I didnt interpret that if you were wondering. I just felt I should share that there are musicians who go on to do it for a really long time.
Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)
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Ross Geller was an American Serial Killer who murdered over 20 confirmed individuals in a 10 year period between 1994-2004. Nicknamed the "Dinosaur Killer" by the media, due to the small dinosaur toys he left with each victim, Geller terrorized New York City over the 90s and 2000s, and is regarded as one of America's most famous serial killers.
Geller's killings were seemingly sparked by his reunion with a teenage infatuation of his, Rachel Green, in 1994, the same year his wife Carol Simmons divorced him. His inability to maintain a relationship either with Carol or Rachel served as an emotional catalyst for Ross to conduct his first murder spree. He would send multiple letter's to the newspapers under the alias Marcel, stating "You cannot catch, me, I have Unagi".
The killings subsumed around late 1997, the same time Geller met and quickly became engaged to Emily Waltham. The two eventually married but divorced in 1999. The same year, Geller's superior in the New York Museum of Natural History, David Ledbetter ate one of his sandwiches, and the event, coupled with the divorce, triggered another killing spree, one which included Dr. Ledbetter himself.
In 2003, Geller's girlfriend, Charlie Wheeler broke up with him to reunite with her former lover, Nobel Prize winner Benjamin Hobart. The couple were believed to have eloped after their reunion, however authorities highly suspect that Geller had both killed in response.
In 2004 Geller got back together with Rachel Greene. The following year his friend, actor Joey Tribianni, himself an old flame of Rachel's, went missing. Geller claimed that Tribianni had gone to L.A. to pursue a career on Hollywood, but the actor was never seen again. Geller was eventually arrested for the murder of Tribianni and 4 other killings.
In prison, Geller proclaimed that he was driven to kill by a force that made him superhuman he called "Unagi". Geller was found guilty of 5 murders and executed January 24, 2007.
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I guess that New York never abolished the death penalty in that universe that infobox is set in.
Kick
Sounds like a lot of excuses to avoid admitting you fell for an onion video.
Never saw the video. Could care less about the video.
Clearly no one in this thread will be happy until someone gets tossed.
Who am I to stand in the way of popular desires?
See ya' in 7.
A New Order: Part 1
The first term of Franklin Roosevelt saw an energetic response to the Great Depression, and the creation of many new programs and federal agencies. However, it also saw setbacks. The most dramatic of these was "Black Monday" in 1935, which saw the Supreme Court strike down a series of New Deal acts in one day. Shortly thereafter, Roosevelt gave his response: a proposal to expand the court, under the flimsy pretext of reducing its workload, with the goal of packing it with New Deal supporters. The plan generated instant blowback, including from former supporters of Roosevelt, such as the progressive populist from Montana, Burton K. Wheeler. For this reason, when the colorful governor of Louisiana proposed a third-party campaign to unite populist and left-wing critics of the New Deal, Wheeler accepted. The Commonwealth Party, based on Long's Share the Wealth platform, held its convention in Minneapolis, hosting a series of fiery speeches from anti-FDR demagogues who accused him of being in league with Big Business and seeking to consolidate power like a dictator. The Republicans also hoped to benefit from Roosevelt's court-packing controversy and seemed likely to nominate the moderate Alf Landon at their own convention. However, the conservative elites of the party could not stomach his support for the New Deal, and put together a last-minute Stop Landon movement, instead pushing through the nomination of Arthur Vandenberg, a staunch fiscal conservative. This divided the party from the get-go, alienating many rural Republicans out west. Vandenberg would prove to alienate isolationists as well, who remembered his support for the World Court, while moderates were put off by his attacks against New Deal programs. Roosevelt, for his part, hoped to make the election a referendum on the New Deal and his court-packing plan, to gain a mandate to defy his conservative critics. He attacked both opponents as puppets, Vandenberg of corporate capitalists and Wheeler of the corrupt Long machine in Louisiana. With the election split 3 ways, many commentators predicted a tight result as the race came to a close, but it was not to be. With the opposition divided, Roosevelt won reelection in a landslide, with organized labor playing a major role in bringing out voters, while many moderate Republicans chose to their ballots for the man leading the nation out of economic misery, in spite of their misgivings. The Commonwealth Party had a strong showing among rural voters, managing to push the Grand Old Party into 3rd place for the first time since 1912 and establishing themselves as a political force that would have to be reckoned with in 1940. In the meantime, Roosevelt had won a mandate for his court reform scheme and would appoint 6 new judges over the course of his term.
The first term of Franklin Roosevelt saw an energetic response to the Great Depression, and the creation of many new programs and federal agencies. However, it also saw setbacks. The most dramatic of these was "Black Monday" in 1935, which saw the Supreme Court strike down a series of New Deal acts in one day. Shortly thereafter, Roosevelt gave his response: a proposal to expand the court, under the flimsy pretext of reducing its workload, with the goal of packing it with New Deal supporters. The plan generated instant blowback, including from former supporters of Roosevelt, such as the progressive populist from Montana, Burton K. Wheeler. For this reason, when the colorful governor of Louisiana proposed a third-party campaign to unite populist and left-wing critics of the New Deal, Wheeler accepted. The Commonwealth Party, based on Long's Share the Wealth platform, held its convention in Minneapolis, hosting a series of fiery speeches from anti-FDR demagogues who accused him of being in league with Big Business and seeking to consolidate power like a dictator. The Republicans also hoped to benefit from Roosevelt's court-packing controversy and seemed likely to nominate the moderate Alf Landon at their own convention. However, the conservative elites of the party could not stomach his support for the New Deal, and put together a last-minute Stop Landon movement, instead pushing through the nomination of Arthur Vandenberg, a staunch fiscal conservative. This divided the party from the get-go, alienating many rural Republicans out west. Vandenberg would prove to alienate isolationists as well, who remembered his support for the World Court, while moderates were put off by his attacks against New Deal programs. Roosevelt, for his part, hoped to make the election a referendum on the New Deal and his court-packing plan, to gain a mandate to defy his conservative critics. He attacked both opponents as puppets, Vandenberg of corporate capitalists and Wheeler of the corrupt Long machine in Louisiana. With the election split 3 ways, many commentators predicted a tight result as the race came to a close, but it was not to be. With the opposition divided, Roosevelt won reelection in a landslide, with organized labor playing a major role in bringing out voters, while many moderate Republicans chose to their ballots for the man leading the nation out of economic misery, in spite of their misgivings. The Commonwealth Party had a strong showing among rural voters, managing to push the Grand Old Party into 3rd place for the first time since 1912 and establishing themselves as a political force that would have to be reckoned with in 1940. In the meantime, Roosevelt had won a mandate for his court reform scheme and would appoint 6 new judges over the course of his term.
Nah if anything I think people in the thread would be more than happy if you just admitted you're wrong but considering that's a thing you seem incapable of doing I guess that's not an option.
Volunteering to take a seat on the bench?
The really hilarious part of this is that the member I addressed hasn't even sent me a PM on the issue. Unlike some folks, he appears to have simply gone on with his life, which is exactly what i excepted since it wasn't even a formal action.
Let it GO.
The 1989 Greater London Council election was held on the 4th May 1989 to elect the 84 members of the city’s council for a four-year term.
In the 1985 election, Labour had won control of the council, and under the leadership of Illtyd Harrington the GLC had implemented several reforms which were fairly popular with the public, such as the introduction of road-rail buses which have since become a staple of London transport and saving the Regent’s Canal from demolition, starting a waterbus service and bolstering the National Grid connections in the electrical installations under it.
Despite these reforms, the GLC had courted significant controversy. In 1986, it was reported that a copy of a children’s book called Jenny Lives With Eric & Martin depicting a gay family had been provided in a school library. This was met with enormous homophobic backlash from the right-wing press, despite the London Borough of Islington and Inner London Education Authority (ILEA) demonstrating that it had only been made available to teachers and was for ‘exceptional circumstances’ with the consultation of parents.
This controversy, as well as the results of the 1987 general election in which Labour suffered a swing against them in London against the national trend and the push for a clause to outlaw the ‘promotion of homosexuality’ in the Local Government Act 1988, put pressure on Harrington that undermined his and his party’s confidence in his leadership, and after the Local Government Act was passed, he resigned in protest. Despite how divisive his tenure was, he has been reappraised favourably since, particularly in the form of the prominent depiction of him as played by Sir Derek Jacobi in the 2021 Channel 4 drama It’s A Sin.
Harrington’s successor was Frances Morrell, who was elevated from the ILEA partly as a way to deal with the disputes she had been facing with that body. As GLC leader she surprised the public by proving less vocally left-wing than her reputation, though she refused to acquiesce to demands made of the GLC by the Thatcher government like ending its donations to LGBTQ groups and continuing the road-rail bus project.
The government tried to push through a law abolishing the GLC, but this was narrowly rejected by Parliament in 1988. As a result, Thatcher decided to focus on trying to win back the council, and convinced the party’s deputy chairman Jeffrey Archer to run for the council party’s leadership. At this time, having recently won his libel case, Archer was fairly popular among the Tory base; he won a by-election in the safe Tory seat of Romford and managed to secure the party leadership on the council.
When the election came in 1989, the Tories comfortably retook control of the council with 48 seats to 35 for Labour. The Social and Liberal Democrats, the successor party to the Liberal-SDP Alliance, performed poorly, only retaining Southwark & Bermondsey, which helped the Tories win a majority. The recently formed Green Party secured 10.3% of the vote, a surge which would be repeated in the European Parliament election the following month, but took no seats due to the first-past-the-post system.
Another look at my Radical Reconstruction TL
William Jennings Bryan was the 25th President of the United States, serving from 1901 to 1917, a period that became known to American history as the Brya Era. The First democrat elected president since William Rosecrans in 1884, and the first president to be re-elected since Andrew Jackson in 1832, Bryan broke the Republican control of the White House that had endured almost throughout the entire Reconstruction Era. His campaign in 1900 was a populist one, focused on combating the excesses of the Gilded Age and passing labor legislation to ensure better living and work conditions for factory workers and farmers alike. His campaign, though highly popular, faced an uphill battle against an administration that had ensured an strong economy. The Republican President Robert Todd Lincoln was highly popular, and his backing of Thomas Reed gave much sway to the GOP. Still, Reed fumbled constantly on the campaign trail, proving a mediocre public orator when large crowds were gathered (in contrast to his dominion of the Congress floor). Republican inertial, seeing the election as simply a formality to ensure their candidate's ascension by that point, also proved a factor. In the end Bryan prevailed over a very slim margin, securing the traditional Democratic Stronghold of the West Coast as well as New York, but losing to the Republican solid south.
The Bryan Era was marked by the improvement of life for the working class and for an arduous campaign against big businesses. Bryan would prove a highly bipartisan president, cooperating with fellow progressive Republicans such as Theodore Roosevelt to conduct trust busts. Bryan would pursue a policy of Isolationism, criticizing European powers for their imperialism and keeping the United States out of WWI.
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