The race to the moon
“If Kennedy seeks to go to the moon, then the people of the Soviet Union shall beat him there! Space does not belong to him or the politicians in Washington, it belongs to the common people. When the flag of the Soviet Union is planted down on the moon, the world will know the superiority of the communist system.”
-- Kruschev’s Speech on the Soviet Lunar Mission.
Kruschev announced the Soviet Lunar Mission mere days after Kennedy’s speech at Rice University.
In responding to Kennedy’s speech, Kruschev had acknowledged the Soviet’s own intentions to reach the moon before the end of the 1960s and doing so before the United States.
Kruschev had been desperate to reclaim the prestige of the Soviet space program, which had fallen behind the Americans following the disaster that had been the flight of the Vostok 1.
In doing so, he hoped to not only lift interest in the Soviet space program, but to bolster support for his leadership in the wake of numerous errors and mistakes on his part.
Not only had the Soviet leadership fallen behind in the Space Race, but Cuba had been lost to the Americans, West Berlin was going strong despite the construction of the Berlin Wall and the detonation of the Tsar Bomb had damaged the reputation of the Soviet Union abroad.
But more than that Kruschev had alienated many within the Politburo, bypassing the Presidium and the Central Committee to do what he believed was right. And this method was not seeing positive results – agriculture and industry were underperforming.
In response to his many failures, Kruschev surrounded himself with sycophants, including family members. He was praised constantly in the media and seemed to exist in his own little bubble where the protection of his ego came before anything else.
His enemies, of which there were many, were virtually set on deposing him. It was just a matter of finding the right opportunity to do so.
Justice Arthur Goldberg
On September 25, 1962, Arthur Goldberg was confirmed to the Supreme Court.
A vacancy had arisen, following a stroke by Associate Justice Felix Frankfurter the previous month.
Given the seat’s unofficial title as “the Jewish seat”, Kennedy recognized the importance of appointing another Jewish person.
Kennedy trusted Goldberg’s competency, though he was concerned that Goldberg’s position as Secretary of Labor would encourage partisan dissent.
It did not. Unlike the nomination of William H. Hastie, the nomination of Goldberg was relatively uncontroversial.
The United States Senate confirmed Goldberg in a voice vote on September 25, 1962.
Kennedy had successfully appointed his second Supreme Court justice.
The champion nobody wanted
That very night, Sonny Liston had his long-awaited chance to fight for the heavyweight championship of the world.
Liston was an imposing figure, standing at 6 foot 1 and possessing a each of 84 inches, he’d gone undefeated 9 years since losing a split decision in his 8th professional fight, where he went the8 round distance despite breaking his jaw.
He had stopped 9 of his last 10 opponents, including KOing Zora Folley inside of 3 rounds when Floyd Patterson had a back and forth ten round battle with the same man.
However, despite this impressive career, Liston was a man with few supporters – his tough background, prison sentence for armed robbery and Mafia connections had seen to that.
Few seemed willing to give the challenger his due.
Former champions James J. Braddock, Jersey Joe Walcott, Ezzard Charles, Rocky Marciano and Ingemar Johansson all picked Patterson to win.
However, the rising contender Cassius Clay picked Liston to KO the champion inside of 5 rounds.
Clay’s proclamation would end up being true.
The two men stood across from each other in the ring. Liston looked at Patterson, stone faced and poised as could be.
Patterson, by comparison, could not even meet the challenger, eye-to-eye.
The fight was a brutal one-sided affair for the short amount of time it lasted.
Liston battered Patterson across the ring. That telephone pole jab Liston had been so famous for slammed into Patterson’s face, again and again.
Almost mercifully, Liston stopped him at 2:06 of the first round with a left hook to the jaw.
Sonny Liston had become the Heavyweight champion of the world.
In preparation for his return home, he had a speech prepared for the crowd he was sure would be waiting for him.
But when he returned to Philadelphia airport, there was no one there to meet him. Merely a few reporters and public relations staff.
Writer Jack McKinney said of the event:
"I watched Sonny. His eyes swept the whole scene. ... You could feel the deflation, see the look of hurt in his eyes. ... He had been deliberately snubbed. Philadelphia wanted nothing to do with him."
Larry Merchant, a writer for the Philadelphia Daily News, wrote:
"A celebration for Philadelphia's first heavyweight champ is now in order. ... Emily Post would probably recommend a ticker-tape parade. For confetti we can use torn-up arrest warrants."
Liston may have been the Heavyweight champion of the world, but he was also the champion that nobody wanted.
A new era in Vietnam
Things had changed in Vietnam since President Kennedy decided to play hardball with Diem.
Most notably, Ambassador Hillsman had a far greater say in the running of South Vietnamese affairs than any Ambassador had previously.
Due to his input, the Strategic Hamlet Program was significantly altered from how Diem and Ngô had sought to implement it.
Rather than relocating the populations of entire villages to predetermined areas, instead, existing communities would be modified to fit the purpose of the program.
Each strategic village was protected by a ditch and a fence of barbed wire, as well as one or more observation towers. The area immediately around the village was be cleared for fields of fire and the area approaching the clearing, including the ditch, was be strewn with booby-traps and other obstacles to make approaching difficult.
Likewise, US and South Vietnamese soldiers began training the local peasantry to defend themselves from aggression, while simultaneously re-enforcing the evils of the communist system.
This group of trained local defenders was also responsible for enforcing curfews, checking identity cards, and cracking down on communist infiltrators and sympathizers.
When it was necessary to relocate Vietnamese peasants on the outskirts of villages to somewhere more defendable, they were financially compensated by the government.
Hillsman hoped with these changes that the newly modified Strategic Hamlet Program, there would be real progress in Vietnam.
Meanwhile, the AR-15s supplied to ARVN soldiers proved to be a highly effective killing machine.
Military advisors relayed the ARVN were impressed by the weapon’s “lightness in weight, reliability, balance and grip, and freedom from recoil and climb on full automatic”.
Kennedy and Defence Secretary Nitze were heartened by the news.
They also watched closely as new land reforms were undertaken that closely mirrored the ones undertaken by the communist North Vietnam, as well as efforts in Latin America.
When it came to the land reform, none other than former President Harry Truman sparked the idea during a call with President Kennedy.
The two men had become close after initially frosty relations during the Democratic primary, in large part due to Kennedy’s pick of Stuart Symington as Vice President. With Symington in a position of power, Truman was able to expand his influence and even give advice to his young Democratic successor.
One such phone call would prove fateful in the development of Vietnamese policy.
PRESIDENT TRUMAN: Good evening, Mr President – Jack – how are you?
PRESIDENT KENNEDY: I’m well. Thank you, Harry.
PRESIDENT TRUMAN: I’ve been thinking more about this Vietnamese problem of yours that the Vice President informed me of - how to build popular support for Diem.
PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Yes, that’s what we here in Washington have been trying to figure out.
PRESIDENT TRUMAN: Well, these Vietnamese are mostly farmers. It doesn’t matter what language they speak; a farmer is a farmer. They want what all farmers want – their own farm, food on the table and fair pay for fair work. Give them that and they’ll follow Diem. And once they do you can get the hell out of that snake pit in East Asia.
PRESIDENT KENNEDY: We here in Washington tend to overcomplicate things, but yes, I think you’re right.
-- A phone conversation between President Kennedy and former President Truman on Vietnamese land reforms
This conversation sparked in Kennedy the idea of land rights for Vietnamese peasant farmers. Trying to force loyalty onto the South Vietnamese peasantry was one thing, but if Diem could offer prosperity, then they would follow him willingly.
As such, Kennedy consulted with a number of experts including former Truman administration Agriculture Secretary Charles F. Brannan to develop a comprehensive plan for empowering the Vietnamese farmer.
It essentially gave land rights and financial assistance to Vietnamese peasant farmers, allowing them to feed their families and hopefully would increase rice production. Former landowners would be provided financial compensation.
The Brenan Plan for Vietnam was approved by Congress, at a cost of $325 million to the American taxpayer. But when it came to containing communism, concerns about “government spending” and the federal deficit seemingly melted away.
With any luck, South Vietnam would become its own self sustained country by the end of Kennedy’s second term.
Ole Miss riot of 1962
James Meredith, inspired by John F. Kennedy’s inauguration speech, had applied at the University of Mississippi, intending to effectively integrate the university himself.
After several attempts to enrol, that saw him physically blocked and even once arrested, Meredith’s efforts had gained national attention.
The Kennedy Administration, led by Attorney General Bobby Kennedy, eventually negotiated with the state’s governor, Ross Barnett, to allow Meredith to enrol himself.
On September 30th, Meredith was accompanied by 24 federal marshals to his dormitory at the University of Mississippi.
They were accompanied by the 70th Army Engineer Combat Battalion from Fort Campbell, Kentucky. Meanwhile, local police established barriers to prevent the entry of all except for students and faculty.
The retired General and far right activist, Edwin Walker, led a crowd of one thousand white agitators – mostly students – to violently protest Meredith’s admission.
Highway patrol quickly abandoned the federal officers, by the order of State Senator George Yarbrough. As they left, they dismantled all barriers, allowing even more agitators into the space.
However, another force had been waiting nearby to interject if things got out of hand – The Black Veterans of Cuba.
They sprang into action and brandished weapons at the crowds of white rioters, only firing when bricks and Moltov cocktails were thrown at them.
When word got out that black veterans had armed themselves and were shooting white rioters, Governor Barnett ordered that state police return to the site – to deal with the Black Veterans.
The situation devolved into utter chaos.
Mississippi’s police were actively working with white rioters to battle the Black Veterans of Cuba on the edges of the university campus, while these same white rioters fought against federal troops inside the campus.
In response to the bedlam, Kennedy had no choice but to federalize the Mississippi national guard and bring in additional troops from the 503rd, 716th, and 720th Military Police Battalions, as well the 2nd Battle Group, 2nd Infantry Division, the 31st Helicopter Company and 1,500 marines from the 1st Marine Division.
A total of 26,500 soldiers descended upon the University of Mississippi by 11:30 PM.
Upon being confronted by US troops, the BVOC immediately dispersed.
However, the white agitators were not as quick to de-escalate.
It was only after teargas was used, the wounded were evacuated, and rioters began being arrested in droves that the situation began to calm down.
By the time the rioting had been quelled, a total of 11 people had died, including one French journalist, a white student onlooker, 1 member of the Black Veterans of Cuba and 8 white agitators.
Hundreds more had been injured in the melee and shootout.
The Black Veteran of Cuba who had died, Riley L. Pitts, died as a result of being shot by an unknown member of the mass of white rioters who were attacking the BVOC – some speculate it was an armed citizen, others believe it was a member of the state police.
Pitts had received several awards during the War in Cuba, including the Medal of Honor, 2 purple hearts and a silver star. He war hero in the truest sense of the word who died as a result of standing up to discrimination at home.
He would become a symbol for the Civil Rights Movement.
In the aftermath of the event, Southern politicians reacted in horror at the prospect of armed black men killing whites. However, an inquest into the deaths revealed that the whites who died were killed well away from where the BVOC were operating – 2 had died by being trampled accidentally, and 3 died when a Moltov cocktail fell short of its intended target and hit a group of white agitators who died from their wounds.
On October 1st, James Meredith became the first African American student to be enrolled at the University of Mississippi. Hundreds of troops would continue to guard Meredith 24 hours a day for some time.
Meredith’s enrollment first integration of a public educational facility in Mississippi, but the riot that proceeded it would be a grim reminder of the extent to which southern reactionaries would go to maintain segregation.