The May 2013 Spanish general election was held on the 26th May 2013 to elect the 400 members of the Spanish Cortes, the unicameral legislature of Spain. Incumbent Prime Minister Carme Chacón was running for re-election to a second term.
Chacón’s first term had been dominated by the Great Recession, which had hit Spain particularly hard since it first broke during the preceding term. Her government sought to combat the country’s economic problems by cutting government spending, raising taxes (though not income taxes) and working to crack down on tax fraud, with severe penalties for companies found guilty of such behaviour. This proved controversial both with those on the right, who saw the policies as harming businesses, and with the left, who saw them as promoting austerity; the nickname ‘Chacher’, negatively comparing her policies to those of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, became popular among Chacón’s left-wing critics.
Her domestic and national policy was fairly liberal, entering negotiations with the ETA to try to secure a ceasefire from the group, relaxing laws on undocumented immigration and trying to provide ‘easier paths to citizenship’ to expand the Spanish workforce, and introducing a Gender Identity Law providing a simpler path to legal recognition for transgender individuals. These were well received by the affected communities and met with severe criticism from parts of the opposition PPR, though its new leader Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría took a moderate stance on them and focused more on the PSOE’s failure to exponentially reduce the country’s unemployment rate or restore its economic growth.
Due to the PSOE losing momentum due to discontent with Chacón and the PPR continuing to be tainted by scandals, not only the Gürtel case but others which emerged after it such as the Nóos case, political discontent started to take different forms to protest voting for the opposition as had traditionally been seen in Spain. The 15-M or Indignados Movement that emerged in May 2011 around the time of the local elections saw significant media coverage of the impact of austerity emerge, with between 6.5 and 8 million Spaniards participating in such protests. While they forced Chacón’s government to soften austerity measures somewhat, this led to harsher critique of the government from the right.
Support for political parties besides the two main ones also started to become prominent around this time. IU, now known as Plural Left (Spanish:
La Izquierda Plural, IP) enjoyed a significant and consistent rise in support, and its new leader Cayo Lara proved an unconventional but popular figure; a farmer by trade, he appealed to many rural voters who had typically eschewed IP as a party of urban and cosmopolitan communists. Unlike figures in the other major parties, he also participated in the 15-M Movement and gained significant popularity through this, in addition to recruiting a diverse range of experienced politicians from Xosé Manuel Beiras to Jorge Verstrynge (who had moved significantly to the left ideologically since the demise of the CDS).
Simultaneously, a small party called Union, Progress and Democracy (Spanish:
Unión, Progreso y Democracia, UPyD), which was social liberal, Spanish nationalist, centrist and reformist and had won 2 seats and become the fourth-largest national party (as opposed to regional ones) in 2009, came to prominence. As a big-tent populist party which allowed significant divergence between its members, with both a popular leader on its left (Rosa Díez) and its right (Albert Rivera), it gained popularity, and established itself as more pragmatic than IU, seeking to act as a kingmaker in any coming election. Its use of the slogan ‘Keeping Spain Together’ also strengthened its public image.
The next election was due in June 2013, but the Cortes was dissolved at the end of April after the official declaration of a cessation of violent activity by the Basque nationalist terrorist group ETA. Negotiations had been conducted from around November 2011 to June 2012 between ETA and Chacón’s interior minister Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba which ended with ETA announcing a ceasefire that would be ‘permanent’. The announcement of the end of ETA activity allowed the PSOE to improve its polling numbers, which is believed to have encouraged Chacón to call the election slightly earlier than expected.
During the campaign, however, while the PSOE retained a lead other parties proved unwilling to commit to supporting another government under its leadership. In addition to the IP and UPyD surges, the incorporation of left-wing Basque nationalist parties Amaiur and EH Bildu into the IR/ER coalition strengthened the left-wing nationalist bloc, arguing that the end of ETA terrorism could allow a peaceful path to Basque independence.
The results were noted for being the most fragmented since the 1950s, as both the PSOE and PPR lost significant ground. The PSOE lost its overall majority while the PPR, already reduced to its worst result since the 1980s, performed even worse than it had in those elections, winning just 101 seats, the worst result in its history and the worst since the PRR’s landslide defeat in 1967. By contrast, IP won its best result ever with 18% of the vote, UPyD won just over 10% of the vote, and IR won five provinces (two in Catalonia, two in the Basque Country and Navarre) as well as a new record high in both votes and seats.
The morning after the election, Chacón announced she would seek the support of the Cortes to be elected to a second term, and stated during her speech ‘The people have given me a clear mandate’ (Spanish: ‘
El pueblo me ha dado un gran mandato’). This soon became a popular internet meme in the Spanish-speaking world used to joke about people claiming more support for a course of action they want than they actually have.
Despite her confidence, Chacón found negotiations with IP more difficult than expected, and they proceeded for several months. Eventually, a deal was agreed between the two parties, but since relations between Chacón and the ER had broken down, the nationalists refused to vote for the new government. Consequently, the vote of confidence in the new government’s formation held at the end of September 2013 failed to pass, and President Fernández de la Vega dissolved the Cortes. This marked the first time in the history of the Republic that two elections would be held in the same year, the first time that a Cortes that had been elected had failed to produce a government and the end of the shortest Cortes in modern Spanish history.