This reminds me, I never finished going back through the first thread and liking all the good posts...should eventually get on that.
Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes IV (Do not post Current Politics Here)
- Thread starter Glide08
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This reminds me, I never finished going back through the first thread and liking all the good posts...should eventually get on that.
After the massive protests of 1974, which in some areas threatened to spiral into a full-fledged rebellion, the Polish government accepted reforms to liberalize its electoral process. First, opposition parties would be allowed into the Sejm, although their influence would be curtailed by the government's inflated majority. Since its foundation, the People's Freedom Party has been the largest opposition party in Poland, and is generally considered the most credible and organized alternative to the Nationalists.
It advocates for a moderate libertarianism, but its brand of libertarianism is the Russian style and does not lean to the left like Western libertarian parties. Its leader Jan Petru was barely out of university at its founding, and he has continued to lead the party until today, but has increasingly delegated responsibilities to the party's policy committee. Although maintaining the support of an impressive percentage of the electorate, WPL has struggled to gain a sizeable minority position due to rampant gerrymandering, voter suppression, and malapportionment of seats by the government. Government ministers have repeatedly accused WPL of electoral fraud in the few municipalities they control, which would provide a convenient excuse if they were ever to win an election.
Heading into 2017, Poland is an uncertain nation, with the Eastern European financial crisis taking a toll on its economy. Some have suggested that the Nationalists could finally be swept from power electorally, but others believe that things will continue as normal, with the country's spirit being crushed under the weight of the government bureaucracy.
Latest update from my TL (Go check it out) (Link in my sig)
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Canada’s conservative movement had gone through various changes since Brian Mulroney and the Tories won their historic majority victory in 1984. Mulroney had won due in part to creating a coalition consisting of nationalists, fiscal and social conservatives, despite the fact that they disagreed, or in some cases despised one another. His agenda included tax cuts, reigning in spending on social programs, economic intervention was reduced, and in many ways resembled the platform of Ronald Reagan than his predecessor Joe Clark. While the coalition was enough to win back-to-back majorities in ’84 and ’88, cracks quickly began to show. Mulroney’s blatant favouritism towards his native Quebec, specifically in the forms of failed constitutional amendments, had caused western conservatives to grow disenchanted with the Tory party. Fiscal conservatives had grown displeased with Canada’s increasingly gloomy economic situation. As a result of these factors the Reform Party and the Bloc Quebecois were born. Although the latter was considered a splinter group of the Tories’ Quebec contingent, the party itself was generally void of any conservative thought, especially so when it came to economic matters. Preston Manning meanwhile sought to address western alienation and populist distress. The son of former Albertan Social Credit Premier Ernest Manning, the younger Manning’s upbringing had instilled in him a sense of destiny, service, not to mention a high dose of ego. Much like his father, he held the belief that there was no real choice in Canada due to the ideological similarities of the Liberals and Progressive Conservatives, and as such sought to rectify the situation. In some respects, the purpose of the Reform Party was to draw support from all major parties, to present a vision of Canada as a country not formed by French and English, but rather of equal provinces. Although an compelling message in Quebec, it found appeal elsewhere. Having grown increasingly unpopular, Brian Mulroney was left little option but retire as Prime Minister. His successor, Jean Charest, attempted to mend the fences of the former Tory coalition, implementing a right-wing economic agenda as an olive-branch. This reflected the fact that as a youth, Charest mediated between the French and English gangs of his neighbourhood. Long interested in politics, Charest’s affiliations stretched from supporting the Union National, voting for the PQ in 1976, to working on Joe Clark’s ’83 leadership campaign. Like John Diefenbaker before him, Charest had pledged in his youth that he would one day become Prime Minister. Unfortunately, while he achieved his dream, his status as a Quebecer, although enough to alleviate some worry amongst his province’s wing of the party, immediately disqualified him in the eyes of western Canadians. Yet his discipline, charisma, and the Tories campaign apparatus, coupled with the Liberals internal disarray, resulted in the salvation of the PC government. However, this was due primarily to moderate and centrist voters, with the west and their more right-wing base abandoning the government en-masse. Immediately after the 1993 federal election there were calls for mergers or some form of cooperation between the two parties. Despite Manning’s best hopes, Reform had indeed become another conservative party, and its splits had benefited the Liberals.
During the years where they occupied the same chamber of parliament, it was clear there was no admiration between Jean Charest or Preston Manning. They simply came from different worlds of thinking. This became doubly evident following the Tories fall from power. Reform was structured more like a movement than a political party. Members were often allowed to vote and speak their conscience. This brought with it an aura of authenticity, but also headaches. The Tories adhered to the traditional hierarchical structure adopted by most other political parties. Charest was at the top, and members of the Tory Party who embarrassed the leader or the party, causing unduly political harm, could be dismissed by the caucus. There was a clear message, a clear set of policies, and a clear path back to power. There was also the matter that as Leader of the Official Opposition, and as someone more charismatic than his Reform counterpart, Jean Charest was more adapt at using television to his advantage, often appearing on CBC segments or television news coverage. Manning simply wasn’t a man built for the television age. Luckily for Manning, Charest was a figure preoccupied with decisions. The Tories had been decimated in Ontario thanks in part to Paul Martin. Although the failed independence referendum had maintained Charest’s cult following in Quebec, polls showed that with Atlantic Canada and Ontario, and parts out west safely under the Liberals, Reform would eventually emerge as the main opposition party, despite its own internal divisions and deserters. Politics is governed by the iron law of arithmetic’s. Due in part to his personal disinterest in staying in opposition, his inability to compete out west, and the call for him to take the reigns of the Quebec Liberal Party, Jean Charest decided to move to Quebec City. Most of Canada’s political punditry believed that a member of the Red Tory wing of the party would be elected to succeed Charest as leader.
This was not the case. Rather than Perrin Beatty or Barbara Greene, the party membership instead chose Manitoba Premier Gary Filmon. Originally coming from his party’s progressive wing, indeed winning the provincial PC leadership in part to vote-splitting between two, more right wing, candidates, Filmon’s ideology had shifted. He maintained the traditional Tory belief in social programs, moderation, and pragmatism, but implemented austerity programs and budget cuts. This resulted in the first balanced budget in Manitoba in twenty-years, and thus handed Filmon’s government re-election in 1995. A seemingly perfect mixture of Progressive Conservative politics and Reform policy, his rise to Leader of the Official Opposition greatly weakened Reform. A popular, NDP-slaying western Premier with a record of accomplishment seemed somewhat more appealing compared to a twice-elected MP with no previous political success. Making matters worse, Filmon had managed, by sacrificing his Quebec contingent, to convince westerners that he cared about their concerns, that he could bring the West back to the table in Ottawa. Friendships with fellow provincial PC leaders meant that money and volunteers would not be an issue. Star candidates in the Atlantic and Ontario showed the Tories were still capable of drawing on the conservative movement’s best and brightest. The election results confirmed this fact. Although Reform had maintained a stronghold in Alberta, save for the embarrassment of Jan Brown’s re-election as a Tory, they had been devastated in British Columbia and Manitoba. Questions concerning Manning’s continued effectiveness as party leader became common, especially so once it became clear that cooperation would be rejected whilst he was leader.
Circumstances further changed in 1999. Gary Filmon’s strategy to deal with Reform was easy; take the West and move from there. To do that he needed to make a real gesture to them. To that end he proposed to his caucus at their annual retreat that the party drop the word “Progressive” from its name. Such a proposal seemed heretical to the party’s left-wing members, many of whom believed the word encompassed a certain history, a unique, big tent aspect to the Tory party. They believed that removing the word would bring about further schism in the country’s conservative movement. Unless Red Tories could be convinced that the party would maintain at least a foot in the door of moderation, such a move would be catastrophic. How could a party simultaneously make itself viable to western conservatives and maintain support in the east? How could the famous Tory coalition be put back together? Gary Filmon sought the advice of Brian Mulroney, who in turned provided it; patronage. An old but effective tool, patronage managed to minimalize both outrage and personal offenses in the past, and was assured to do so again. In turn for his support for the move, Bill Casey was promised to be named Deputy Leader, as well Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister should the Tories win the next election, and complete control over the Atlantic wing of the party and candidate selection, giving him authority over his rival Lewis Mackenzie and potentially an upper hand in a future leadership contest. Barbara Greene was promised a free-vote when it came to repealing the government’s fire-arms registry, as well as the Justice portfolio itself. Finally, Hugh Segal, Bill Davis’ long-time political operative, was promised the party’s presidency should he agree to the name change. Although grumblings and threats of schism remained, Filmon’s alliances with key Red Tory leaders, not to mention the conservative leaders in Alberta, Manitoba, and Ontario meant that his opposition had few options to successfully oppose him without threatening their ability to attain influence in any future centre-right government. In the end, only a small handful of Red Tories would abandon the party, including activist David Orchard.
By a vote of 84.6%, the party membership voted to drop the word “Progressive” in their name, and instead placed their faith in the ability of Gary Filmon to lead them back to power. The phrase “Go Gary or Go Home” became commonplace amongst party insiders. Many right-wing conservatives unaware of the behind the scenes deals applauded the move. Those unsatisfied with the leadership of Preston Manning signalled that they were willing to cross-the-floor and join the Tories, but only as long as they were guaranteed nomination in their home riding. Of the thirty-five Reformers who sat in Parliament, seven crossed the floor, including Chuck Strahl, Val Meredith, Jay Hill, Jim Gouk, Stephen Harper, Monte Solberg, and Keith Martin, pushing the Tories status to seventy-eight.
Obviously their abandonment sent shockwaves throughout the Reform Party. From the outset Manning indicated to reporters that he would carry on and fight the next election as Reform Party leader. Many riding association presidents throughout Alberta signed a letter asking their MPs to keep their native son as leader. But, much like Jean Chretien found out following his narrow defeat at the hands of Jean Charest, such a decision was ultimately in the hands of caucus. Despite his pleas of another chance to reclaim lost ground, the remaining members of the Reform Party wanted to prove to the electorate that their party was not a party reliant on one man, and many argued that there would be no better way to accomplish this than by dumping Manning. Although some party members encouraged Manning to fight on, contest any future leadership review or election, and even start a new political party, the Reform leader opted to avoid a bloody battle and instead decided to call it quits. In his resignation announcement, Preston Manning indicated that he would remain on as an MP and contest the next election. Former Alberta cabinet minister and conservative stalwart Raymond Speaker soon replaced Manning, preparing Canada’s political stage for a vicious battle between two men vying to become the country’s sole embodiment of conservatism.
The Liberal Party, meanwhile, had gone through a transformation of its own. Having been plagued with poor polling and struggles between the PMO and the party caucus for the past few months, they had finally united and seemed ready to fight an election against their right-wing opponents. Canada would begin the new century with an election battle defined by its bitterness and divisions. It would also put to rest the question of who led the conservative movement and who served as the political rump.
Note that the box is "current" as of the end of 1999.
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Canada’s conservative movement had gone through various changes since Brian Mulroney and the Tories won their historic majority victory in 1984. Mulroney had won due in part to creating a coalition consisting of nationalists, fiscal and social conservatives, despite the fact that they disagreed, or in some cases despised one another. His agenda included tax cuts, reigning in spending on social programs, economic intervention was reduced, and in many ways resembled the platform of Ronald Reagan than his predecessor Joe Clark. While the coalition was enough to win back-to-back majorities in ’84 and ’88, cracks quickly began to show. Mulroney’s blatant favouritism towards his native Quebec, specifically in the forms of failed constitutional amendments, had caused western conservatives to grow disenchanted with the Tory party. Fiscal conservatives had grown displeased with Canada’s increasingly gloomy economic situation. As a result of these factors the Reform Party and the Bloc Quebecois were born. Although the latter was considered a splinter group of the Tories’ Quebec contingent, the party itself was generally void of any conservative thought, especially so when it came to economic matters. Preston Manning meanwhile sought to address western alienation and populist distress. The son of former Albertan Social Credit Premier Ernest Manning, the younger Manning’s upbringing had instilled in him a sense of destiny, service, not to mention a high dose of ego. Much like his father, he held the belief that there was no real choice in Canada due to the ideological similarities of the Liberals and Progressive Conservatives, and as such sought to rectify the situation. In some respects, the purpose of the Reform Party was to draw support from all major parties, to present a vision of Canada as a country not formed by French and English, but rather of equal provinces. Although an compelling message in Quebec, it found appeal elsewhere. Having grown increasingly unpopular, Brian Mulroney was left little option but retire as Prime Minister. His successor, Jean Charest, attempted to mend the fences of the former Tory coalition, implementing a right-wing economic agenda as an olive-branch. This reflected the fact that as a youth, Charest mediated between the French and English gangs of his neighbourhood. Long interested in politics, Charest’s affiliations stretched from supporting the Union National, voting for the PQ in 1976, to working on Joe Clark’s ’83 leadership campaign. Like John Diefenbaker before him, Charest had pledged in his youth that he would one day become Prime Minister. Unfortunately, while he achieved his dream, his status as a Quebecer, although enough to alleviate some worry amongst his province’s wing of the party, immediately disqualified him in the eyes of western Canadians. Yet his discipline, charisma, and the Tories campaign apparatus, coupled with the Liberals internal disarray, resulted in the salvation of the PC government. However, this was due primarily to moderate and centrist voters, with the west and their more right-wing base abandoning the government en-masse. Immediately after the 1993 federal election there were calls for mergers or some form of cooperation between the two parties. Despite Manning’s best hopes, Reform had indeed become another conservative party, and its splits had benefited the Liberals.
During the years where they occupied the same chamber of parliament, it was clear there was no admiration between Jean Charest or Preston Manning. They simply came from different worlds of thinking. This became doubly evident following the Tories fall from power. Reform was structured more like a movement than a political party. Members were often allowed to vote and speak their conscience. This brought with it an aura of authenticity, but also headaches. The Tories adhered to the traditional hierarchical structure adopted by most other political parties. Charest was at the top, and members of the Tory Party who embarrassed the leader or the party, causing unduly political harm, could be dismissed by the caucus. There was a clear message, a clear set of policies, and a clear path back to power. There was also the matter that as Leader of the Official Opposition, and as someone more charismatic than his Reform counterpart, Jean Charest was more adapt at using television to his advantage, often appearing on CBC segments or television news coverage. Manning simply wasn’t a man built for the television age. Luckily for Manning, Charest was a figure preoccupied with decisions. The Tories had been decimated in Ontario thanks in part to Paul Martin. Although the failed independence referendum had maintained Charest’s cult following in Quebec, polls showed that with Atlantic Canada and Ontario, and parts out west safely under the Liberals, Reform would eventually emerge as the main opposition party, despite its own internal divisions and deserters. Politics is governed by the iron law of arithmetic’s. Due in part to his personal disinterest in staying in opposition, his inability to compete out west, and the call for him to take the reigns of the Quebec Liberal Party, Jean Charest decided to move to Quebec City. Most of Canada’s political punditry believed that a member of the Red Tory wing of the party would be elected to succeed Charest as leader.
This was not the case. Rather than Perrin Beatty or Barbara Greene, the party membership instead chose Manitoba Premier Gary Filmon. Originally coming from his party’s progressive wing, indeed winning the provincial PC leadership in part to vote-splitting between two, more right wing, candidates, Filmon’s ideology had shifted. He maintained the traditional Tory belief in social programs, moderation, and pragmatism, but implemented austerity programs and budget cuts. This resulted in the first balanced budget in Manitoba in twenty-years, and thus handed Filmon’s government re-election in 1995. A seemingly perfect mixture of Progressive Conservative politics and Reform policy, his rise to Leader of the Official Opposition greatly weakened Reform. A popular, NDP-slaying western Premier with a record of accomplishment seemed somewhat more appealing compared to a twice-elected MP with no previous political success. Making matters worse, Filmon had managed, by sacrificing his Quebec contingent, to convince westerners that he cared about their concerns, that he could bring the West back to the table in Ottawa. Friendships with fellow provincial PC leaders meant that money and volunteers would not be an issue. Star candidates in the Atlantic and Ontario showed the Tories were still capable of drawing on the conservative movement’s best and brightest. The election results confirmed this fact. Although Reform had maintained a stronghold in Alberta, save for the embarrassment of Jan Brown’s re-election as a Tory, they had been devastated in British Columbia and Manitoba. Questions concerning Manning’s continued effectiveness as party leader became common, especially so once it became clear that cooperation would be rejected whilst he was leader.
Circumstances further changed in 1999. Gary Filmon’s strategy to deal with Reform was easy; take the West and move from there. To do that he needed to make a real gesture to them. To that end he proposed to his caucus at their annual retreat that the party drop the word “Progressive” from its name. Such a proposal seemed heretical to the party’s left-wing members, many of whom believed the word encompassed a certain history, a unique, big tent aspect to the Tory party. They believed that removing the word would bring about further schism in the country’s conservative movement. Unless Red Tories could be convinced that the party would maintain at least a foot in the door of moderation, such a move would be catastrophic. How could a party simultaneously make itself viable to western conservatives and maintain support in the east? How could the famous Tory coalition be put back together? Gary Filmon sought the advice of Brian Mulroney, who in turned provided it; patronage. An old but effective tool, patronage managed to minimalize both outrage and personal offenses in the past, and was assured to do so again. In turn for his support for the move, Bill Casey was promised to be named Deputy Leader, as well Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister should the Tories win the next election, and complete control over the Atlantic wing of the party and candidate selection, giving him authority over his rival Lewis Mackenzie and potentially an upper hand in a future leadership contest. Barbara Greene was promised a free-vote when it came to repealing the government’s fire-arms registry, as well as the Justice portfolio itself. Finally, Hugh Segal, Bill Davis’ long-time political operative, was promised the party’s presidency should he agree to the name change. Although grumblings and threats of schism remained, Filmon’s alliances with key Red Tory leaders, not to mention the conservative leaders in Alberta, Manitoba, and Ontario meant that his opposition had few options to successfully oppose him without threatening their ability to attain influence in any future centre-right government. In the end, only a small handful of Red Tories would abandon the party, including activist David Orchard.
By a vote of 84.6%, the party membership voted to drop the word “Progressive” in their name, and instead placed their faith in the ability of Gary Filmon to lead them back to power. The phrase “Go Gary or Go Home” became commonplace amongst party insiders. Many right-wing conservatives unaware of the behind the scenes deals applauded the move. Those unsatisfied with the leadership of Preston Manning signalled that they were willing to cross-the-floor and join the Tories, but only as long as they were guaranteed nomination in their home riding. Of the thirty-five Reformers who sat in Parliament, seven crossed the floor, including Chuck Strahl, Val Meredith, Jay Hill, Jim Gouk, Stephen Harper, Monte Solberg, and Keith Martin, pushing the Tories status to seventy-eight.
Obviously their abandonment sent shockwaves throughout the Reform Party. From the outset Manning indicated to reporters that he would carry on and fight the next election as Reform Party leader. Many riding association presidents throughout Alberta signed a letter asking their MPs to keep their native son as leader. But, much like Jean Chretien found out following his narrow defeat at the hands of Jean Charest, such a decision was ultimately in the hands of caucus. Despite his pleas of another chance to reclaim lost ground, the remaining members of the Reform Party wanted to prove to the electorate that their party was not a party reliant on one man, and many argued that there would be no better way to accomplish this than by dumping Manning. Although some party members encouraged Manning to fight on, contest any future leadership review or election, and even start a new political party, the Reform leader opted to avoid a bloody battle and instead decided to call it quits. In his resignation announcement, Preston Manning indicated that he would remain on as an MP and contest the next election. Former Alberta cabinet minister and conservative stalwart Raymond Speaker soon replaced Manning, preparing Canada’s political stage for a vicious battle between two men vying to become the country’s sole embodiment of conservatism.
The Liberal Party, meanwhile, had gone through a transformation of its own. Having been plagued with poor polling and struggles between the PMO and the party caucus for the past few months, they had finally united and seemed ready to fight an election against their right-wing opponents. Canada would begin the new century with an election battle defined by its bitterness and divisions. It would also put to rest the question of who led the conservative movement and who served as the political rump.
Note that the box is "current" as of the end of 1999.
I assumed that people in the arrowhead region wouldn't vote for Ventura seeing as they didn't vote for him in 1998 and wouldn't be privy to voting for the "LMN" candidate.
She did relatively well because she was facing off against just as unpopular Jesse Ventura who was running on the LMN platform, something that wasn't exactly credible.
I just reread the entire series and enjoyed it a lot! Fantastic work!
AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA
I loved that series. I first found it while on a tour bus in Stockholm, where I got wifi for the first time in a week while on holiday. Fun times.
"Good Ol Napoleone
He had ten thousand men
he sailed them out, beat the French
And sailed them home again"
"I can't believe it! You're serious about this?"
"I am, he seems like the best choice. You saw his performance during the primaries. He might be our ticket to deadlocking the electoral college."
"But a northern Republican? Are you sure about this George?"
"I am. I need you to make an offer to Mr. Trump. I'm sure his ego won't allow him to refuse."
((Edit note: I accidentally used the 1972 Republican primary instead of the 1968 one. It's been fixed now.))
"I am, he seems like the best choice. You saw his performance during the primaries. He might be our ticket to deadlocking the electoral college."
"But a northern Republican? Are you sure about this George?"
"I am. I need you to make an offer to Mr. Trump. I'm sure his ego won't allow him to refuse."
((Edit note: I accidentally used the 1972 Republican primary instead of the 1968 one. It's been fixed now.))
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Something similar happened: When I was in Oklahoma City, I got wifi and started reading the 2nd wikibox thread (read the 1st while in Texas) and I found the series!
The series is amazing.
I know I just recently did a Serbian POD, but I was in the mood to make another out of the box one that I suggested once before: Prince Vukan Nemanjić defeats and kills his younger brother, the Grand Prince of Serbia Stefan Nemanja II Nemanjić, in battle when he attempts to take back the throne in 1203/04. Vukan fulfills his promises to the Hungarians, converting to Catholicism and effectively becoming their vassal, whilst the King of Hungary adopts the title of King of Serbia (Seruiaeque Rex), with Vukan forever becoming known as the Apostate, the Kin-slayer and the Hungarian. The Hungarians beating back the invading Bulgarians around the same time would've more than likely helped this.
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Interesting how "John McCain" is the Senator from Nevada, and "Barry Obama" is the Senator from California. Any particular reason for that?
Zioneer
Banned
Esther Wong was not the President of the United States when the Vedic technology was discovered on Mars, but more than other president, Wong was associated with that period of discovery, research, and expansion. Her political ideology, later known as “Wongism”, proved to be an enduring political “brand”, surviving into the last years of the 21st century.
Born in Atlanta, Georgia to a Taiwanese father and a Sephardic Jewish mother, Esther Wong displayed an early interest in both science and politics. She graduated from high school at age 15, and by the time she was 25, she held two PHDs, one in metallurgy, and the other in robotics. Under the short-lived presidency of Mike Pence, Esther approved of the US intervention in the Second Korean War. In 2028, at the age of 30, she challenged incumbent Democratic Congressman David Scott in a primary, garnering 32% of the vote.
After her loss to Congressman Scott, Esther took a research job at Georgia Tech, and married her long-time girlfriend Muriel Jackson. She continued her career of activism, lecturing on topics regarding the use of technology and society, and promoting her strong liberal views. She collected a large following throughout Georgia and much of the South, promoting what she called “intellectual, liberal, nationalism”.
In 2032, Esther challenged incumbent Republican Senator Tom Graves, defeating him 55-45. She quickly became known as a fierce advocate of science, internationalism, and liberalism, supporting bills like the Clean Energy Now Act, and supporting American intervention in small undertakings such as Operation Liberty's Hammer. She became a strong supporter of President Jason Kander, and was rumored to be on his short-list for VP, despite being in the Senate for only a year. In the end, she declined the position and simply ran for re-election in 2038, winning a re-match against former Senator Graves.
By early 2038, Esther was already being talked up as a strong candidate for the Democratic nomination for president in 2040, against incumbent President Nikki Haley. Then, in October 2038, the Rama Incident happened. Suddenly, she was the most popular woman in DC, asked to answer any and all questions about aliens, advanced technology, and the fate of the crew of the Rama. Her answers impressed many, and after her re-election as Senator, party officials from the DNC privately asked Esther to run, a request that she gladly accepted. Running against a crowd of seven other Democrats, Esther had a shaky start, with losses in New Hampshire and Iowa, but won in the third state of Florida, winning nearly all of the primaries after that. She picked Washington Senator Caleb Winters, a liberal Mormon, as her VP, and proceeded to trounce President Haley by a large margin. She became the firstly openly gay president, the third Asian-American president (first Taiwanese-American), and her VP became the first Mormon VP. African-American Democrat Cyrus Jones took her place in the Senate.
Entering office, Esther’s first priority was to enact a massive spending program on infrastructure, research, reversing-engineering Vedic technology, clean energy, and other programs, most of which she was able to push through due to a strongly Democratic Congress. Using her expertise in many scientific fields, she personally explained to the US public the importance of her initiatives. Other the Wong Administration, global technology advanced by leaps and bounds, aided by these high-profile investments. NASA in particular was revitalized by the new investments.
However, peaceful investment was not all President Wong's administration oversaw. In 2042, the Economic Community of West African States merged into the West African Confederation (WAC), a confederation compared to "a more centralized European Union", led by former President of Ghana, Walter Akuffo. In 2043, dissidents from the now-province of Cote d'Ivoire bombed the US embassy while committing other terroristic actions against WAC, an incident known ironically as Esther's War, due to President Wong's naive promise to send troops to defeat the Ivorian terrorists, despite their leadership having already been captured by WAC military forces by the time she made the pledge.
The Wong Administration was re-elected to a second term despite concerns over her spending program and her staunch left-interventionist leanings.
Additionally, Wong's presidency oversaw the Second Venezuelan Collapse, the total collapse of government authority in Venezuela, after the post-Chavista government had fallen like its predecessor. Domestically, she also oversaw the legalization of polygamy in Edgars vs the State of Utah, as well as the investigation of violent militia movements in Montana and northern Idaho. Wong's second term was less successful than her first, Republicans and moderate Democrats watering down many of the Wong administration's proposals, and on occasion defeating them entirely. Wong's second term also saw the rise of IRV voting in some states, having been declared constitutional in 2031 by the Supreme Court. This lead to the first Green and Libertarian members of the House and Senate.
After finishing out her term, President Wong promoted her self-proclaimed "Wongist" views, and worked to elect her VP Caleb Winters, a task at which she was successful. However, she was seen as the "power behind the throne", and President Winters a mere puppet, a view that was only increased when she reclaimed her old Senate seat in a special election in 2050 after Georgia Senator Cyrus Jones passed away suddenly in late 2049. This puppet-master view, and Wong's increasing vocal belligerence towards Congressional Republicans, caused President Winter's defeat in 2052.
Once more Senator Wong continued her work in the Senate, and remained a prominent Democrat for years to come, refusing to retire even into her 80s and 90s. In her later years, Wong's nephew Eddie Hsu made headlines for overthrowing the government of Costa Rica twice. Both times, Wong supported the overthrow of her nephew.
Finally, in a visit to the Waverly Asteroid, one of the only non-planetoid territories of the US, a life support mechanism malfunctioned, killing former President Wong and 12 others. Once news of her death was broadcast to the US proper, Wong's wife Muriel was appointed to the seat.
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Asami
Banned
tl'dr: My FDR-wank/spacepunk/New-Deal-Forever-punk U.S. adopts the Grundgesetz while Germany remains Nazi.
Basic Law for the United States of America was adopted in 1993 by the United States of America, following the decision that, with the growth of American settlements in space, and the growth of the national population from the tip of the South American coastline, to the Arctic steppe of Nunavut, that the United States of America should have a properly renewed Constitutional document to govern her for a new millennium. As the 1789 constitution was admittedly long in the tooth, it was decided that a new system should be implemented to cut back on the excesses and create a stable democracy to last a thousand ages.]
Through some of the old German academia that had flocked to the United States during the Hitler years, the American Constitutional Convention was convened in 1986 to determine the best solution for adopting the new United States constitution. 1,776 delegates flocked to Atlanta, Georgia to discuss the matter. What came out was the Basic Law for the United States of America (es: Ley Fundamental para los Estados Unidos de América). The new Basic Law is split into sections:
Preamble
Human Rights
The Union and Its Relationship To States
The National Assembly replaced the House of Representatives.
The Senate is an updated version of the old Senate.
The President of the United States had their power severely curtailed in favor of the newly minted Chancellor of the United States, but the office remained a 'unifying figurehead'.
And so on; ending with the Transitional and Concluding Provisions, which tied up a lot of loose ends with state borders between the many federal states south of the Rio Grande; as well as putting into place new provisions for the transition of every state (115 of them) to the new system that was mandatory for every member province of the United States of America. After this, at the end of the document, is the Adopted Acts from the 1789 Constitution, which is a brief place where some of the items from the 1789 Constitution that were not enshrined in the new Basic Law, were enshrined into the new constitution. One such act includes 'The President shall be inaugurated on the 20th of January'.
Basic Law took effect on January 20, 1993, coinciding with the inauguration of President Brian Mulroney, of the Progressive Conservative party as well as Chancellor Oscar Hemingway of the Liberal Progressive Party.
Most historians attribute the push for the Basic Law to President Jacqueline Bouvier (Unionist from Massachusetts) who lead a great reform of the United States and pushed for her 'Expanded New Deal' in the early 1980s.
Basic Law for the United States of America was adopted in 1993 by the United States of America, following the decision that, with the growth of American settlements in space, and the growth of the national population from the tip of the South American coastline, to the Arctic steppe of Nunavut, that the United States of America should have a properly renewed Constitutional document to govern her for a new millennium. As the 1789 constitution was admittedly long in the tooth, it was decided that a new system should be implemented to cut back on the excesses and create a stable democracy to last a thousand ages.]
Through some of the old German academia that had flocked to the United States during the Hitler years, the American Constitutional Convention was convened in 1986 to determine the best solution for adopting the new United States constitution. 1,776 delegates flocked to Atlanta, Georgia to discuss the matter. What came out was the Basic Law for the United States of America (es: Ley Fundamental para los Estados Unidos de América). The new Basic Law is split into sections:
Preamble
Human Rights
The Union and Its Relationship To States
The National Assembly replaced the House of Representatives.
The Senate is an updated version of the old Senate.
The President of the United States had their power severely curtailed in favor of the newly minted Chancellor of the United States, but the office remained a 'unifying figurehead'.
And so on; ending with the Transitional and Concluding Provisions, which tied up a lot of loose ends with state borders between the many federal states south of the Rio Grande; as well as putting into place new provisions for the transition of every state (115 of them) to the new system that was mandatory for every member province of the United States of America. After this, at the end of the document, is the Adopted Acts from the 1789 Constitution, which is a brief place where some of the items from the 1789 Constitution that were not enshrined in the new Basic Law, were enshrined into the new constitution. One such act includes 'The President shall be inaugurated on the 20th of January'.
Basic Law took effect on January 20, 1993, coinciding with the inauguration of President Brian Mulroney, of the Progressive Conservative party as well as Chancellor Oscar Hemingway of the Liberal Progressive Party.
Most historians attribute the push for the Basic Law to President Jacqueline Bouvier (Unionist from Massachusetts) who lead a great reform of the United States and pushed for her 'Expanded New Deal' in the early 1980s.
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