Alternate Electoral Maps III

Uebeltank

Donor
This is more of a proof of concept that could be used for alternate maps/timelines than an actual alternative history.
What if the Wyoming Rule-or in this case, the "Nevada" Rule-had been used to apportion representatives following the 1900 Census.
For those unfamiliar, the Wyoming Rule is a proposed way to change how the House of Representatives apportions its members, dividing the population of State X by the population of the smallest state and then rounding to determine State X's number of representatives. For example, New York's population in the 1900 census was 172x Nevada's 1900 population, so New York receives 172 representatives. The total number of representatives that this would result in after the 1900 census is 1,762. For comparison, if this were used after the 2010 census it would have resulted in a ~555-member House. I chose to make a map of the 1900 enumeration because it's the most extreme example of what could happen if the US switched to this system rather than the fixed number of 435 members it has now.
Remember: this is a map of numbers of representatives, NOT electoral votes.
View attachment 588465
And a respectable graph of how this would have affected the size of the House over time.
View attachment 588467
If anyone would like me to whip up maps of this using data from other census years or maps of representative numbers using other apportionment styles-such as the cube root rule or a fixed number like 500, 600, something like that-just ask, and I would be more than delighted to do so.
That chart shows exactly why the Wyoming Rule sucks. Could be useful to add the result if the cube root rule applied.
 
This is a neat concept. I'm curious now, since Nevada's population didn't surpass Wyoming's until the 1970s and for a lot of the time beforehand was disproportionately tiny, what would it look like if it was the Wyoming Rule the whole time and Nevada just got one district like how Canada's northern territories get one riding each or the Western Isles and Orkney & Shetland are allowed to be much less populous than normal constituencies in the UK?
 
That chart shows exactly why the Wyoming Rule sucks. Could be useful to add the result if the cube root rule applied.
L S:T Graph.png

Yellow is the cube root rule, as requested. If you want a map for a certain year just ask.
Red is an interesting discovery I found when messing around with all this. Multiply the census population by two, take the cube root of that, then divide by two and round. It would have resulted in a smaller House over much of the US's history, but by pure coincidence matches up almost perfectly with the size of the House today-if it were used with today's population estimates, it would result in a 436-member House. So if it were introduced for the next census and onwards, it wouldn't change the size of the House by much but it would increase it little by little in future years.
This is a neat concept. I'm curious now, since Nevada's population didn't surpass Wyoming's until the 1970s and for a lot of the time beforehand was disproportionately tiny, what would it look like if it was the Wyoming Rule the whole time and Nevada just got one district like how Canada's northern territories get one riding each or the Western Isles and Orkney & Shetland are allowed to be much less populous than normal constituencies in the UK?
Hmm. So you're saying what if Wyoming were always used as the base instead of "the smallest state" and all the states with a smaller population were just guaranteed one?
I could try that, but Wyoming wasn't a state from 1890 onwards so before then it breaks down.
EDIT:
Wyoming vs Smallest State.png

Much more stable. Interesting that you can see the effect that people moving into Wyoming post-statehood had in the early curve down.
And Reagan gets to say "hey, literally smaller government!" when the size of the House suddenly drops by a solid hundred members thanks to its population going through a small boom in the 1970s-1980s.
 
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Oh, and here's the 2000 US Presidential election but the number of representatives is increased to what it would have been using the Wyoming Rule after the 1990 census.
End result? A perfect 324-324 split.* So instead of the election hanging on a recount, the election is hanging on a recount and a contingent election. I'm sure that would go well.
2000 Wyoming Rule.png

*assuming the DC elector doesn't abstain like in OTL, and that Maine's new congressional districts aren't gerrymandered to give Bush an extra electoral vote.
 
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What if the Wyoming rule was and always had been the "Delaware rule", ie the population of the lowest of the original 13 states is used...or the rule required states to pass the population of the lowest populated of the 13 original states before gaining statehood...
 
This is more of a proof of concept that could be used for alternate maps/timelines than an actual alternative history.
What if the Wyoming Rule-or in this case, the "Nevada" Rule-had been used to apportion representatives following the 1900 Census.
For those unfamiliar, the Wyoming Rule is a proposed way to change how the House of Representatives apportions its members, dividing the population of State X by the population of the smallest state and then rounding to determine State X's number of representatives. For example, New York's population in the 1900 census was 172x Nevada's 1900 population, so New York receives 172 representatives. The total number of representatives that this would result in after the 1900 census is 1,762. For comparison, if this were used after the 2010 census it would have resulted in a ~555-member House. I chose to make a map of the 1900 enumeration because it's the most extreme example of what could happen if the US switched to this system rather than the fixed number of 435 members it has now.
Remember: this is a map of numbers of representatives, NOT electoral votes.
View attachment 588465
And a respectable graph of how this would have affected the size of the House over time.
View attachment 588467
If anyone would like me to whip up maps of this using data from other census years or maps of representative numbers using other apportionment styles-such as the cube root rule or a fixed number like 500, 600, something like that-just ask, and I would be more than delighted to do so.
I really like this a lot. I would love to see what else you've got.
 

Uebeltank

Donor
Oh, and here's the 2000 US Presidential election but the number of representatives is increased to what it would have been using the Wyoming Rule after the 1990 census.
End result? A perfect 324-324 split.* So instead of the election hanging on a recount, the election is hanging on a recount and a contingent election. I'm sure that would go well.
View attachment 588512
*assuming the DC elector doesn't abstain like in OTL, and that Maine's new congressional districts aren't gerrymandered to give Bush an extra electoral vote.
Here's an interesting challenge: Try to calculate the number of seats in the house of representatives where Bush wins, where it ties, and where Gore wins. (Let's assume all congressional districts in Maine and Nebraska vote the same way).
 
I really like this a lot. I would love to see what else you've got.
I've got whatever you want me to give. ;)
Here's an interesting challenge: Try to calculate the number of seats in the house of representatives where Bush wins, where it ties, and where Gore wins. (Let's assume all congressional districts in Maine and Nebraska vote the same way).
After running through a lot of options, it looks like Bush wins reliably with anything below 425 seats, then between 425 and 575 the result oscillates rapidly back and forth between Gore, Bush and a tie-because of how close it was just one state getting a seat over another can flip or tie the election. But above 575 it seems like the election is won reliably by Gore. Those ranges are only rough estimates, I don't quite have the time to calculate the result caused by every House size, but that's roughly where the lines are.
 
What if the Wyoming rule was and always had been the "Delaware rule", ie the population of the lowest of the original 13 states is used...or the rule required states to pass the population of the lowest populated of the 13 original states before gaining statehood...
DELAWEAR.png

Well, here's the result of "Delaware Only" over time as compared to only using the smallest state. If you want a map of a specific year I'd be happy to provide.
 

Uebeltank

Donor
Here's a similar thing I made for Denmark. The Bornholm rule is similar to the Wyoming rule, except Bornholm is specifically assigned two seats. The amount of seats assigned to the Faroes and Greenland remain specifically set to 2 each from 1953 onwards, regardless of the apportionment method used.
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Attention Putative Father: Adoption Proceedings Have Commenced
Or, what if a state's electors were determined by the existence of a PFR?
electionwherePFRexistencedetermineswinner.png
This rather silly map shows what the results of a U.S. presidential election would be if state results were determined by the existence of a putative father registry in said state. The results are not at all surprising, only 17 states lack PFRs, but I was interested to see if any sort of discernible political takeaway could be taken by the two groups. Uh - why? Good question. West Virginia and California would vote for the same candidate here, so, yeah - not sure how to spin any coherent narrative on how the above map would actually come about in the context of modern political attitudes.

Blame my Family Law course for this nonsense, not me.
 
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Alaska is something of an oddity in world politics- it's notable for being the only foreign colony ever controlled by Liechtenstein, brought by Prince Johann II from the Russian Tsar in 1867. At first the world press considered the move laughable, reporting it as 'Johann's folly', but the Prince was determined to make the territory profitable. He had the city of Johannesburg set up on the southeastern corner in the late 1870s and began trading with neighboring British Columbia, benefiting financially from the influx of white Anglo-Saxons who migrated to it, particularly once the gold rush began in the 1880s. On top of that, Alaska gave a foothold to the Austro-Hungarian and German empires in North America that previously had not existed, with many new migrants being German-speaking (though English as a second language was a priority due to its close proximity to English Canada and the US).

As one might imagine, though, indigenous people who had under Russian rule been relatively undisturbed (at least compared to those in the US and Canada) did not do well out of this arrangement and lost large amounts of their money and influence, and activism to protect their lands has been a major issue in Alaskan politics for more than a century. By the time World War I came to a close, however, the most pressing issue for white Alaskaners was that they felt greatly isolated from Vaduz because of the massive geographic distance, the lack of resources thanks to American and Canadian boycotts, and because there were by this point over 7 times as many Alaskaners as Liechtensteiners (around 64,000 compared to about 8,800) who were only represented by 3 indirectly elected members of the Liechtenstein Landtag, less than either the Oberland or the Unterland of continental Liechtenstein. Consequently, with Alaskans threatening a unilateral declaration of independence or even a revolution if home rule was not granted, as part of the 1921 Constitution, Johann II allowed the formation of the Landtag of the Principality of Alaska, giving Alaska home rule within Liechtenstein.

Alaska's first Prime Minister, despite the predominantly German-speaking white population, was a Canadian journalist from New Brunswick who had moved to the territory in the late 1890s- John Franklin Alexander Strong. Strong was a colorful politician to say the least- a bigamist and ex-newspaper magnate who had advocated for home rule, he offered citizenship to indigenous people who gave up tribal life, but retained popularity for both himself and the Patriotic Union party he led by implementing workers' compensation and old age pensions. One thing that ended with Strong, however, was that every leader of Alaska since has been a German-speaker.

During the run-up to World War II, Alaska also became a hotbed for German refugees under threat from the emerging fascist governments of Germany and Austria, particularly leftists like social democrats (though Alaska's government did little to facilitate communist or Jewish refugees). One of the most prominent of these was former Minister President of Prussia Otto Braun, who formed the SPA (Sozialdemokratische Partei auf Alaska) as a rival to the existing centre-right Progressive Citizens' Party and centrist PU to create a welfare state in the model of FDR's New Deal. It worked out very effectively, with Braun building up sizeable state infrastructure during his three terms, but his party lost re-election in 1947 and the emergence of the Cold War split the SPA between anti-communists like Braun and pro-communists unafraid of the US government trying to seize control of the territory, allowing the PCP and PU to unify against the left and keep them out for decades to come.

While the leadership of Alaska was held by PCP figures from 1947 to 1994, this papered over a much more fractious situation with the opposition throughout this time, with a diverse series of politicians from Ernest Gruening, who sought in vain to reunify the SPA, to the libertarian anti-war figure Maurice Gravel, who fought to keep Prime Minister Elmer Rasmuson sending Alaskaner troops into Vietnam, to Johannes Coghill in the 1980s, whose Alaskan Independence Party (AKIP) advocated for the party severing ties with Liechtenstein.

It was AKIP's ascendancy that finally started to crack the PCP's dominance, as they ditched the PU and allied with Coghill basically to give Walter Hickel a conservative majority against the increasingly uncooperative and liberal-conservative PU. This backfired spectacularly, as the AKIP fell out with the PCP due to their refusal to budge on Alaskaner independence, and Anthony Knowles, an emigrant to Alaska and mayor of Ankerplatz* during the 1980s, managed to build up grassroots support for the PU and force the PCP out of government for the first time in 47 years. The PU was accompanied by a new left-wing party- the Inuit-Freie Partei (Inuit Free Party), a catch-all leftist group that advocates for Inuit rights, green politics, social democracy and pretty much anything else the PCP doesn't countenance.

Once Knowles left office in 2002, though, the PU's new leader Frank Murkowski moved the party back to the centre, and in 2006 helped make Sarah Palin of the PCP the first woman elected Prime Minister of Alaska after the PCP surpassed the PU in votes. This did not go well for either party, as Palin garned the nickname 'der Alaskaner Merkel' for seeming dictatorial and unlikable and the left deserted the PU in droves. After Palin lost a motion of no confidence in 2009 at the height of the Great Recession, Alaska gave a plurality of seats to the IFP under Markus Begich for the first time ever, but Begich also ran into problems, losing popularity among Alaskaners on the right for his interventionist economic policy and on the left for being considered too moderate.

The precedent of one-term Alaskaner PMs continued in the 2013-18 term, one of the longest in recent history, as with the IFP routed and the PU and PCP winning 15 seats each, independent Wilhelm Walker came through the middle and effectively stayed PM of a grand coalition for five years because he managed to be inoffensive enough to the parties in the Landtag to win re-election, though it was clear he had no chance of getting a second term and to try and save himself even admitted he would not be a candidate for the office again. He lost his seat in Pedroni Ost** to the PU along with four of the six independents who had been elected in 2013 (and, probably not coincidentally, the ones who had been part of his cabinet), while the IFP and PU each gained a seat and the PCP gained two.

As a result of this, PCP leader Cathrin Giessel declared that she would seek to become Prime Minister since her party had a plurality of seats, but wary of the decision of her father, PU leader Lisa Murkowski refused to support Giessel as leader. Instead, she agreed a confidence and supply arrangement with the leader of the IFP Byron Edgmon, making him the first indigenous person to serve as Prime Minister of Alaska.

This calculated move seems to have worked a treat for Murkowski, as the PU have surged in the polls and avoided much of the fallout for any unpopular policies Edgmon has implemented. While Murkowski has asserted she has no plans to try and unseat Edgmon, he has made himself unpopular with the IFP for allowing the PU to shoot down a number of its policies during the 2018-23 Landtag session, though his approval ratings have risen during the COVID-19 pandemic as he has been able to make the PU acquiesce with him for the greater good.

While Giessel has managed to hold onto power within the PCP, the party's strength has been falling since she failed to become PM, and it seems probable the main battle come 2023 will be which one of Murkowski and Edgmon gets to rule the roost.

(I just realized partway through this this would make sense of why Alaska isn't part of the American Federation in that TL, so you can probably consider this a part of that if you like, or just a random what-if-Liechtenstein-bought-Alaska-when-offered-it scenario if you prefer.)

*OTL Anchorage, literal translation
** OTL Fairbanks, named for early settler Felix Pedroni
 
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This is part of a “Famous Sci-Fi Authors In Politics" thing that has rattled in my brain for a while. Something from my state. Herbert’s politics, which are well known, are pretty hard to classify onto a party system, but I have him as a populist Democrat with libertarian leanings here. Washington was pretty strongly Democratic at the time anyhow.

 
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Has the Prince had any political role in Alaska since 1921? Is it a Commonwealth-type situation where he retains various institutional responsibilities that are in practice delegated to a Governor-General (or equivalent)?
It is, yeah. Alaskaners still have the Prince as their monarch, but he doesn't really have the power to do anything and Alaska's political institutions and policies have different a lot ( women got the vote in the 1920s when it got home rule rather than having to wait until 1984 like Liechtenstein, for instance).
 
From Our Store to Your Home
The idea is to translate this map into a political map (with some mild changes since the original article was written in 2016)
2012 Election for the Continental Congress (538 Seats)
Robert Paul (States Rights - Texas) (199 Seats) "Walmart"
Nick M. Roosevelt (Whig - New York) (128 Seats) "Other Stores"
Earl Johnson (Populist - New Mexico) (66 Seats) "Kroger"

Benjamin H. Haggerty (Progressive - Washington) (56 Seats) "Albertsons"
Galen Dempsey (Democratic-Republican - Maine) (40 Seats) "Delhaize Belgium"
Charles Francis Adams VI (Federalist - Massachuetts) (32 Seats) "Royal Ahold"
Abe Guthrie (Farmer-Labor - Florida) (18 Seats) "SUPERVALU"
 
Another American Federation TL post.
*
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The Republic of Michigan, named for the lake that surrounds it to the north, east and west, is another example of a country with a European-style divide between the socialist left and the conservative right. However, during the 1920s, a more unique element of Michiganian politics developed for the first time, coloquially known as 'celebrity conservatism'. As the modern-day Labor Party was first gaining traction while the old Liberal Party had begun to decline, then-Republican leader Alex Groesbeck received a strong endorsement to replace then-Prime Minister Truman Newberry (to this day the last Liberal Prime Minister of Michigan) and had his campaign bankrolled by Henry Ford, founder of the world-famous Ford Motor Company. When Groesbeck started backing economic interventionism in the early 1930s in response to the Great Depression, Ford basically hijacked the party, winning a Detroit-area by-election and successfully challenging Groesbeck for the leadership to become Prime Minister.

This ultimately did not end well for the right, though, as Ford's hardline attacks on unionism were not well-received and he lost the 1934 election to Labor, with Frank Murphy, an interventionist former judge and Mayor of Detroit, becoming Michigan's first Labor PM and garnering considerable popularity by creating the 'Modern Michigan' public works and welfare programs. The Republicans would not return to power until 1942 under Arthur van den Berg, who started out as an aggressive anti-interventionist and isolationist, but after becoming PM, seeing the devastating effect of World War II on the West (not to mention the takeover of his family's country of origin, the Netherlands) drove him to support sending Michiganian troops to fight in the war, and later, to fund foreign aid to countries damaged by the war. However, by the end of his time in power he had become unpopular with his own party for the excessive spending from this and from the left for opposing expansion of Modern Michigan, and after losing the 1950 election to Patrick McNamara, van den Berg died less than a year later of cancer.

McNamara is often considered ahead of his time for his promotion of social programs European socialist governments would take until the 1960s and 70s to deliver, particularly healthcare expansions like MichiCare (the country's universal healthcare system) and using the postwar boom to fund increases in welfare. His reforms proved so popular that his Republican successors George W. Romney and Gerald Ford did little to reduce them; if anything, Labor Prime Minister Jerome Cavanagh (1966-70), under whose watch the infamous 12th Street Riot in which black and white Michiganians clashed in Detroit for 5 days and killed 43, did more to change Michigan's laws, as it was under his watch that drug laws were relaxed and homosexuality was decriminalized (though Romney was the one whose government brought in the first civil rights protections).

Ford's time in power culminated with another 'celebrity conservative' coup in early 1978, as right-wing Republican David Stockmann, who had spoken out in the media against the state's expanding welfare and spending and claimed it to be the cause of Michigan's heavy industry declining, forced Ford into a leadership election, beat him and shocked observers by winning the election later that year for the Republicans with an increased majority. While his attempts to implement one of the first neoliberal economies would fail as the state's economy stubbornly failed to grow, when Jim Blanchard won the 1982 election for Labor it was clear the country did not have the funds for more expansionist programs, and Blanchard would govern in a way often compared to the left-wing governments of Australia and New Zealand in the 1980s, i.e. not particularly left-wing at all.

When the 1990 election rolled around and Blanchard's popularity with the left had sagged badly, John Engler would replace him and proceeded to intensify cuts to Michigan's welfare programs in his two terms. Come 1998, however, the Republicans made a mistake trying to make lightning strike twice with a third 'celebrity conservative', as comedian turned conservative politician Tim Allen lost badly to Labor's new leader, Debbie Stabenow, who famously humiliated Allen in the debates and became the first female PM of Michigan.

In a way, it's under Stabenow that the Michiganian political system begins to become what we know it as today, since Stabenow's government implemented the mixed-member electoral system of the modern Michigan House of Representatives; instead of 150 FPTP districts, Michigan switched to having 95 FPTP districts and 95 districts shared between the country's regions and three largest cities (Detroit, Grand Rapids and Flint). Apportionment of the proportional districts was increased to 97 to account for population growth for the 2010 election. A more unsavory part, however, fell into place after the Republicans failed spectacularly to make Ed Abraham the first non-white PM in 2002, with his status as an Arab-Michiganian going down badly with the right in the wake of 9/11. Subsequently, more right-wing leaders have been very much the preference of the party, and when Stabenow lost popularity with the Great Recession hitting Michigan hard, this came to fruition with the election of Rick Snyder as Prime Minister.

Snyder proved perhaps the most divisive PM not just in Michigan, but in the Federation, during his term- shifting his party to the right to avoid bleeding votes to the far-right Michiganian Party, dramatically cutting back the welfare state and threatening to abolish MichiCare, and allowing cuts to the environmental restrictions implemented since the 1980s that led to Flint developing a major water crisis. Despite his intense unpopularity with the left, he managed to win re-election in 2014, mostly due to winning a sizeable victory in the FPTP seats thanks to vote-splitting among left-leaning voters. Consequently, for the 2018 election Labor leader Gretchen Whitmer and Green leader Abdul El-Sayed sought to combat this by advocating for tactical voting and implying the Greens would support a Labor government if the party did not win a majority.

Ultimately, the alliance paid off, as while Labor were four seats short of a majority, they beat the Tories in the popular vote for both the FPTP and PR seats and won ten seats more than them (or nine including the Flint Conservative MP elected by PR, as the proper Republicans have become massively unpopular in Flint, losing all their FPTP seats there even with the districts gerrymandered to support them and getting just 3.1% of the PR vote there). With the Greens unwilling to back Snyder for another term even if he had gotten the support of the Michiganian Party, Liberals and Social Credit (a minor party that, despite the name, has more to do with the agrarian conservative parties of Canada than the actual theory), he was out and Whitmer was in.

Michiganians hoping for their new PM to be less contentious than the old one would be severely disappointed, though, as Whitmer's efforts to implement the 'Green Michigan' program (named for 'Modern Michigan', of course, leading it to be jokingly termed 'Modern Modern Michigan') have been slow, and further slowed by the COVID-19 epidemic, under which she has sometimes been described as the yang to Wabash Prime Minister Mike Pence's yin, with aggressively interventionist measures to combat the virus (keeping tight lockdowns, sizeable compensation for furloughed workers and increased healthcare funding both for research and pay rises for overtime) being condemned by conservatives who have gone as far as to try and storm the capitol in Detroit* and occasional attempts on the PM's life. Despite this, Whitmer's approval ratings are high, though, suggesting she has a good chance of winning re-election and perhaps even an overall majority in 2022... provided she isn't killed before then (though that would most likely be the fault of domestic terrorists and not the virus, since the stringent measures against it have given Michigan some of the lowest case rates in the nation).

*In TTL, the capital never moves to Lansing, so it's just a college town rather than the country's capital too.

EDIT: I just realized I forgot to mention something- the Republic of Michigan has fixed-term elections and the PM does not have the right to dissolve Parliament.
 
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The maps above depict a distribution of seats, were South Africa to adopt an electoral law somehow distributed among the different racial communities.
The map on the left shows the distribution of seats for the national parliament, with 400 of them. The law was written after the 1996 census and provided for a certain degree of power-sharing.
It has been a target of critique since its beginning, as 1 MP represents as much as 124 510 Black citizens, wile every 59 129 Whites send a parliamentary. The Coloured and Indian communities are represented similarly to the Whites, with ratio of 1 MP per 60 007 Coloureds and 1 MP for 65 706 Indians respectively.

However, to enable a functional power-sharing, it had been agreed that although the Blacks make 76,70% of the population, they were to be granted only 250 seats, while the remaining 150 to be distributed to the remaining racial groups: Whites getting 75 MPs, the Coloureds 60 MPs and the Indians 15MPs. The law then distributes the seats reserved to each of the racial groupings according to the population amongst the provinces.

To the right, we can see the distribution of the seats for provincial parliaments assemblies. In general, 20 seats were to be had for each one million people, though the assembly in Northern Cape was enlarged to give it 25 seats. The constitutions of each province made special provisions to guarantee representation of each demographic groups, defined by race and language. The ratio discrepancy between demographic reality and political representation is smaller: a case for many being Western Cape - while the Blacks were almost as numerous as the Whites at the time of the census, Western Cape sends as many as 14 White MPs, while only 7 Black MPs. On the provincial level, however, both send 17 MPs.

Provincial consitutions separated Black and White political representation also by language, and a fixed number of seats is assigned to each nation. Similar distinguishment among the Coloureds and Indians was not done, because these communities are mostly monolingual and percieved as a unified community. The distinguishment between various Black tribes or nations has come in place to balance between the various peoples combined together into one province, like in Limpopo.
 
The 1999 in South Africa has again proven dominance of the African National Congress. Due to winning the Black vote decisevely, and
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The map to the left shows the election to the nationwide parliament. The elections were decisevely won by the ANC , winning a total of 233 seats. With the exception of Kwa Zulu-Natal, they have managed to verwhelmingly win the lion´s share of all Black seats, and scored a few Coloured seats as well. Furthermore, they scored won also two White seats, one in Gauteng and the other in Eastern Cape.
The largest opposition party, the Democratic Party was able to rally significant support among the Whites, Indians and Coloureds, with the largest number of MPs stemming from amongst the Whites of Gauteng and Indians of Natal. The New National Party won 50 seats, mainly from Afrikaner-sepaking both Coloureds and Whites, with its main support base being Western Cape.
The Inkatha Freedom Party with 30 MPs is a regional party mainly tied to the Zulu electorate in KZN, where it just narrowly won against the ANC. The only other party that has managed to challenge the ANC was the United Democratic Movement, with its support base in the Eastern Cape. Smaller Black parties include the ACDP and UCDP (led by Tswana ex-Bantustan leader). The Indian-led Minority front did manage to win 2 seats, while the Vryheidsfront (3 seats) and Federal Alliance (1 seat) also got a few White seats.

A little more interesting are the provincial elections. Here again, the overall winner was the ANC, which did manage to be the leading party in seven out of nine provinces. Over a half of all seats was won by the ANC. In Mpumalanga and the Northern Cape, the ANC won all of the Black seats, in the Free State and Limpopo all but one. The main rival of the ANC in KZN was of course the IFP, which is the leading party and formed a coalition with the DP in KZN. In the Eastern Cape, it is the UDM has won 15 seats and is the largest opposition party within the province. Rather less successful is the UCDP in the Northwest, gaining a tenth of the Tswana seats. In Gauteng, a number of smaller parties also won a few of the Black seats: IFP (6), DP (4), ACDP(1), UCDP(1), UDM (1).

Within the White community, considerable differences were between the Anglos and the Afrikaners. While the Anglos almost unanimously supported the DP, the Afrikaners were represented chiefly by the NNP, but also by smaller parties like the Vryheidsfront, Afrikaner Eenhiedsbeweging and the Federal Alliance, as well as the Democratic Party.

The Coloured community was divided in their support to the three strongest parties: the ANC, the DP and the NNP, though mostly voted for the latter. It was due to the Coloured support of the NNP that they won the Western Cape, where they formed a coalition with the DP. Lastly, we have the Indian community, with just over a half of them in KwaZulu Natal voting for their own party called the Minority Front, while the rest of them stand up for the Democratic Party. The only exceptionj is the Western Cape, where they chose an MP for the Africa Moral Party, representing Muslim interests.

Note: the colours on the right-hand map depict the percentage of MPs in provincial councils for the leading party. The darker the colour, the larger their share in the provincial assembly.
 
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