which became a major center of trade for not only North America but also much of the Atlantic. With the example of Nouvelle Rochelle their neighboring countries would incorporate many of the constitutional aspects into their own constitutions which helped many become a success.

Carolina: From Periphery to Metropole – The Republic of Carolina followed closely in the example of Nouvelle Rochelle in that it adopted very quickly an inclusive constitution. For Carolina this was extremely important as the nation itself was not only much larger than Nouvelle Rochelle but also consisted of many more groups of people who had much to win or lose on their nation’s success. Following the end of their struggle for independence the loose alliance of provinces and rebel leaders that made up the rebelling Comuneros nearly completely split into three competing nation-states. The creole dominated Carolina and Bravos; and the black dominated Joseana. While Bravo split off, a blow to the new nation’s territorial integrity if perhaps a savior for its political stability, Joseana in the end decided to stay with the Republic. This is largely thanks to the efforts of politicians from both sides to see unity but also taking a few books from Nouvelle Rochelle form a constitution which balanced out government authority, granting powers to the administrative regions but also special powers to the executive branch of the government. This appeased both conservatives and liberals within the country which helped in turn damper down fears of ethnic and religious violence and tyranny.

Leading up to the 19th century under Spanish rule the territories that consisted of the Republic of Carolina were periphery, they were the outer edges of the Spanish Empire and did not have the same amount of economic importance as their silver producing colonies of Mexico and Peru. It would be a good thing that the Silver Curse that would see Peru and Mexico become afflicted with economic woes passed Carolina over, as this allowed the Spanish colony to develop and diversify its economic attributes. Achieving their political stabilization thus Carolina was able to quickly connect to the global trade, having Nouvelle Rochelle again next door helped greatly, but also challenge British dominance and become the center of industry for the Americas.

Virginia: The Lone Anglo – Despite the Puritanical nature of the early Virginians as time went on this tendency slowly became milder as time went on. With immigration from Europe outside of England proper it would eventually see the overarching reach of the churches within Virginia become separated from their direct power over government. Wishing to not follow the example of the British the Virginians set out to create a republic that would be a shining city on a hill for the world. Fortunately, the democratic traditions of the English would win out as Virginia transitioned from a colony to a fairly stable Republic as influenced by their Protestant cousins in Nouvelle Rochelle the Virginians would enshrine a constitution which gave autonomy to the states but provided power to a central government. The defeat during the Misisipi War was a set back for the nation, as the bitter pill of loss saw the long time ruling Whig Party split apart leading to restructuring of the political party landscape and also ferocious shoring up of their remaining territory. This would be the start of the so called “Indian Wars” as Virginian military and paramilitary campaigns thrust westward.

The Central Republics: A Rock and a Hard Place – Rather than stabilizing so quickly out of political tradition the Central Republics of Central America did so out of necessity. Wedged between Mexico and Granada the conservative and liberal parties within the newly independent states of the region decided to follow the example of the Swiss and look to common defense over political disunity. Thus the Central Americanos were able to form a decentralized confederation. However, due to their geographic isolation this would see their economic stabilization take some time and would be one of many Latin American countries which would fall into the British sphere of investment and influence prior to the rise of Carolina.

Mexico: The Oldest Son – The Mexican Federal States fell toward the middle of the short-long spectrum of stabilization. The wars of independence for Mexico left it devastated and at the same time free. Following failed rebellion after failed rebellion against Spain followed by a successful one Mexico was changed over the course of a century. Who knows how events may have turned if the elite landowners within Mexico had not been sapped by their failed rebellions and finally ousted by a revolution from the poor and middle class members of Mexican society? Of all of the new American nations it was Mexico bar Haiti which saw the complete removal of its former socio-economic society and the turn over of a new one. New Communes were formed from one end of Mexico to the other as the farmers, artisans, and workers split up the old holdings of the landed elite and turned them over to either private ownership of community co-ops. This left the nation of shakey grounds, and had it not been for the commitment of its neighbors to peace it is possible the nation itself could have become grounded in decades of civil war. In many ways for Mexico their stabilization resulted of a yearly flip of the coin. Perhaps the greatest factor was the cooperation of the Catholic Church, the revolutionaries in many ways were the common people and could not be called ‘Liberal’ as typically defined the group in other parts of Latin America as they did not want to pursue what could be called ‘secular’ policies such as completely separating from the Church but they did want free speech, a right to assemble, and to end the debtor prisons which plagued the lower classes. Mexico would re-write its constitution three times, but each time was completed through a democratic process and did not have the win-or-lose-all brinkmanship that characterized conflicts elsewhere.

Still, the reality was devastation and it would take time for Mexico to expand its economic stability. It would take money from the British to stabilize itself but fortunately Carolina would step in later in the century to prevent the British from taking bloody steps to get a return on their investments.

Brazil: Empire of the South – Brazil was one of the countries which achieved their short-term stability through rather conservative and imperial means. Unlike many of their neighbors there was for independence was not only short, but they were also able to rally around the personage of their monarch, Pedro I. Along with the size and economic variety of the country it allowed them to very quickly stabilize and become a prominent continental power in the 19th century. However, Brazil’s political stability was only on a government scale, at the lower scale the country constantly was mired in social and local revolts. The most common of these were the Indio and Slave revolts, as they resisted their enslavement by plantation owners. The second was outright secessionist revolts, in the north and south groups that chaffed under the taxes levied on them by the Brazilian government sought to breakaway from Brazil and plagued the government throughout the 19th century, the Uruguay and Riograndese Republics only being able to succeed.

Those countries which stabilized the quickest would find themselves at the forefront of resisting the next phase of attempts by the Europeans to again control the former colonies.

 

[Malta]

República Norteamericanas Unidas

The Collapse of Bravo

Nueva Extremadura, Bravo and the Alta Americana were all names for the region that was referred to by many in the United North as “El Arido Medio” or “The Dry Middle”. A play also on the Rio Medio which was a center of trade and agriculture. The Dry Medio had always been the borderlands or the edge of what was Hispanic America, wedged against the mountains of the west, the great llanos that gave way to the woodland of the east, and the semi-arid hills and tropical regions of central Mexico. Unlike its cousins to the south and east the Medio had been perhaps the least developed of Spain’s colonies in North America. The trickle of Hispanic settlers that had entered the region were always linked to either the series of monastic church-forts and military outposts that were established by the viceroys that governed from far away holdings. Despite facing numerous threats from repeated violence committed to and received from the Indios of the Medio the settlers developed the area and tied its people to the greater Spanish empire that had stretched across the vast majority of the Western Hemisphere.

With given more freedom Spanish settlers accumulated vast tracts of arid land which they transformed into large ranches, the few urban centers along the Rio Medio became centers for manufacturing and artistry for the entire region. Indios such as the Pueblo who revolted against Spanish rule all too often found that despite their desire for independence from Spanish tax collectors found that they had been caught in the web of trade and culture that had united the Americas under Spanish rule. After chasing away Spanish settlers they would feel the crunch of materialistic desire as very suddenly they did not have the Spanish goods that had transformed their societies, and all too often made peace with the Spanish soon after.

When Pancho Naravez came into power in Santa Fe much of society in the region continued as normal, Nueva Extremadura was no more and instead Pancho declared an “Alta Americana” that would rule the west of continent, though this was to be a dream as even people in his own administration often referred to their Republic as “Bravo” or “Medio”. The Peninsular were kicked out of power and much of their land taken. What had changed however was the economic system that had started with the Hapsburgs and been reformed by the Wittelsbach had been shattered, the previous system of open markets between Spanish ports had been replaced with a series of independent markets that while now open to non-Spanish trade were often enough blocked by tariffs and operating on different exchange systems. This was further complicated by wars and power struggles within each of the individual nations as power groups sought to gain control. Bravo was perhaps fortunate that in its closest neighbors, the United Republic of North America (URNA) and the Mexican Federal States, both remained relatively stable following their struggles of independence-while more devastating for Mexico throughout much of its struggle-this was flip sided by the fact that both countries had very cool relations to Pancho’s government.

Whereas the United Republic and the Mexican Federales had both come out of their wars for independence with representative republican governments, Bravo was nothing more than a Vaquero Republic-Pancho was a strong man who ruled by twisting popular opinion and the use of his loyal army of retainers. As such Pancho was not shy to blame ongoing problems within his country on outsiders from either of his neighbors. When the Comanche and Ute began to raid border ranches and tribal lands of the Navajo and Apache who had aligned with Pancho he was quick to blame it on ‘those land hungry Nortenos’ rather than that with the disrupted trade network Bravo was importing much less goods from abroad as such the supplies of goods that the Comanche and Ute had enjoyed trading for had disappeared leading to more direct attempts to take said goods.

Despite these growing tensions and the tightening of belts across Bravo Naravez was able to have an efficient reign over territory that stretched from the Gulf to the Pacific, and he was fairly popular as he had the charisma and knowledge on how to play the various interest groups within his country. The only notable defeat he faced during his tenure as Jefe was the secession of the California Republic, but he was able to play it off as a mutually beneficial affair. Even if he had needed California geography would have been very much against his attempt to reclaim it and he was happy to let it go so long as he could spin it off well for himself.

With his death in 1822 the façade of his dream of an Alta Americana shattered quite spectacularly. Had he died of the heart attack in a private setting such as his own villa his direct subordinate, Joaquin Palau, may have been able to hide it long enough to secure his own succession from his rivals and other interest groups in the country. That Pancho had died in full view of Santa Fe during celebrations of Good Friday when he had collapsed on his viewing stand would not be in Palau’s favor. As news spread from the city there was already fighting as Palau panicked and attempted to arrest several of his rivals that had been in the city for the celebration-this turned into an open violence as the soldiers sent out came under fire from their counter-parts. Within days the drama had spiraled out of control as Indios tribes rose up to assert their authority, rival ranchers raided one another to strong arm their support, and even Pancho’s villa had been attacked and assailants made off with his son.

It was geography that prevented the affair from ending quickly at all. The region was large and thinly populated except along the Rio Medio and while the news took time to spread the factions that emerged were isolated enough from each other to prepare their own strongholds of support before expanding. Navajo leaders expanded into Hopi territory, different Apache tribes attacked each other or ranchers that had encroached on their lands. Small towns took land from their neighbors. The larger rancher factions gathered their supporters. Bandits and Comanche went where they wanted to largely unopposed. It was a bonfire of a hundred small fires that together blazed bright enough to burn Bravo to the ground, metaphorically speaking.

Reaction from the United Republic and the Mexican Federales fortunately were much more united than the situation in Bravo. One man in the United Republic had waited for the inevitable death of Pancho to happen and he was very quick to act, he was Felipe Naravez, Pancho’s younger brother. Felipe who had split with his brother over Pancho’s authoritarian mindset had continued to gain prominence in the Republican Riders – the cavalry wing of the Republic’s Legion – becoming the lieutenant general for the Legion. Felipe despite having settled in the United Republic’s capital of Colombia was determined to counter any expansionist aims of his brother and as such had advised on construction of series of forts along the Trinidad river (Trinity River, Texas) that had become the center for settlement primarily from Joseana. As soon as news reached him he had already begun to mobilize a vanguard force south to the border.

While he had made it clear he was ready to ride into Bravo at a moment’s notice he was not alone, diplomatic contingencies between the Nortenos and Mexicanos were already falling into place. Given Pancho’s rabble rousing politicians from both countries had signed a secret treaty where if it seemed that Pancho would be a threat to their security they would act together against him. With violence erupting in Bravo and threatening to spill over it appeared that despite Pancho’s death there was still a threat to both nations. In this treaty they agreed to enact allied military action which would see Bravo split between the two nations, Bravo territory south of the 37th parallel would be granted to Mexico while everything north of it would be given to the United Republic. This would give Mexico the old city of Santa Fe while at the same time making provisions for ample territory around the Trinidad river for the United Republic.

Thus, when Felipe began his Rio Medio campaign by attacking the port city of Villa del Refugio it was with assistance from Mexicano gunboats that broke the port’s defenses. Replaying in reverse his original campaign to free the region from Spanish rule Felipe lead the Mexicano-Norteno contingent to sweep up the river and bring down the opposing factions all the way to Santa Fe. During the course he would also free his nephew from captivity and participate in a Lepan Apache festival that would see his forces bolstered by the Apache and begin negotiations for a post-war relationship with the Mexican Federales.

With the end to Alta Americana the drive into the western heartland of North America would begin and settlers from the United Republic would not be alone in fighting for it.

 

[Malta]

*Inspired from a recent map created by B_Munro which featured a potential future for the TL. Granted I have planned for Mexico and the Norteamericanos to unite in a Federation at somepoint...

Republica Norteamericanas Unidas: The Two-State System

One of the first major hurdles of the federal government or “Unidades” as the popular term came to be called for the unity government (much like how the Mexicano people called their central government the “Federales”) was the fact that the administration between Carolina and Joseana were by the large acting separate from each other. The Guarantees had established for every Norteamericano equal rights under the Unity Government which would not allow bias based on race or origin, but on the ground the facts were that representatives from both regions were still very wary of losing their power and interest to the other. The regional framework had established much of the Post-Independence and Post-Misipi War republic as under affiliated administration between the two. Which as one can imagine was gradually leading to increased head butting (so to speak) over resources that would favor citizens of their respective regions - again coming to head with the annexation of much of Bravo. This would also include important government posts in the Unity Government itself, with the first elections the members of the Unity Government faced constant criticism on appointments.

Given the racial makeup of Carolina and Joseana favoring European-descendent vs African descendent people this was also an important dimension as groups that were not as favorable to the Unity Government took this as a race card to further criticize.

The decision to move the capital to Colombia on the Misipi was one of the first steps by Unidades to bridge the gap between Carolina and Joseana, as a shared and new capital would lead away from the thoughts of total domination by the Carolinos - it also made practical sense as the republic looked to expand into its newly won territories in the heart of the North American continent. The city’s planner was a Spanish immigrant Juan Pablo Vera (for which Vera Plaza is the namesake for), who was influenced by ongoing French renaissance in city planning and architectural design which meant that Colombia would be one of the first cities in the republic not designed off of the age old “Spanish Template” or plaza system. Vera imagined for the city to be thoroughfare of traffic for which “All roads would lead to the city...like ancient Rome before…” and also chiefly pushed the layout for the Assembly Building for the legislature making sure that it was placed on the highest point of the city - a legacy that still stands to modern day.

It would be the delegate Lucian Indiano who would lead important legislation which would put in more practical power sharing between the two regions. The Two-To-One-State Committees as they would be known was the creation of several Unity Government bodies made of an equal number of representatives from Carolina and Joseana, the split in these committees made it mandatory for those who sat on them to come to compromise and go around any regional thinking when it came to decision making. Keyly most of the committees oversaw the settlement of the Ohio River Valley and the course of the Missouri River Valley as both regions were becoming increasingly targeted for settlement. Many of the committees oversaw the approval of land grants and the structure of local governments that would be formed eventually leading to state governments. Gradually these committees were designed to lose their power overtime as their original scope of governance became obsolete as representatives from the newly settled territories were elected and sent to Colombia.

It was the organic growth of the third region in the republic, Los Llanos, that saw the original sharing of power balance break but by the time the last of the Two-State committees had been quietly disbanded much of the regional divide - at least in the Unity Government - had been eliminated as the combination of a unified government and increasing developments in trade and travel. Along with a friendly sort of derision for those “cornfield upstarts” in Los Llanos.

---------------

California Confederacy

With the collapse of Bravo in 1822 the Dry Middle was quickly divided between the Norteamericanos and the Mexicanos - a fate that many predicted would be shared by the Californios further west on the edge of the Pacific.

California, like much of Bravo, had been initially founded through the Spanish Method of Colonization, first the establishment of Church run settlements that would convert the local Indios (and make use of their labor) followed by the gradual parcelment of the territory to wealthy landowners who made their wealth through mining and cattle raising. San Michel being the principal center of government and trade but gradually the center of the territory would shift north into the California Valley itself. The initially established Republic ceded San Michel to Mexico for independence, but unlike Bravo no central charismatic figure would emerge to run roughshod over the entire territory. Instead an oligarchy of sorts was established in a power sharing move which would see the territory reorganized as a Confederacy whose administrative lines unsurprisingly would be molded around certain land holding families.

The Unity Fever that had seen Bravo gobbled up had waned in Mexico and the Union as both nations settled down into governing their territories the headaches that came with the region quickly grew. Negotiating with established local government and magnates, dealing with Indios who would recognize them and fight with those who did not, building new infrastructure and fact finding the worth of natural resources and so forth. While much of North and Eastern Bravo would be integrated into the Norteamericano region of Los Llanos the desert and mountain regions would continue to be governed through direct Unidades oversight for some time. This would give the Californians valuable breathing space to establish themselves.

What contributed to the fateful stalling over the annexation of California was the debate itself. It was debated back and forth in Colombia if the Confederacy should be annexed peacefully or by force which split even the die-hards who still envisioned a single Hispanic Federation that encompassed the entire Western Hemisphere. Of course there were also those who did not wish to annex the territory on principal or over more practical concerns over governance. Of course many viewed any such measure should be discussed with the Mexicano Federales as trying to annex the territory without their approval could lead to war (Debate in that country also similarly being muddled). There was also the Virginian threat with many convinced that should the Norteamericanos over stretch themselves the Virginians would sail down the river with a vengeance.

As the debate stretched into the 1830s developments were also changing within the Union and abroad across the Atlantic. The alliance with Great Britain had been seen as very beneficial to securing their original independence but increasingly there were voices wary of the British as they exerted economic influence throughout Latin American. Indeed British banking interests seem to have been at the forefront of investment and loans throughout the newly independent countries of Latin America which of course lead to influencing of domestic affairs, such as the focus of one national product over the negligence of others. The Free Trade that many of these countries had yearned for during their years of being yoked to Spain was coming back to haunt them in the spectre of a new form of European colonialism.

The introduction of economic policies such as tariffs and a national bank was a hard fought battle in the Union itself as interests that favored open trade fought back. Gradually the two sides each got their own way, leading to a mixed economic policy which stood up to rampant foreign investment while encouraging a stronger and diversified domestic economy. However during the course of this fight the opinion on Great Britain gradually soured, likewise across the ocean when the Union would not become an easy economic puppet. This would all eventually lead to the British looking to what could be a buffer to the Union: California.

British diplomats approached the Confederacy which eventually agreed to a series of ‘mutual’ treaties giving the British greater economic sway in the country while also helping to secure British support in the event of any attempted annexation by the Union and Mexico.