A Time For Greatness: The Alternate Presidency of John F. Kennedy and beyond

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Kennedy's domestic agenda, Supreme Court vacany, Latin American Liberation Front, & US Steel
  • Index

    • PickledFish

    An update on Kennedy’s domestic agenda ​
    “If consumers are offered inferior products, if prices are exorbitant, if drugs are unsafe or worthless, if the consumer is unable to choose on an informed basis, then his dollar is wasted, his health and safety may be threatened, and the national interest suffers.”
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    -- John F. Kennedy’s speech on the rights of the consumer

    On March 20th, 1962, John F. Kennedy presented to the Congress what would become the Consumer Bill of Rights – four basic principles that should be guaranteed to all consumers in the United States.

    These were:

    The right to safety - To be protected against products, production processes and services which are hazardous to health or life.

    The right to be informed - To be given facts needed to make an informed choice, and to be protected against dishonest or misleading advertising or labelling.

    The right to choose - To be able to select from a range of products and services, offered at competitive prices with an assurance of satisfactory quality.

    The right to be heard - To have consumer interests represented in the making and execution of government policy, and in the development of products and services.

    In making this speech, Kennedy hoped to spur progress on his campaign promise to act on the side of consumers.

    Kennedy’s domestic agenda had been decent but fell below the high expectations set out by his rhetoric.

    The Department of Housing and Urban Affairs had been operating for some months under Secretary Cutrer. Since that time, the new department had put considerable effort into urban revitalization, slum clearance, and seeing low-income families into new homes.

    At the conclusion of 1962, Kennedy considered pursing legislation to create Department of Transportation but felt that Congress would not approve of a second new department so soon.

    However, there was one element of domestic policy that the President knew would have universal support – aiding American war veterans who would soon be returning from Cuba. This would be a major focus on Kennedy’s domestic agenda in 1962, given the success of the GI Bill since it’s inception in 1944.

    In particular, the visibility of black war heroes in Cuba – James Hendrix, Colin Powell, Eugene Ashley Jr., Matthew Leonard, William Maud Bryant, Webster Anderson and others – gave Kennedy hope that future legislation aiding America’s veterans would see equal benefits given to African American soldiers.

    Kennedy reached out to the Vice President, who had become one of his key advisors concerning issues of civil rights, for his thoughts:

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Good afternoon, Stu.

    VICE PRESIDENT SYMINGTON: Good afternoon, Mr President.

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY:     I uh…wanted to confer with you over some of the administration’s ideas on veterans.

    VICE PRESIDENT SYMINGTON: Mhm. With them coming back from Cuba, we’re gonna have broad support on this.

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Well yes. Some of us here – Bobby especially – were thinking of how we could highlight negro war veterans – highlight their experiences and make sure they benefit from the new GI Bill or whatever action is taken by the Congress.

    VICE PRESIDENT SYMINGTON: We could very well get two birds with one stone here – act on civil rights and veterans in one swoop. That’ll make it harder for the Southern lobby to oppose it.

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Exactly right. Talk to King about that march he’s planning, see if he can’t invite veterans returning from Cuba. It gives the whole thing legitimacy. Not just blacks, but whites too if they’re interested.

    VICE PRESIDENT SYMINGTON: I’ll see to it.

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Excellent. Thank you.
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    -- A phone conversation recorded between President Kennedy and Vice President Symington, March 25, 1962

    The interplay between civil rights and the War in Cuba was about to come home to the shores of the United States. Kennedy hoped he could use it to his advantage.



    A vacancy on the Supreme Court ​
    On March 31st, 1962, Associate Justice Charles Evans Whittaker retired from the Supreme Court, following a nervous breakdown during Baker v. Carr case.

    This gave Kennedy an open seat on the Supreme Court.

    Kennedy’s first choice to fill the seat was William H. Hastie, an African American judge who had served on the Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit since 1949.

    The President, and his brother Bobby, were especially adamant on Hastie, due to the disappointment felt by civil rights activists that Robert Waver was not appointed to lead the new housing department.

    Opposition from Chief Justice Earl Warren, who claimed that Hastie was “not a liberal” did little to ease Kennedy’s commitment to Hastie, who he had met and personally found intelligent and engaging.

    It was decided – Kennedy would nominate go on to nominate William H. Hastie for a position on the Supreme Court, three days later.

    Predictably, the southern wing of the Democratic Party objected to Hastie. Senator James Eastland of Mississippi, chairman of the Judiciary Committee, led the charge against the man hoping to become the first African American Supreme Court Justice.

    President Kennedy knew it would be a fight to see the nomination succeed, but it was one he was willing to have.



    The Latin American Liberation Front ​
    Moving into April, the hunt for Che Guevara was well under way.

    While Kennedy had deployed additional troops into Panama, many conducting the search had been shipped straight from Cuba to Panama.

    As American presence in Panama increased, so too did the frequency of terrorist attacks in the Panama Canal Zone. Buildings were bombed, shootings took place and US soldiers were lured into dark corners by women, only to be stabbed to death by waiting assassins.

    As well as this, there were reports of Panamanian National Police defections to Che Guevara’s newly formed terrorist group - the Latin American Liberation Front

    In Guevara’s own words, the Latin American Liberation Front (LALF) was an organization that “transcended traditional ethnic and national boundaries” and was based around “freedom and revolution for all people in Latin America” as well as “solidarity against the oppressive forces of colonialism and imperialism”.

    As first, it appeared that the LALF’s influence was limited only to Panama and a small number of sympathizers in Colombia.

    This changed on April 8th, 1962, with the assassination of John O. Bell, US Ambassador to Guatemala.

    Bell was shot and killed less than a block from the US Embassy. Members of the Guatemalan military tasked with protecting Bell shot and killed his assassin, but his death demonstrated the danger of Latin American guerrilla movements.

    American intelligence services ascertained that Che had made contact with FAR, a Guatemalan guerrilla organization that had been formed in 1960 and orchestrated the attack as a show of force.

    Kennedy condemned the attack in a speech the next day, stating that the United States would never bow to terror and aggression, and that those responsible would be brought to justice by the United States and their allies.

    One thing was clear – Guevara was not to be underestimated.


    John F. Kennedy vs Big Steel​
    On April 10, 1962, a major showdown between John F. Kennedy and U.S. Steel was set into motion.

    After negotiation with America’s largest steel producing firms which concluded the previous month, it had been agreed to that workers would see an increase in fringe benefits worth 10 cents an hour, but no wage hikes in 1962. Inversely, it was implicit that companies would not raise prices.

    Such measures would prevent inflation, Kennedy stated.

    However, the 10th of April saw Roger Blough, CEO of U.S. Steel, renege on the deal that was made. He told Kennedy he and other steel companies were hiking the price of steel by 3.5%.

    Kennedy’s anger, both publicly and privately, was palpable.

    At a news conference the next day, Kennedy did not hold back his criticisms:
    “Good afternoon. I have several announcements to make.

    Simultaneous and identical actions of United States Steel and other leading steel corporations, increasing steel prices by some 6 dollars a ton, constitute a wholly unjustifiable and irresponsible defiance of the public interest.

    In this serious hour in our nation's history, when we are confronted with grave crises in Berlin, Cuba, Panama, and Southeast Asia, when we are devoting our energies to economic recovery and stability, when we are asking Reservists to leave their homes and families for months on end, and servicemen to risk their lives -- and four were killed in the last two days in Vietnam, while have six died in Panama -- and asking union members to hold down their wage requests, at a time when restraint and sacrifice are being asked of every citizen, the American people will find it hard, as I do, to accept a situation in which a tiny handful of steel executives whose pursuit of private power and profit exceeds their sense of public responsibility can show such utter contempt for the interests of 185 million Americans.”
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    -- President Kennedy at a news conference, April 11, 1962

    Kennedy would say to advisors:

    "My father always told me that all businessmen were sons of bitches, but I never believed it until now."
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    The line would quickly become public, much to the dismay of the business community and amusement of trade unionists and liberal activists.

    Many steel firms agreed to increase prices alongside US Steel, but two major ones - Inland and Kaiser – refused.

    The Defense Department, led by policy veteran Paul Nitze, planned to shift the contract for producing American submarines to smaller steel firms and those who refused to lift prices.

    Ultimately, this threat forced US Steel and those who followed them to cave in – the plan to increase the price of steel was abandoned.

    Kennedy had faced down the corporate might of the steel industry and come out on top.
     
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  • Index
    • Ogrebear

    Ogrebear

    Using Veterans rights to push civil rights is a smart move I think, one much harder to argue against.

    William H. Hastie seems like a fine choice for the Court to me. If he is not a liberal then it’s going to be harder for the conservative to argue against him and makes their racism much, much more blatant.

    Has the Kennedy Admin considered legalising cannabis? Given it was only banned in the US on religious grounds not physical I’m sure a case could be made for it given the potential profits AND the effect on the illegal drug trade from the south. Given the largely false ‘it leads to harder drugs’ argument can be spoiled to alcohol and look what happened when we tried to ban that...

    Is there a reward for Che? Big Money would be a good incentive.

    Given the wrangling over steel prices have Ford resumed their experiments with plant composite cars?
     

    PickledFish

    Ogrebear said:
    Has the Kennedy Admin considered legalising cannabis? Given it was only banned in the US on religious grounds not physical I’m sure a case could be made for it given the potential profits AND the effect on the illegal drug trade from the south. Given the largely false ‘it leads to harder drugs’ argument can be spoiled to alcohol and look what happened when we tried to ban that...
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    That's not something under consideration at present, but with issues like drug use no doubt to become a factor in the 60s, perhaps this could become a topic of discussion.

    Is there a reward for Che? Big Money would be a good incentive.
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    Yes, similar to the one set for Castro, there is a bounty on Che as well. It was set during the Cuban Civil War and has only increased due to his actions in Panama.
    Given the wrangling over steel prices have Ford resumed their experiments with plant composite cars?
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    Yes, also with McNamara at Ford still, there are other different developments in the Ford Company and the Defense Department that I will cover at the end of 1964.
     
    The new GI Bill, The Alliance of Pan-American States, McCain in Panama, and other events in May
  • Index

    • PickledFish

    The new GI Bill ​
    On April 17th, 1962, the Servicemen's Readjustment and Protection Act of 1962 was introduced before the Congress.

    This bill was designed to provide for the education, job training, housing, healthcare and general welfare of America’s veterans returning from overseas battlefields like Cuba, Panama and Vietnam.

    It introduced provisions similar to the original GI Bill, which expired in 1956, however a number of new provisions were put in place.

    Special focus was given to veterans who suffered disability related to their service – the frequency of booby traps in Cuba meant that many veterans were returning home with missing limbs and other ailments. The act would provide government funded assistance to upgrade the veteran’s house to accommodate their disability, among other special provisions.

    Furthermore, any veteran who received a purple heart would receive to receive 100 percent of the benefits offered under the act and would not be subject to any form of time-in-service qualifications.

    War widows and the families of veterans killed overseas were also allowed to claim the benefits that would be eligible to their now-deceased husbands.

    These provisions had wide support. However, one element was not as universal – under the act, it would prohibit educational institutions, housing providers and healthcare providers from denying any veteran their services. It also gave the Veteran’s Administration, in conjunction with the Urban Affairs Department and the HEW Department, the ability to investigate discrimination against US war veterans.

    This provision was designed to overcome the practice of discrimination that had prevented black veterans of World War 2 and Korea from receiving the full benefit of the previous GI Bill.

    This specific provision was opposed by the Southern bloc, who claimed it infringed upon “states rights” and the conservative coalition generally who questioned whether such actions were Constitutional.

    With Cuba’s veterans about to return home in droves, timing was of the essence.

    The Alliance of Pan-American States ​
    On April 28th, 1962, John F. Kennedy announced the formation of the Alliance of Pan-American States or APAS (pronounced A-Paz) in a meeting alongside the Ambassadors of various Latin American countries.

    Conceived during Kennedy’s Good Neighbor Tour, APAS would be an alliance based on the shared security of friendly nations across North and South America, “from defence against common threats like terrorism.”

    It was designed to be separate from other enterprises, like the Alliance for Progress and Organization of American States and focused strictly on combatting guerrilla groups like Che Guevara’s Latin American Liberation Front.

    Under this new agreement, countries would effectively streamline US assistance to Latin American countries’ police and military forces, giving them weapons, training and access to relevant intelligence to better combat “forces of terrorism and insurgency”.

    American engineers would also be brought in to improve infrastructure relevant to military operations.

    In exchange, the US would effectively be able to “loan” members of Latin American security forces to conduct patrols and counter-terror operations on their behalf.

    Having members of the local populace assisting US forces in Cuba was an important factor in success there, so this formed the basis for this new program. Furthermore, it helped quell fears that actions against guerrillas were acts of US imperialism.

    Latin America had become the focus on much of Kennedy’s attention, spun out of events in Cuba. That did not look likely to change anytime soon.


    A hero goes down in Panama ​
    On May 7th, 1962, an A-1 Skyraider soared above Panama, conducting what had become a routine surveillance mission to find any evidence of guerrilla activity in the Darién Gap.

    Its pilot, John Sydney McCain III, was a well-known war hero by this point. His daring exploits in Cuba had seen to that.

    However, he was about to experience the most difficult trial of his life.

    Unexpectedly, fire from an anti-aircraft hit his left wing, forcing the plane to crash into the ground. At first, McCain had believed himself to be the victim of friendly fire – Che’s terrorist group should not have had access to that sort of weaponry.

    That was his last thought before the impact of his plane hitting the ground knocked him into unconsciousness.

    A search effort was organised in the area when McCain lost contact. The wreckage of an A-1 Skyrider was found but its pilot was not.

    Tracks had indicated that he had been dragged away, but the trail eventually went cold.

    News of McCain’s disappearance and apparent capture quickly became front page news. Not only was he a famous war hero in his own right, but he was the son of a famous admiral.

    The capture of McCain marked the first mainstream recognition of a startling new trend of Guevara’s campaign of terror – kidnapping of Americans in Panama and Colombia.

    While local politicians, policemen and public figures had been kidnapped previously, this new trend of targeting American had terrified the US public.

    It would not be long before stories of tourists being forced into cars at gunpoint, servicemen being drunkenly lured into an ambush and even LALF guerrillas breaking into hotels and snatching Americans out of their beds at night became a frequent occurrence across the news media.

    In response, the US government issued a travel warning, advising Americans not to travel to Panama, Guatemala, or Colombia.

    All the same, this was one terror tactic used by Guevara that had cut through to the American public and instilled a sense of fear in them.


    Further events in May​
    Throughout the remainder of May, Kennedy took steps to further involve the United States in Asia.

    On the 18th of May 1962, 6500 Marines from the Valley Forge landed in Thailand to train local troops in counterinsurgency tactics, aerial raids, and demolition.

    Furthermore, American engineers were brought in to augment Thai airbases and landing strips, in the event that Thailand would become a base for airstrikes on North Vietnam and Laos.

    Several atmospheric atomic bomb tests were conducted by the US on Christmas Island. The first nuclear explosion caused by an American ballistic missile was achieved during the course of these tests.

    On May 19, 1962, Marilyn Monroe participated in a fundraiser to pay off the Democratic Party's four million-dollar debt remaining from Kennedy's 1960 presidential campaign. It also doubled as a celebration for John F. Kennedy’s 45th birthday, which was 10 days later.

    At this event, she sung a now famous tribute to Kennedy:
    Thanks, Mr. President

    For all the things you've done

    The battles that you've won

    The way you deal with U.S. Steel

    And our problems by the ton

    We thank you so much
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    And finally, segregationist, judge and former state representative George C. Wallace won a run-off election in the Alabama Democratic primary to become the state’s governor, effectively securing his spot as the state’s next chief executive.
     
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  • Index
    • Mr Cardona goes to Washington, Kennedy visits France, Bobby Kennedy’s war on crime, & The 4th of July March
  • Index

    • PickledFish

    Mr Cardona goes to Washington​
    On June 1st, 1962, Cuban President José Miró Cardona, alongside Foreign Minister Manuel Antonio de Varona, made an official visit to Washington, DC, to meet with President Kennedy.

    The two men did a joint press conference in the Rose Garden, publicly affirming their shared commitment to democracy, liberty, freedom and the betterment of all people in the western hemisphere.

    Following this, they engaged in private discussions concerning the timetable for Cuba’s first democratic election, the withdrawal of American troops, the pacification of remaining pro-Castro cells, the upcoming trail of Fidel Castro, the presence of Che Guevara in Latin America and other matters relevant to their shared security.

    By now, virtually all of Castro’s leadership had been captured or killed – the only remaining figure of note from Castro’s regime (besides Che Guevara) was Carlos Lechuga the former Cuban UN Ambassador. Lechuga was abroad when American troops landed in Cuba and fled to the Soviet Union shortly after the invasion.

    The Soviet Union had recognised Lechuga as the Interim President of Cuba, but this was largely a symbolic gesture.

    Cuba was firmly in the hands of a new, American friendly government.


    Kennedy visits France ​
    On June 10th, 1962, Air Force One touched down in Paris, France.

    The goal of this meeting to repair relations with French President Charles de Gaulle, which had been frayed due to events in Cuba.

    As usual, Jackie Kennedy managed to upstage her husband during this latest international visit. She dazzled the French public with her knowledge of their native language, as well as her style and elegance. She even managed to charm Charles de Gaulle in a way her husband could not.

    At a state dinner, de Gaulle would tell the President:

    “Your wife knows more French history than any French woman.”
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    When it came time for the two leaders to discuss the substantive issues effecting world affairs, the general frosty relationship between the two men had been thawed significantly, in large part due to the influence of the First Lady.

    The talks were largely positive – the two men affirmed their commitment to combating Soviet influence in Europe, spoke of deepening trade relations between their two nations, and both noticed the increasing erratic behaviour of Nakita Kruschev, who de Gaulle surmised felt pushed into a corner by Kennedy’s success on various fronts of the Cold War.

    The French leader was not ready to acknowledge the new Cuban government, however.

    Still, the visit to France had been a success. Relations between America and France had been smoothed over significantly and Kennedy’s presence on the world stage did much to strengthen his appeal to the American public.

    Upon returning on June 12th, President Kennedy stated:

    “I am the man who accompanied Jacqueline Kennedy to Paris, and I have enjoyed it.”
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    Bobby Kennedy’s war on crime ​
    On June 21st, 1962, Sam Giancana and John Roselli were the two latest high profile mob bosses indicted on racketeering charges thanks to the combined efforts of the Department of Justice, FBI, IRS.

    Under Attorney General Bobby Kennedy, America’s law enforcement agencies had maintained a laser focus on bringing down the Mafia and other organised crime syndicates.

    There was considerable ignorance around the notion of organized crime and the mafia more specifically – some, like J. Edgar Hoover, acted as though such an organization simply didn’t exist.

    But the highly publicized spate of arrests, as well as the Attorney Generals frequent hearings before the Congress, brought the idea of organized crime into the public consciousness.

    Historians would later note that under Attorney General Robert Kennedy, convictions against organized crime figures went up drastically, as high as 800% of what it had been under previous administrations.

    Still, as of June 1962, the biggest fish for Kennedy had yet to be caught – Jimmy Hoffa.

    As the leader of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Hoffa had control of the largest and most powerful labor union in the United States.

    However, he was also deeply embedded in organized crime, to the point where the Teamsters were expelled from the AFL-CIO in 1957.

    Robert Kennedy was chief counsel to the United States Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management from 1956 to 1959, which examined graft, corruption and crime in America’s union.

    As outlined in his 1960 book ‘The Enemy Within’ Hoffa was the number one enemy to organized labor.

    By June 1962, Hoffa was under indictment by a grand jury in Nashville for conspiring to violate the Taft-Hartley Law. Kennedy was pleased by the development and hoped he would soon be rid of the controversial union leader.

    On June 7th, Hoffa pleaded not guilty during his arrangement.

    What was clear even to casual observers was that Bobby Kennedy and Hoffa had a deep dislike for each other that went beyond their respective professions – a deep personal hatred underpinned the entire public feud.

    And it would be a feud that would play out in the public sphere for years to come.


    The March of the 4th of July ​
    Washington DC was no stranger to large scale public events on the 4th of July.

    However, the year 1962 would see the nation’s capital play host to one of the largest marches in US history.

    Approximately 150,000 people gathered to advocate for civil rights, economic rights and for the treatment of American soldiers coming back from Cuba.

    The march brought together people of many different backgrounds – organised labor, civil rights activists, returning veterans from Cuba, veterans of previous wars, religious adherents, celebrities, politicians and more – to advocate under the banner of “jobs, liberty, and fair treatment”.

    Notable speakers included Martin Luther King, John Lewis, Roy Wilkins, Floyd McKissick, Eugene Carson Blake, Whitney Young, Walter Ruther, Medgar Evers and a young veteran who recently returned from Cuba, Eugene Ashley Jr.

    Ashley had received the Medal of Honor, 3 purple hearts and a silver star for his efforts during the conflict.

    The war hero spoke about the sacrifices he and his fellow soldiers, black and white, made during the Cuban War. He encouraged Congress to pass the Servicemen's Readjustment and Protection Act of 1962 before requesting a moment of silence for all those Americans who lost their lives fighting in Cuba.

    It was a powerful moment as 150,000 people stood together, heads bowed and completely silent for a full minute.

    Following Eugene Ashley Jr’s speech, Martin Luther King Jr was next to speak.

    He echoed Ashley’s message of caring for America’s veterans, and spoke of the moral effort to pass civil rights legislation that affirmed “the rights of all people” and he called on all Americans to "enlist in a crusade finally to make the race question an ugly relic of a dark past."

    Following the days events, civil rights leaders met with President John F. Kennedy and Attorney General Bobby Kennedy.

    The meeting became tense, as the civil rights leaders believed that the Kennedy brothers did not have a full grasp of the nature and urgency of racial injustice in the United States.

    Still, the event itself was a net positive for the Kennedy administration – it generated significant attention to a number of Kennedy’s proposals, most notably the one for veterans.

    It also brought civil rights back into the forefront of the American public consciousness, with all the promise and challenges that was sure to involve.
     
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  • Index

    • classyjackie

    Banned
    I read somewhere that Hoffa wanted to blow up RFK's house with plastic bombs. He wanted to do it after the family went to sleep, and was hopeful it would kill Bobby and his 7 kids.
     
    Developments in Vietnam, Supreme Court update, more on Latin America, the Servicemen's Readjustment and Protection Act of 1962, and Nixon's Crusade
  • Index

    • PickledFish

    All in the family ​
    On July 10th, 1962 President Kennedy spoke with Ambassador Roger Hilsman about the situation in South Vietnam.
    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Hello, Mr Ambassador. How are you finding the situation in South Vietnam?

    AMBASSADOR HILLSMAN: There’s good and bad, Mr President. Diem seems responsive to the strategies we’ve suggested – pacification, strategic hamlets and the rest of it.

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Well that is encouraging news. And the bad news?

    AMBASSADOR HILLSMAN: The political situation isn’t sustainable here. The South Vietnamese Government is rotten to the core. Diem has surrounded himself with his family members and they’re using their positions to enrich themselves.

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Is there anyone who could replace Diem?

    AMBASSADOR HILLSMAN: Our only options are military commanders.

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Could we try splitting up the family? See if that straightens Diem out?

    AMBASSADOR HILLSMAN: That’s certainly an option, Mr President.

    PRESIDENT KENNEDY: Lets request that Diem appoint his brother as Ambassador to the United States.

    AMBASSADOR HILLSMAN: Yes sir, Mr President.
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    -- A phone conversation between President John F. Kennedy and Ambassador Hillsman

    That same day, word reached Diem that the President himself specifically requested that Ngô Đình Nhu be appointed as the South Vietnamese Ambassador to the United States. He made sure to butter up Ngô with praise, citing his competence and importance to South Vietnam.

    However, their request was denied. Kennedy was livid.

    He responded with an ultimatum – accept their terms and receive considerable new aid in the form of weapons, funds, advisors and support. Reject once again and Kennedy would do everything possible to withdraw support.

    Diem relented. He granted Kennedy’s request and appointed his brother, Ngô Đình Nhu, to the position of South Vietnamese Ambassador to the United States.

    In response, Kennedy agreed to send 50,000 AR-15 rifles to South Vietnam. The weapon had been tested on the battlefields of Cuba and Panama to promising results, but this would be their most extensive usage in combat thus far.

    Along with these weapons, Kennedy agreed to send 1,000 additional military advisors, funding for Diem’s land reforms and Sir Robert Thompson, who was previously advising US Forces in Panama and Colombia, would be tasked with focusing on South Vietnam instead.

    Kennedy had played hardball with Diem and it seemed to produce positive results. He had increased American assistance to South Vietnam and removed a meddlesome figure from the field of play.


    Associate Justice William H Hastie​
    On July 17th, 1962, the Kennedy Administration once again made history.

    After weeks of intense debate in the Senate, William H. Hastie’s nomination was confirmed to the Supreme Court by a vote of 67-13.

    Southern Senators and a small number of conservative Republicans voted against Hastie, citing concern over what they perceived as opposition to “states rights”.

    However, these criticisms did not cut particularly deeply, given Hastie’s well-known position as a moderate regarding issues outside of civil rights.

    Two days later, Hastie was officially sworn in as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court.

    Kennedy marked the occasion with a public ceremony at the White House.

    Justice Hastie gave a speech touching on his background, his commitment to the rule of law and to the Constitution. He finished my acknowledging his place in history as the first black man to sit on the Supreme Court but said he would “do equal right to the poor and to the rich” alike, as stated in the oath he had just taken.

    Kennedy gave a much shorter speech to bookend proceedings, complimenting Hastie’s ability as a judge and made note that today as an important day for all Americans, but especially the African American community.


    Events in Latin America​
    Events in Latin America continued with little change.

    Panama and proved to be less of a slog then Cuba, but it was by no means easy for the soldiers on the ground.

    More and more men and women, particularly in impoverished areas, began to become involved in Che Gueverra’s Latin American Liberation Front.

    Not all of them were active combatants, many acted as couriers, or passed information or supplies to those willing to fight.

    However, the number of LALF members willing to fight began to grow as well. And worse for American forces, they had arms that peasant militias should not have access to, such as Soviet made machine guns, anti-aircraft ordnance and landmines.

    Still, US forces were well accustomed to guerrilla tactics by now.

    General William Westmoreland, the man put in charge of American forces in Panama and Colombia, relied heavily on “loss exchange ratio” to measure success. This metric was tracking well ahead of Cuba, which Westmoreland considered the benchmark for success.

    However, despite being relatively successful when engaging in direct combat with small pockets of resistance, the White House was not satisfied.

    The goal of their involvement in Latin America was to put an end to Che Guevara and dismantle his terrorist network.

    To accomplish this, President Kennedy and Secretary Nitze agreed that it would be beneficial to stop the flow of Soviet arms into Latin America.

    Naval patrols in the Caribbean Sea would be increased and the CIA would make it a mission to track down the origin of Soviet made weapons.

    At the UN, Ambassador Adlai Stevenson took a very different approach.

    He forcefully asked Soviet representative to the UN, Valerian Zorin, if the Soviet Union was arming rebels in Latin America.

    When Zorin appeared reluctant to reply, Stevenson, aware the man spoke English fluently, responded:

    "Don't wait for the translation, [answer] 'yes' or 'no'!"
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    Zorin responded that Stevenson would “have [his] answer in due course”. No sooner did he say that, than did Stevenson produce several photos that showed Soviet weapons in LALF safe houses and Soviet equipment on the persons of captured LALF members.

    Zorin claimed that the equipment was planted there, to damage the international reputation of the Soviet Union.

    Elsewhere, the US supported the government in Mexico to crack down on leftist guerrilla groups. The Mexican Armed Forces began a brutal crackdown on dissidents, and practiced forced disappearances, torture, and other forms of oppression.

    Meanwhile, US troops continued to return home from Cuba.

    This was one Latin American battlefield that would soon be put behind the Kennedy administration at very least, however.

    But all the same – Kennedy’s involvement in Latin America would have to continue.


    The Servicemen's Readjustment and Protection Act of 1962​
    On July 28th, 1962, the Servicemen's Readjustment and Protection Act of 1962 was signed into law by President Kennedy at a special ceremony, surrounded by veterans of the Cuban conflict, war widows and other family members of America’s brave men in uniform.

    The act had passed overwhelmingly through both houses of Congress, though not without substantial debate and revisions.

    The Act had a sunset prevision that meant benefits could not be claimed after 1972. Furthermore, provisions meant to combat racial discrepancies in benefits were limited in scope.

    However, most provisions in the bill remained untouched. Not even conservative Republicans or the Southern bloc wanted to be seen as short-changing America’s men in uniform, returning from a successful war in Cuba.

    In his speech, Kennedy highlighted the bravery of the American military and their families:

    “Good afternoon members of the press, members of the Congress, Vice President Symington, and most importantly our men in uniform and their families.

    I am very proud to be signing into law, the Servicemen's Readjustment and Protection Act of 1962. It is perhaps the proudest moment of my time as your Commander-in-Chief.

    In passing this legislation, Congress and the Executive are speaking with one voice – we value the sacrifices that you have made to preserve our security and freedom. In recognising your sacrifise, we hope that the provisions included in this legislation will provide for you the rich future that you have fought for and deserve.

    And to those families who have lost loved ones – few can ever know the pain, as you do, of losing a son, brother or father in conflict a. But we as a nation will not abandon you in your time of grief. Thanks to this legislation, the benefits entitled to you as military families will be provided in full.”
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    -- President John F. Kennedy’s speech after signing the Servicemen's Readjustment and Protection Act of 1962 into law, on July 28th 1962

    This act may not serve as a substitute for badly needed civil rights legislation, but it was still a considerable domestic achievement for the Kennedy administration, and the White House knew it.


    Nixon’s Crusade​
    By the end of the first week of August, Richard Nixon knew that his campaign for Governor was not where he wanted it to be.

    He had triumphed in a bitter primary against Joe Shell, a conservative Republican state legislator.

    Shell had the backing of the John Birch Society and enjoyed substantial conservative support. Nixon’s involvement in the Council of Foreign Relations, a group perceived as liberal, hurt him in the primary as well.

    Furthermore, his attacks on Nixon – that Nixon was only interested in foreign policy and the Presidency, proved effective.

    Still, Nixon had prevailed running 61% of the vote to Shell’s 37%, with other candidates netting approximately 2% of the vote.

    However, even Nixon had to admit he was damaged after the primary – conservatives did not trust him, and the Californian public were being swaged by the argument that he was only using the Governorship as a steppingstone.

    Pat Brown had run with these same attacks and was now leading Nixon by as much as 8 points in the polls.

    Nixon regretted that his only major public appearances before announcing his run for Governor had been criticisms and comments on Kennedy’s foreign policy.

    However, fortunes were about to change.

    A national news report on August 9th, 1962, revealed that students on campuses such as UC Berkley were distributing and reading the manifesto of Che Guevara , which itself contained writings of Fidel Castro.

    A manuscript of Guevara’s writings had been copied and distributed all throughout Latin America and was translated to English and brought into the US.

    Now, the so called “Che’s Bootleg Manifesto” was about to become a central issue in the race for California Governor.

    This was exactly the opening that Richard Nixon needed.

    He pounced immediately on the issue, deriding the emerging student protest movement and pointing to Pat Brown’s complacency in a “culture that encourages our young people to embrace communism”.

    Suddenly, Richard Nixon was back in his element – on the hunt for reds and subversives. It brought back memories of his time on the Hiss case.

    The effect on the ground was almost immediate. Conservatives who had once been ambivalent about Nixon’s candidacy were now enthusiastically supportive of the former Vice President.

    Nixon went so far as to carry a copy of Che’s Manifesto to refer to in his stump speech, warning captive audiences of its ideological content.

    Pat Brown’s first major address, referencing the new controversy, would come a few days later:

    “And we come now to this so-called Manifesto of Che Guevara. I have seen excerpts from it and it disgusts me, just as it should disgust any good, thinking American. However, Mr Nixon is using it as a political tool to paint me as being somehow complicit in some make believe communist takeover of California.

    That, my friends, is hogwash. I am horrified as any Californian – as any parent. But in this country, we have a First Amendment, and that allows for the dissemination of views that we might find horrific.

    What exactly is Mr Nixon’s solution? To send jackboot thugs into our university campuses and conduct book burnings? Such a thing may be acceptable in Nazi Germany, but not in the United States.”
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    -- Transcript of a speech by Pat Brown on the campaign trail, August 14, 1962.

    The references to Nazi Germany did not go over well, with the public or the press.

    Nixon was quick to reference Brown’s “Nazi gaffe” in his speeches.

    “Governor Brown has charged – just yesterday - that when we stand up for freedom in our great California schools, we should be compared to Nazi Germany.

    Well, let me just say this – I served in the Navy during Second World War. I have seen our enemies firsthand, and I have served alongside a great President who knows a thing or two about fighting the Nazis. I have met with veterans and the families who lost loved ones fighting the Nazis during the war.

    For a Governor to make that sort of comparison, I think, is beyond the pale. And the people of California know that.

    Earlier today I spoke a woman who had campaigned for every Democrat, both on the state level and on a national level, since first campaigning for Woodrow Wilson in 1912. She voted for President Kennedy in 1960.

    She told me of her disgust at the Governor’s comments. She lost a son during the Battle of the Bulge. She knows the price of freedom and she knows that leadership matters when defending it. She has told me that she will not be voting for Governor Brown in the upcoming election, she has instead decided to switch her vote to Republican.

    Now, I intend to honor the trust she has put in me!

    I will start by leading by example. It is time for the people of California to have a Governor that stands up for freedom and for our great American values.”
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    -- A televised speech by Richard Nixon on the campaign trail, August 15, 1962.

    The Governor apologized profusely for the comment, but the damage was done. That, combined with the issues brought on by Che’s Manifesto, had turned the race upside down.

    Nixon’s crusade had only just begun, and he hoped it would take him all the way to Sacramento and beyond.
     
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