八紘一宇 - Hakkō Ichiu

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  • Asami

    Banned
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    Side-Update: Responsibilities of Ruling
    On April 4th, 1931, the Governor-General of Canada, The Viscount Willingdon, resigned his commission as Governor-General to accept a noble title and return to the United Kingdom after years of service to the Empire in her most far-flung territories. The sudden vacancy of the office of Governor-General allowed for His Majesty, King George V, to finally implement a plan he had been formulating for some time. He summoned his second son, Albert, Duke of York to meet with him, and to bring the Duchess and his two daughters as well.

    It was there, that the King announced that he was appointing Albert to be the new Governor-General of the Dominion of Canada. He had already spoken to the Prime Minister of Canada at great length about the idea, and said it would do the stuttering Prince well to take on some responsibilities for governing one of Britain's greatest Dominions. Albert was initially hesitant to accept, but after the Duchess removed the five-year-old Princess Alexandrina[1] and infant Princess Elizabeth[2] from the room, the King's jovial demeanor dropped, and he addressed his stuttering son with a firm word.

    According to the late King's memoirs, George V recounted the meeting:

    'Bertie's hesitation was understandable, and after the departure of his lovely wife and his two daughters, I dropped the facade and addressed him directly.

    I told him my fears--the fears of the Empire's undoing beneath his brother. It was no secret in this time of Edward's cavorting and horrendous behavior. If Edward was to fail in his duties as King, would Albert be ready for that responsibility? Albert needed to know the responsibilities of ruling so that he could understand what his brother never would. Albert questioned this, asking why I did not send the Prince of Wales off to learn this responsibility, and I responded with what I knew--that Edward would never change.'

    - King George V, private document written in 1935, published 1977
    Some weeks later, the Duke of York arrived on the shores of Halifax, Nova Scotia, and proceeded to the capital of Canada to take up his new role. He was congratulated and welcomed by Prime Minister Bennett. For Albert, his role as Governor-General would form a lasting effect on his views of the world; and would have an even greater effect on those of his daughter, Alexandrina, whose formative years were spent in Canada with her father, mother and sister.

    The Duke committed himself publicly to service to the Empire, and to Canada; but behind closed doors, in many correspondences to his friends in Britain, and his wife, he expressed his overwhelming fear of failure, and his hesitance.

    [1] Princess Alexandrina was born in 1926; and is the OTL Queen Elizabeth II.
    [2] Princess Elizabeth was born in 1931, and is the OTL Princess Margaret.
     
    27. The Red Summer
  • Asami

    Banned
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    27. 赤い夏
    The Red Summer
    'Ernst Thälmann ruft uns auf die Barrikaden!
    Bauer, steh auf! Erheb dich, Arbeitsmann
    Gewehre nehmt! Gewehre gut und scharf geladen!
    Tragt rote Fahnen hoch im Kampf voran!'

    - Ernst-Thalmann-Lied, anthem of the KPD during the Red Summer.

    In the summer of 1933, Europe plunged once more into the darkness. The French government was more than amply prepared to begin their mobilization of the nation and 'fraternal movements' against the capitalist regimes across the globe. In Paris, the Red Summer was prefaced by a large-scale purge of 'capitalist spies' from the central regime; and a 'call to mobilize the citizens against capitalist invasion', which saw the numbers of soldiers enlisting in the Milice Révolutionnaire grow exponentially. At the same time, agitation from communist elements in most major capitalist societies began.

    In Germany, KPD demonstrations against the SPD government and the SAPD, a merger of anti-Bolshevik communists during the 1919 Revolution and many socialists who were not fans of the SPD moderate leadership--the SAPD was branded a 'revisionist organization' by the KPD and KPD followers and paramilitaries (which had been increasing in size between the assassination of Ernst Thalmann in 1927 and the present day) began to assault SAPD and SPD followers, demonstrators, and buildings. The Reichswehr and Police utilized their arsenal of ability to begin suppressing KPD demonstrations across Germany in order to stop the menacing threats of revolution. The Bundesfront Schwarz-Rot-Gelb was formed during the early stages of these demonstrations, by Reichswehr veterans and locals who opposed the KPD. They hoped that if they shored up enough of a fight, they could keep the KPD in line. The addition of the Aktionsfront Deutschland ('Action Front Germany'/AFD), which were loyal to the Drexlerite 'German Workers Party' complicated things, as they began to commit acts of violence against both the KPD and the BfSRG. The SPD government was paralyzed by the chaos, and President Stresemann was under pressure to shut down the constitutional government to restore order.

    The SAPD pledged their loyalty to Berlin, and, along with the other parties, joined the BfSRG to maintain the continuity of the Republic. Concerns grew that Austria and France were preparing to invade, as both nations mobilized their 'worker militias' to the border in late May, with Paris railing for the 'liberation of the peoples of Alsace' and Austria calling for the restoration of Bavaria's Soviet government illegally occupied by Berlin'--the local DAP leadership in Bavaria, primarily lead by Franz Six, a young man from Mannheim, entered into a ceasefire with the Bavarian Landwehr, and mobilized to the front-lines to deal with the threat of an Austrian invasion. They were joined by several other military regiments, as well as several civilians wanting to capture the events.

    In Britain, the TUC and Revolutionary IRA became the main instigators of violence and problems. The TUC called for a General Strike against the Belloc government. In many parts of Britain, production halted as sympathetic workers began to demonstrate against the British government's 'unfettered capitalism'. The TUC, largely under the control of French-aligned agents, also began to advocate for the dissolution of the monarchy and the institution of a 'people's Republic'. Ireland faced similar issues, with the RIRA ramping up their anarchist mobilization, attacking both Irish officials and Northern Ireland with various acts of terrorism. The Belloc government weathered through the Red Summer despite these issues, but the TUC general strike persisted, as the King and Prime Minister refused to send in the Army to disperse the protesters and anti-government demonstrators. Police managed to break up roughly 45 percent of all the TUC strikes after they got violent and began to commit acts of vandalism.

    In Russia, Stalin was attacked between the end of 1931 and end of the Red Summer no less than nine times by Bolshevik assassins. In his anger, he composed a letter to the French Council of Ministers, and to his old rival, Trotsky.

    Stop sending people to kill me.
    We've already captured five of them, one of them with a bomb and another with a rifle.
    (...)

    If you don't stop sending killers, I'll send one to Paris, and I won't have to send a second.
    - Joseph Stalin, 1933
    On the ground, Russia was inundating with similar public demonstrations, and anti-government/anti-monarchy attacks against public officials and private citizens. Stalin, having no qualms about sending in the military, began to crack-down on his former comrades in arms, and began to openly refute the institution of communism, calling it a 'pipe-dream' and the 'enemy of progress and the weakness that will undo the people's work'. Stalin's views of communism had become incredibly dim since the assassination of Lenin. Seeing the violence and harm it was causing the world, Stalin had been eager to align himself with the other capitalist powers, ready to stomp the Red Menace into the ground.

    In the United States, the nation was assailed deeply by the Communist Party, USA which had begun to take lines from the Parisian government. Finding allies amongst the African-American population whom were disenfranchised and angry at the white supremacists in the South, they began to burn buildings, destroy factories, and riot through out the South and North alike. Proclaiming the need to 'wash away the tyranny of the Federal Government', they began to agitate for Revolution in the United States. Garner, not willing to entertain this nonsense in the slightest, started up what American historians often call the Great Red Scare. Many French-Americans were treated with suspicion or attacked by private civilians. Similarly, Canada faced an upswing in anti-government activity from 'communists'. Quebec seemed to be rioting every other day. The new Governor-General, with the help of the Prime Minister, sent the Canadian army into Quebec to stop the madness--it annoyed the Quebecois, but nobody in Ottawa seemed to really care.

    In Japan, after the heavy crackdown on communists, the results of the early-stage agitation against the capitalist system went over poorly. Other than a few minor riots in Korea and Taiwan (which were put down by the Koreans and Taiwanese locals, not the IJA), there was no result in Japan, allowing Japan to focus on the fragile titan of Mongolia, which was heavily affected by the Red Summer.

    In the same period of time, the Communist Party of China began their 'National Reinvigoration Campaign'. Under the governance of Chen Duxiu, the Chinese communists had entrenched themselves in the Fuijan region, harbored by the former Japanese collaborationist administration during the Great Warlord Era. Chen was assassinated in 1928, and his replacement, Zhu De, was gearing up for a revolution in their own right. They were not friendly to the overtures of Paris, and frequently rejected attempts by Paris to create a new 'party orthodoxy'.

    Despite being unsupported by the French revolutionary government, the Chinese communists had their own success. In early 1933, they managed to bomb a railway bridge and derail the armored train that belonged to the Khan Sternberg. The Khan initially survived, but was executed by his own bodyguards after most of them revealed themselves to be in cahoots with General Wrangel.

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    Pyotr Wrangel, Vozhd of the Great Eastern State (1933-1937)

    The Chinese communists took to the countryside to empower the revolution, joined by Mao and Jiang's 'United Front', as well as the anti-Japanese 'National Republic' lead by old Jiangist elements that opposed their original ideologue's alliance with communists. Wrangel seized power of the Khanate, but it was too late to prevent the collapse therein.

    The Sinkiang and Tibet governates revolted against the authority of the Mongol government, and the National Republican Army of the FER crossed into Mongolia full-tilt, to shatter the Khanate. Wrangel and his new regime were forced to retreat towards the Yunnan province to keep from being overtaken by the full-scale upheaval.

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    The 13th Dalai Lama, Head of State of the Empire of Tibet (1933)

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    Khoja Niyaz, President of the Republic of Turkestan (1933-1941)

    Japan occupied East Hebei and Inner Mongolia shortly after the start of the Anti-Mongol Mobilization and propped up a new 'Zionist regime' in that region. The Zionist armies immediately took to flooding into the territory controlled by the Qinghai Islamic tribes; hoping to carve out a large portion of China for themselves. The 'Zionist regime' was called the Hebei-Chahar Republic, named after the two major Chinese provinces that made up the core of the state. In an arrangement with the Japanese leadership, several Japanese military officers were sent to begin training the military of the Republic for war, to entrench stability.

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    Maxim Litvinov, President of the Hebei-Chahar Republic (1933-1947)
    The major factions of the Chinese Uprising made great inroads against the renamed 'Great Eastern State'. Stalin attempted to render aid to Wrangel if only to keep the Japanese and their puppets busy while the Russian Empire dealt with the chaos of the insurrection of the Bolsheviks. This did nothing but annoy the Far-Eastern Republic, on whose 'goodwill', Russian access to Siberia had been relatively unfettered.

    After Stalin's first shipments to Wrangel began to pass through FER territory, the FER closed the Trans-Siberian Railroad to Russia, enraging Stalin. In the first major war between the Russian military since the Russian Civil War, engagements and clashes occurred along the border in Siberia, but the FER military, trained and having been at a near constant state of readiness since inception, made quick work of the Russian military. The FER then invaded Siberia, looking to finally gain control of a long-awaited piece of Russian soil.

    Stalin, seeing the writing on the wall, capitulated without much fight, and framed the loss of Siberia to the Russian nation as a 'unique opportunity to refocus efforts in Europe and Central Asia', and announced new plans to cultivate settlement in the Kazakh region as well as in the heart of the Russian Empire. Russia did not need an icebox to survive, Russia needed men, money, and guns.

    Wrangel's regime became starved of resources, until elements within the British Raj under the direct orders from the new Viceroy of India, whom had been appointed following his resignation as Governor-General of Canada. the Marquess of Willingdon began to covertly send money and goods through the Burma Road into Wrangel's regime--he and the Raj felt that Japan was an ever-growing threat, and if London didn't see that, then they would have to act in their own manner. The regime was able to bolster itself and steady itself as it committed to a land war against the partisan forces of the Three Chinese Regimes.

    In June 1933, the world lurched and France initiated the meat of their grand political intrigue. Communists rose up against their democratic and non-democratic masters across the globe in almost every nation that bore an industrial society.

    ...

    In Canada, the 'Front pour la libération du Québec' attempted to assassinate Prime Minister Bennett and the Governor-General, and erected barricades through out Quebec's capital city in an attempt to seize the provincial government. From one of the barricades, the revolutionaries issued the Unilateral Declaration of Quebecois Independence, calling for the establishment of the People's Republic of Quebec intending on 'driving out the Anglo imperialist, and establishing a worker's regime in the name of fraternity and socialism'.

    The Canadian Army moved quickly to suppress the revolution, and heavy fighting erupted through out Quebec's capital city. Many Quebecois whom had been inclined to back the FLQ were no longer interested, particularly once their true Sorelian affiliations became publicized by the UDQI. 'His Majesty's Loyal Quebecois' regiments popped up lead by citizen militias. Armed by the Canadian Army, they fought alongside the Canadian government in suppressing the Quebecois Revolution.

    The Quebecois Regiments were lead, ironically, a Metropolitan French officer whom had been assigned to Canada in an attempt between the military directorate of Philippe Petain and the Canadians to foster better relations. Charles de Gaulle made a name for himself by leading a storming of one of the barricades. In a post-battle conversation with one of his fellow officers, he quipped

    'The French people will be the most hated men in the world; Quebec will not see a chance for freedom for another one-hundred years, if not longer.'

    ...

    In the United States, the Red March was an attempt by Communists to seize power from the United States government. Of course, given the fact that this was the United States and not a struggling republic like Germany, the Red March was a dismal failure and only savaged the reputation of communism amongst Americans, whom had gone from 'amicably concerned' to 'outright hateful'.

    1,700 members of the '''Red Guard''' attempted to march on the Capitol building to demand the dissolution of Congress and the establishment of a new 'Workers State'--Congress laughed, refused, and President Garner called in the military to deal with the 'clear and present danger' that these groups posed.

    The Red March was crushed underneath a tide of bayonets, and over 70 percent of the participants were arrested. Similar marches were attempted in New York to assail the New York Stock Exchange and attack Wall Street 'bourgeois'. Governor Roosevelt had no interest in letting this go on, and arranged with leaders of New York City and the NY National Guard to protect Wall Street from the violence.

    Roosevelt's quick response to the crisis, and his follow-up hammering of Presidents Garner and Hughes for not 'seeing the writing on the wall of the crisis we face' endeared him to many Progressives in both parties; and many began to look to pilot a way out to start the next American Party System.

    ...

    In Germany, the start of the Red Summer signified the change of KPD tactics. Where as before it was riots, acts of violence and demonstrations, it escalated to full on attempts at revolution. The start of the revolution involved the KPD seizing an opera house in Munich which had Rupprecht von Wittelsbach, the last Crown Prince of Bavaria, in attendance. The Röter Kampferbund took him and 600 others hostage, and mobilized their assets across Germany to start the revolution.

    In many cities, the KPD seized offices, buildings and important places, erecting barricades and attempting to impose their own law on the country. Many innocent people were abducted as hostages, or imprisoned in KPD-occupied police stations.

    'I was in Munich on business that day. I was a soldier by trade, having served by that point twenty years in the Reichswehr; I was with my associates Stepan [Bandera], Otto [Frank], and Konrad [Zuse]; the four of us had discovered a new possible way to exploit the market--engineering with calculation machines; and how we could possibly improve them and compete with the likes of America's IBM!

    It was unfortunate that the cafe we had chose to meet at was one of the targets of the KPD--we were all detained by the RKB and imprisoned separately. I was taken to a local police station that had been taken over by the Reds, and was thoroughly questioned. When it was discovered I was ex-Reichswehr, and an
    officer no less, I was savagely beaten and left in my jail cell, bloodied.

    I remember laying in that jail cell for nearly two weeks, very little food, very little water, just frequent beatings by the KPD...'

    - Adolf Hitler (1889 - 1972), excerpt from Mein Kampf, his memoirs
    The KPD made significant progress against the German government, but two weeks was all the Reichswehr needed to shut them down. Most of the KPD attempts to seize state governments was thwarted, and the leaders arrested and executed a short while later. The leaders of the 'national revolution' were arrested and never seen again; presumably either sent to labour camps, or executed outright.

    The extent of the KPD atrocities against academics, military officers, Jewish store-keepers, and middle management types became apparent after several men, including Albert Einstein and Adolf Hitler came to the forefront and testified to the Berlin government of the atrocities they experienced--Einstein's testimony stated that he witnessed the 'summary execution of no less than 20 Jewish prisoners', and Hitler's testimony of his savage beatings by zealous KPD commissars was just as chilling.

    The KPD, was, of course, banned promptly by the German government, and the Germans mobilized on the French and Austrian borders, daring Paris and Vienna to make a move. Paris was too busy with their Iberian escapades, while Austria flinched and demobilized their army without a fight. It came as no surprise that the German Army then crossed the Austro-German border, announcing their intention to occupy Austria and 'restore democracy' to the nation that had been shackled under the Red Menace.

    France screamed bloody murder, while Britain, Russia and the United States simply remained quiet on the matter-- President Stresemann emphasized that Austria would be rebuilt under democratic constitutional principles and then allowed to vote on if they wished to remain part of the German Republic or not.

    Karl Renner, a prominent political prisoner and non-communist Socialist, was established as the first Reichsprotektor von Österreich, with powers to help German occupational forces rebuild the country after the fall of the Vienna communist regime.

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    Karl Renner
    Reichsprotektor von Österreich (1935-1939)
    ...

    Spain and Portugal were poster children for the Red Scare. The homegrown communist movements in Spain and Portugal were entirely motivated based on the principles of pan-Romancism and Francism, and were open to the idea of unifying the economies and empires of the 'Three Western States' against the bulwarks of capitalism, Jewry, Germanism, and fascism.

    The Red Summer's surge of communist revolutionary activity hit these two states the hardest. The Spanish monarchy, which had been under pressure from internal conflict since the 1920s, buckled as the CNT-FAI, the dominant communistic movement (primarily anarcho-syndicalist) and the Provisional Catalan State rose up against Madrid's authority. French military forces crossed the border within a few days of the uprisings, and the Spanish government, and soon after, Portuguese government, collapsed into chaos.

    The Tokyo Pact, for their part, was dealing with their own uprisings to try to stop France; but the Free French government did seize the Balearic Islands away from the French invasion, and secured another 'safe-port' in the Mediterranean Sea for the signatories of the Pact.

    The Spanish government and Portuguese government took up exile in Africa, and signed an alliance and 'common association' agreement to help further their collaboration to liberate their homelands. The Spanish government fell to the hands of Francisco Franco Bahamonde in a military directorate much like Algiers; while Portugal was dominated by moderates under the leadership of Bento de Jesus Caraça.
    With Spain and Portugal (mostly) secured by the French military and their civilian militias, the French government promulgated the establishment of the 'Latin People's Union'; a union of France, Spain and Portugal's new communist governments in a 'revolutionary struggle against Germanism'--they had intended to spread into Italy, but the authoritarian nature of Benito Mussolini's own socialist party had rapidly crushed Francism in the cradle, preventing major Frankish ideological seeds from being sown in the leftist parties that Mussolini was seen as the 'de-facto head' of.

    Italy, for it's part, refused to recognize the LPU, and insisted that Italy would remain 'stronger as it's own independent state'.

    The Red Summer's end came before long, but the damage was widespread, and far-reaching. Most nations in the West and East, for that matter, had been damaged by the revolutionary fervor of the 'permanent revolution' ideology forwarded by the French government; but in the aftermath, nobody misunderstood who their enemy was-- it was France.​
     
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    World Map, 1935
  • Asami

    Banned
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    The World in 1935; things are getting considerably less stable.
     
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    28. The Great Depression
  • Asami

    Banned
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    28. 大恐慌
    28. The Great Depression
    In the aftermath of the Red Summer, the economies of the Western world were stymied and the ages of growth that had gone south. While at first, one would believe that the need for reconstruction efforts in many nations would facilitate the growth of the economy even further; however, with the symbols of capitalism under siege by the Red Hydra, the ensuing months following the summer of 1933 were a time of great instability. The governments of the West managed to 'weather' the Red Summer, but in October 1933, the economic instability finally gave way to something else. In a single day of trading on October 27, 1933; millions of units of currency were wiped off the face of the Earth as the New York Stock Exchange and London Stock Exchange crashed in a spectacularly crippling fashion.

    While the near collapse of the stock market would have not necessarily started a massive economic crisis; Black Friday gave an illusion of instability to people across the West, particularly after the Red Summer's events had destroyed many people's livelihoods and businesses. In the immediate aftermath of the stock collapse, commodity prices collapsed. People, not trusting the economy, began to severely curtail expenditures, causing the demand for the commodities to collapse. This had a 'knock-on' effect of seeing profits for farmers and other commodity producers collapsing as well, leading to a sharp increase in unemployment in many countries.

    This trend of an increasingly worsening economy, rapid and sudden deflation, and the contracting of the industrial and agricultural enterprise due to rising unemployment spread across the globe to many nations.

    In the United States, dozens of major banks collapsed in a matter of months as people began to flood to safe-guard their savings. Homelessness increased as people defaulted on their loans which they had gotten in the zeal of the post-War economic boom and had lost their homes. Anger boiled up against the Democratic Party and their governing methods, as Garner had largely done little to change the trajectory of the economy in the aftermath of the Charles Hughes administration. While not entirely blameless, he did nothing despite the objections of the many economic advisors, including the Treasury Secretary. Garner had doubled down on instituting tariffs on foreign goods to 'strengthen American economic assets'; and after the collapse of the economy, many people, in their disgruntled attitude towards the President, began to call their shanty-towns in many urban cities Garnervilles as a method of needling the Democratic president.

    A matter affecting both Canada and the United States, was the Dust Bowl of 1934. Many years of poor American and Canada management of agricultural land, primarily displacing the native deep-rooted grasses with crops by 'deep-plowing' the Great Plains. As a result, their problems had come to roost--a drought in 1934 caused much of the topsoil to 'loosen up' and lead to a psuedo-famine as farms were destroyed under what amounted to be 'dust-storms' that blanketed the American Mid-West and Canadian Prairies in choking particles of dirt, which destroyed crops, killed people, and rendered miles of farm-land incapable of being tilled for months on end.

    In the same year, 1934, the United Kingdom and Japan, both nations with an investment in avoiding further economic chaos and problems, declared their abandonment of the gold standard, a standard which had guided economies for generations. Japan had largely avoided the pitfalls of the Great Depression. In the late 1920s, Takahashi Korekiyo, the Financial Minister under Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi, had foreseen the coming crisis.

    The Japanese government had spent the better part of the 1920s and early 1930s investing money and creating a large financial stimulus package-- this effort paid off, as by mid-1935, Japanese textile exports were rapidly outpacing that of their British allies in foreign markets. Japanese goods were appearing everywhere they could go, as Japan's economy faced minimal contraction (8% between 1934 and early 1936, which was not as bad as the UK, Germany, Russia or the United States.)

    In December 1934, Takahashi, along with the Imperial Cabinet and the many members of the governing coalition, moved to reduce fiscal stimulus in the war-making business. While Japan did have the threat of China on her border, as unstable as it was, Takahashi and many anti-radical 'pro-armament' figures pointed out that needlessly spending money on things that were not necessary could be avoided. During the early 1930s, spending on war armaments had tripled from their 1923 levels, and had left the Inukai government deeply desiring to push against this push that they had seen happen without much warning.

    This move to reduce deficit spending on armaments was met with hostility from the militarist faction, and after a fateful meeting between Prince Chichibu and several high-ranking IJA and IJAF officers in January 1936, the seeds of the coming struggle for Japan were sown.​
     
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    Japanese and British Royal Family, Jan. 1936
  • Asami

    Banned
    British and Japanese Monarchy (as of January 19, 1936)

    House Saxe-Coburg and Gotha
    King George V
    Reign: 1910 - present day
    Confirmed to be on death-bed, has been confined to bed since January 15th; health is failing.

    King George V (b. 1865; m. Mary of Teck, 1893; current King of the United Kingdom.)
    Edward, Prince of Wales (b. 1894, unmarried; currently unemployed)
    Prince Albert, Duke of York (b. 1895, m. Elizabeth Bowes-Lyon, 1923; currently serving as Governor-General of Canada; inv. Duke of York since 1920)

    Princess Alexandrina Victoria of York (b. 1926; currently enrolled in primary school in Ottawa, and, under advice from Queen Mary, is being given a proper full education.)
    Princess Elizabeth of York (b. 1931; young child; currently enrolled in primary school in Ottawa.)
    Princess Mary of York (b. 1934; infant)
    Mary, Princess Royal (b. 1897; m. Henry Lascelles, 6th Earl of Harewood, 1922; currently involved in the British Red Cross and other charitable organizations)
    George Lascelles (b. 1923; currently enrolled in private education; heir to the Earldom of Harewood)
    Gerald Lascelles (b. 1924)
    Prince Henry, Duke of Gloucester (b. 1900; m. Lady Alice Douglas Scott, 1935; currently serving in the British Army as an officer)
    Prince George (b. 1902; m. Princess Marina of Greece and Denmark, 1934; currently employed in the Home Office as a civil servant)
    Prince John, Prince Asahikawa (b. 1905; m. Kazuko Yamashita, commoner, 1933; currently living in Hokkaidō, handicapped)

    Prince James, Prince Ashoro (b. 1935; infant)

    Line of Succession (formalized):
    1. Edward, Prince of Wales
    2. Prince Albert, Duke of York

    3. Princess Alexandrina Victoria
    4. Princess Elizabeth
    5. Princess Mary
    6. Prince Henry, Duke of Gloucester
    7. Prince George
    8. Prince John

    9. Prince James
    10. Mary, Princess Royal
    11. George Lascelles
    12. Gerald Lascelles

    Japanese Imperial Household (Yamato clan)
    Emperor Hirohito
    Reign: 1919 - present day

    Meiji Emperor (l. 1852-1912; r. 1867-1912; m. Empress Shouken, 1867)
    Taishou Emperor (l. 1879-1919; r. 1912-1919; m. Empress Teimei, 1900)
    Emperor Hirohito (b. 1901; m. Anna Eleanor Roosevelt, 1930; current Emperor of Japan)
    Michiko, Crown Princess (b. 1931; enrolled in public education in Tokyo)
    Aiko, Princess Aomori (b. 1933; infant)
    Yoshiko, Princess Karatsu (b. 1935; infant)
    Line of Succession (disputed by Prince Chichibu):
    1. Michiko, Crown Princess (disputed by Prince Chichibu)
    2. Aiko, Princess Aomori (disputed by Prince Chichibu)
    3. Yoshiko, Princess Karatsu (disputed by Prince Chichibu)

    4. Yasuhito, Prince Chichibu
    5. Nobuhito, Prince Takamatsu
     
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    29. For Want of Glory...
  • Asami

    Banned
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    29. 栄光のために...
    29. For Want of Glory...
    What does 1936 signify to Japan and the United Kingdom? A typically blasé year in the Gregorian Calendar did much to damage the souls of many people, and render a general malaise across the fabric of two empires, both alike in dignity.

    On January 20th, 1936, King George V of the United Kingdom died after several days of struggling with ailment. Upon his death, his eldest son, Edward, Prince of Wales; acceded to the throne as Edward VIII.

    This event had been feared for years, as Edward's somewhat irresponsible behavior and playboy nature had not endeared him to the late King and his good wife. Queen Mary, the Queen Mother, with her German sensibilities and old-time ironclad beliefs about the divine nature of the monarchy, had played a great number of chips on the field of the great gamble her husband, children and their forebears and descendants would have to bear.

    She had been one of the driving forces behind the appointment of her second son, Albert, Duke of York, to the office of Governor-General of Canada, and had played a great deal in the education of her eldest granddaughter, Alexandrina Victoria. The now ten-year-old Princess spent all of her time in Ottawa, and, at her grandmother's urging, had been placed in the best education the British Dominion could provide for the young girl; and she was consistently showing top marks in all of her courses, and excelling towards a degree--while Mary was an old-school woman, she understood this much-- the future monarch must be well-bred, well-educated, and well-positioned.

    The delicate fabric of her plan for the United Kingdom's future was thrown into disarray in February 1936.

    On February 12, 1936, the motorcar carrying the Governor-General and his wife was targeted by Quebecois communists. As they were proceeding through Montreal on tour to Canada's most wayward province, their car was firebombed by members of the People's Liberation Army of Quebec (Armée populaire de libération du Québec / APLQ). Despite the heightened security, enough men managed to distract the Royal Canadian Mounted Police long enough for them to take their operations to head.

    Both the Duke and Duchess were killed immediately in the flaming wreckage; and it took no time for the news to break across the globe. In London, the King and the Queen Mother were both informed almost immediately, and both immediately asked about the safety of the Princess Alexandrina. They were informed that the Princess was in school at the time, and had been picked up by members of the Canadian Army and the RCMP immediately after the news had broken.

    The Queen Mother was said to have broken down into hysterics, lamenting the death of her son Bertie--the King was said to have been beside himself as well--while he and his brother did not always have the best relationship, he still deeply cared for the man. It was immediately ordered that Alexandrina be brought back to the United Kingdom, as she was now the first in line for the throne, her father having pre-deceased her.

    Alexandrina, often referred to in the Canadian press as 'our Princess', departed from Canada in an abject state of depression. The death of her parents, and having to leave the country she found to fancy more than the bleak United Kingdom had tolled upon her psyche. Upon her arrival, the ten year old was placed in the stewardship of the Queen Mary, who felt 'best suited' to watch over the future Queen and teach her to rule properly; as there was a growing expectation that the Playboy King would inevitably fail to uphold his duties; as callous of an assumption as that was, it was a universally accepted fact by most.

    Alexandrina, Elizabeth and Mary arrived back in the United Kingdom in the following weeks, and would spend the coming months mourning, burying their father, and breaking up into the respective new routines. Edward's perspective on the matters of state and on his duty changed with the murder of his brother by communists. The King, whose popularity had been abysmal at best, and was already drawing the ire of the aristocratic class for his excesses, became withdrawn through the dawn of 1936.

    While not forsaking his affairs, he kept them as discreet as he possibly could, and reaffirmed himself to his duties as King. At the time, even some such as Horatio Bottomley and Hilaire Belloc remained reserved in targeting the King for his moral failures, particularly as the next in line was a child, and would require a regency; something nobody really wanted to invest the future of the nation in a time of communist insurgency into.

    But in his own mind, the events that had brought him here were a cross in themselves to bear. With a stronger footing, he pledged that in his brother's memory, he would do his best to serve Britain as their new King.

    ...

    For the Japanese, 1936 marked a catalyst for the new 'age of Japan'. While the militarists had, in many attempts, tried to overthrow the constitutional government of the Japanese Empire; the loyalists of the three branches of the armed forces, and the government itself had thwarted every attempt undertaken to dissolve the constitutional regime.

    The now seemingly perennial 'military tries to take over' event was primed and ready to go in February 1936. Though the militarists had tried to publicly overthrow the Japanese government twice (1915 and 1923), the general effort invested by the militarists seemed to endure despite the extensive anti-radical purge in 1923.

    February 26, 1936 was the third major attempt by the radicals to enforce their will upon the Japanese state and government; but this time was especially notable as it had the first public involvement of a member of the Imperial Household. Chichibu took a leading position amongst the conspirators, joined by the Prince Kan'in Kotohito, Konoe Fumimaro, and Hata Shunroku, along with several others.

    On February 25th, heavy snowfall blanketed the Tokyo Metropolis. According to the Emperor's memoirs published in 1976, he recalled the prior night to the coup attempt in detail.

    'We had been kept up through the night by the Princess Karatsu and her bout of colic. At around 00:30, the Empress had commented that it was beginning to snow. Peering out of the balcony window, I could see the flurries and snowdrifts beginning to accumulate. It was the heaviest I'd seen it in my entire life.

    The Empress commented off-handedly, "Darling, is this rare?"


    And then I was struck by a horrible thought. The rumblings of something sinister had been brewing for days. My brother, Yasuhito, had cast the die against me, declaring my daughters inelligible to succeed--despite the Succession Act of 1936 guaranteeing their right to rule... but this was... perhaps a sign, I thought at the time.

    At 00:47, I picked up the telephone and instructed the Imperial Household staff to immediately contact the Prime Minister, the Princes Takamatsu and Mikasa, the Kempeitai, and ordered the operator arrange a car for the Empress and my daughters. At about 01:45, the small fleet of vehicles arrived at the front gates of the palace.

    A new 1936-model black Mitsubishi automobile rolled up and my wife and daughters were loaded into it. My heart at the time was telling me that something was wrong, and that something had to be done. I ordered they be taken away from the City of Tokyo, and they be put under strict guard and to not allow anybody in to see them without directly speaking to me. The Kempeitai guardsmen, shocked at my candid address of them, bowed reverently and departed.


    Shortly afterwards, I recieved a notice from the telephone operators that the snow had severed the telephone lines between the Imperial Palace and the Prime Minister's residence. However, my two not-estranged brothers arrived soon after, and we retreated into the palace. Entering into my private quarters, I drew the door shut and turned to face them both.

    "The coup is happening this morning."

    Both men paled deeply and Mikasa furiously said, "Chichibu doesn't have the willpower to do this; to unseat his brother, the divinely chosen Emperor!"

    "He unfortunately does have the willpower and just enough stupidity to do it," I said to my youngest brother, before turning to face the window again. I said, "We will not allow the palace to fall."

    Just as I finished my sentence, a young man knocked on the door. He entered the room and bowed in the same proper respectful manner. He did not look at me and said, "Your Majesty, the representratives of the NHK are here at your request."

    Within 45 minutes to an hour, we had a broadcasting booth set up in the Imperial Palace, ready to go should they need to be implemented.

    At 02:35, I was given a briefing about the situation by the Kempeitai chief, Tōjō Hideki. Tojo had explained that he had been in contact with the conspirators as a double agent, and had been made aware of the identities of several high-ranking members of the Imperial Family and all branches of the Armed Forces, except for the Air Force.

    It deeply hurt me that my brother's name appeared, along with the serpent Kan'in Kotohito, and the even more devious oni-man hybrid, Fumimaro Konoe-- a man whose racist epithets had been endangering the Empire for too long. It surprised me at the time to find that Henry Pu-yi was listed as a member of the 'Righteous Army'.

    I raised an eyebrow and looked at the General with a questioning expression, and he explained,

    "Your Imperial Majesty, he believes that a... Chichibu-lead Japan with militarist interests would be willing to sever connections to the Far-Eastern Republic and help prop up a new Qing Empire in China... after the one you originally supported failed against the Republicans."

    I was deeply worried about what was to come.'

    At 5 o'clock AM, the first movements of the February 26th Incident were moved into place. Okada Keisuke, a well-known Admiral and a major proponent of democracy, was the first to be attacked, by 280 men. After surrounding the Admiral's residence, they forced their way into the house, but alerted Admiral Okada, who managed to flee while his brother was killed in his stead.

    A similar set of attempts were made on the life of Nobuaki Makino. While the Count escaped from harm, a member of his guard was fatally wounded, and died of resulting wounds.

    Another set of conspirators turned to target the Asahi Shimbun, one of Japan's most liberal news publications. The initial attempt was rebuffed by several members of the Kempeitai and the Imperial Japanese Army, and a large firefight emerged on the streets of Tokyo between those barricaded inside of the building and on the flanks, and those attempting to assail it.

    They also targeted the NHK's main building, attempting to force their way inside. Similar to the Asahi Shimbun, they failed to gain control of the building, and were forced to put the building to siege instead.

    The conspirators did have some success. They managed to capture and assassinate Takahashi Korekiyo, one of their largest enemies and the architect of Japan's post-Depression recovery; and Saitou Makoto, the former Governor-General of Korea, and one of the architects of the anti-militarist efforts on the peninsula.

    One of the best successes of the conspirators was how they managed to invade the Prime Minister's Residence. Managing to force their way into the house, Prime Minister Inukai attempted to hide, but was discovered, and was promptly executed on the spot by one of the conspirators. After the death of the Prime Minister, the conspirators began to distribute pamphlets across Tokyo informing them of the dissolution of the Inukai government and the 'regency' of Emperor Hirohito due to mental instability.

    At 06:00, several conspirators and associates entered the Imperial Palace grounds through the Hanzō Gate. After two hours of entrenching themselves, their involvement was discovered by the several Kempeitai officers. A firefight emerged within the Imperial Palace walls, and the Emperor took refuge inside of his quarters, along with his brothers and General Tojo, holding several firearms.

    The Emperor, with the NHK staff, then ordered all radio broadcasts be cut and he be allowed to directly address the people. There was no recording made of the Emperor's speech, but most historical commentary on the day, denotes that Hirohito spoke openly and accused his brother Chichibu, along with several others of treason, and called on the Japanese people to resist in his name.

    The response wasn't surprising. Peasant bands took to the streets to attack the conspirators, and military loyalists followed suit. Imperial Japanese Army loyalists began to arrest en masse conspirators within their ranks, and foiled at least two-dozen other plots by conspirators.

    Prince Chichibu, whom had been in Tokyo for the February 26th Incident, was captured by a raid team of sixteen members of the Kempeitai. After subduing him, the leading officer brusquely stated to the Prince,

    "By writ of his Imperial Majesty, the Emperor, we hereby place you, The Prince Chichibu, under arrest for the crime of treason."

    The Prince's arrest was publicized, and a rumor mill fired up as the city dissolved into mass chaos. By 1 o'clock in the afternoon, peace had managed to be restored after the Kempeitai and IJA loyalists deployed to the streets to cordon off areas and keep the peace.

    The Emperor explicitly ordered to all agencies to arrest all conspirators, and identify all associates and collaborators and arrest them as well. He also signed a decree which dissolved the Kwangtung Army, which had been a major well of the radical militarist conspirators.

    As the day turned to evening, the Emperor now had in custody, over two-thousand people involved in the coup attempt. Ranging from his brother, to high ranking political and military figures, down to several commoners. The Emperor did not decide how to proceed, but instead turned to his first and most pronounced need. A new Prime Minister, for the old one is dead.

    At 17:13, the Emperor summoned Hirota Kōki to the Palace, and offered him the position of Prime Minister on a provisional basis, implying that the Prime Minister should step-aside for the 1938 elections. While not the Emperor's favorite, Admiral Okada was still an active-service naval officer and was better suited helping with reforming and weeding out traitors in the Navy.

    From 26 February onwards, Japan had a new Prime Minister--an Independent commoner.

    360px-Kohki_Hirota_suit.jpg


    Hirota Koki, Prime Minister of Japan (1936-1938)
    Independent (no party affiliation)
     
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    30. Solomon's Last Stand
  • Asami

    Banned
    404px-Benito_Mussolini_colored.jpg


    Chapter 30: ソロモンの最後の立場
    Solomon's Last Stand

    The ascent of the Latin Popular Union did little to satisfy the waves of fear that were radiating through the heart of the Kingdom of Italy. After the Great War, they had come out on the 'victorious' side of things, and had made gains in Tirol and Istria; but had been denied their 'place' in the sun by the new status quo. Attempts to annex the Dalmatian coast had been solidly rebuffed, and attempts to influence and supplant the Albanian monarchy with Italian sympathetic followers had been thwarted left and right. However, after the flight of the Parisian government, Italy had followed Britain's example, and had invaded France's African possessions to salvage something from the dying Francophonic state. Out of it, Italy had gained control of French East Africa (the small colony of Djibouti) and Tunisia (one of Italy's most coveted neighboring possessions).

    After the Red Summer's devastation had burned a great berth across Europe, the King had decided to 'countermand' the power of the Francists and other communists who were taking inspiration from the LPU's psuedo-syndicalist doctrine and appointed Benito Mussolini, the leader of the Socialist Party of Italy, to the office of Prime Minister. The former pro-war journalist had been one of the most loud and anti-communist voices in the Kingdom in the 1920s, repeatedly calling for war against the LPU to 'bring down their inhuman system', particularly after an influx of Jewish refugees and other 'minorities' in France soon flooded through Italy to stay, or to move on to other places. In order to drum up nationalist sentiment in the country, and 'further' the Italian imperial ambition that had been stymied numerous times, Mussolini needed a new target. Ferdinand Foch's 'Free France' was not really a target--the Algiers government was weak enough already, and would likely fall over with the simplest 'breeze'.

    He instead decided to turn to an issue that had been haunting Italy since the end of the 19th century. Between the years of 1894 and 1896, Italy had waged a war of conquest against the Kingdom of Ethiopia in East Africa. The war had been a disaster for the Italians, with the Ethiopians containing them to Somalia and Eritrea. Mussolini felt, that as they approached the 40th anniversary of the defeat, they should 'regain' what was lost from them. A front for 'negotiations' with Addis Adeba popped up, to 'solve the Somalian border question', but at the same time, Mussolini was making overtures to London to turn a 'blind eye' to his adventurism in Africa. Britain was willing to accept the fait accompli of Italian occupation of Ethiopia on the condition that Italy become a signatory to the Tokyo Treaty, which would commit her to a war against any communist or fascist power that should decide to invade one of the signatory states. While the treaty remained mostly an informal treaty, it was by the late 1930s, becoming ever more serious of an actual alliance. At a meeting in Munich, Bavaria in 1935, Mussolini signed the Treaty, joining Italy into the 'de facto' alliance with Britain, Germany, the United States, and Japan.

    With his securities guaranteed by the various governments of the 'Major Powers', Italian intelligence operatives 'leaked' that Ethiopia was smuggling weapons to communist rebels in Eritrea, Rhodesia, South Africa, and Libya, and had attacked the Italian border posts in several locations. The false flag worked in riling up the patriotism of the Italian homeland, and the major powers simply ignored Ethiopia's pleas for help as Italian forces invaded full bore. The war, which began in May 1935, lasted only a few months, and came to a conclusion in November 1935, with the fall of Addis Adeba. Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia decamped from his country in the aftermath. He refused to take up exile in Britain (whose involvement in Italy's invasion was damning to him). Instead, he took up the offer of exile from Kaiser Wilhelm II of all people. The former Emperor of Ethiopia arrived in Riga's Flughafen Riga as a guest of the Kaiser. The increasingly elderly German monarch (whose little playground had somehow managed to survive nearly 20 years since the German Revolution) ennobled the Emperor with a German title (Duke of Ösel / Herzog von Ösel), and gave him shelter. Nobody particularly cared about what they were doing.

    The annexation of Ethiopia was well-received in Italy. King Victor Emmanuel III was elevated to the title of Emperor of Ethiopia by acclaim in early December 1935, become a King-Emperor (much like the British King-Emperor). Rome then set out to organize the new East African colonial government. The colonial government of Italian East Africa / Africa Orientale Italiana was first organized in documentation in April 1936. While the King-Emperor was very much the head of state of the colony, the Viceroy of Ethiopia and Governor-General of Italian East Africa was a created office to govern the colony in the King's name. The country was partitioned into six 'governorates' with a multitude of provinces, to 'maximize' efficiency of governance, and to weaken the natives enough to prevent them from challenging Italian dominance.

    Italy's government would go into some measure of deficit investing in infrastructure in Ethiopia, but Mussolini and his government were confident that Italian East Africa would be a 'model of success' for other European colonies in due time, whether it be 10 years, or 100.​
     
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    31. The End of Prussia
  • Asami

    Banned
    Polish-soldiers-px800.jpg


    Chapter 31: Das Ende von Preußen

    The End of Prussia
    There had always been an undercurrent of resentment amongst the Polish citizenry in the Kingdom of Poland for the continued German occupation of several 'historical' regions of Poland. As well, the Kingdom of Livonia had been, for a long time, angry and in many ways, jealous of Germany's relatively stable success after the deposition of the Kaiser Wilhelm II. In the spring of 1937, the situation and tensions had boiled over, leading to the short regional Prussian War. The King of Poland, Augustus IV, had wanted to strengthen his country's political power and achieve access to the ocean. In order to get enough 'strength' to do so, he formed a secret pact against the German Republic with the assistance of the Livonians and Lithuanians. In exchange for their support, a concessions would be made; such as the annexation of East Prussia back into the realm of Kaiser Wilhelm II--and the cession of Memelland to Lithuania.

    In Germany proper, there was an increasing amount of malaise against the Free State of Prussia, whose political clout was still very strong, as they were the largest province of all. President Julius Curtius and Chancellor Adam Remmele were both interested in weakening the power of the Prussian state, and creating a new 'better' Germany. The Weimar Republic era had suited the revolutionary ideals of German republicanism, and had been a useful bulwark against the French communists and their KPD servants. But, to Remmele and Curtius, it had served it's purpose and was no longer a necessity. The Reichstag began to deliberate on dismantling the Prussian state, and calling for a provincial reform. Wilhelm Frick, a right-wing member of the DNVP, had been given an appointment in the German government during the Red Summer Coalition. Frick was interested in 'streamlining' the German administrative boundaries by creating a much more compact and easy-to-govern provincial system.

    The Bezirke system stemmed from this idea of Frick's. There would be Bezirke and Unterbezirke. Each of the Bezirke (of which there would only be a handful) would report to the Berlin government, while the Unterbezirke would be directly administered by the local Bezirke and municipalities.​

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    Proposed reform image of the Free State of Saxony's borders.
    The plan's proposal in the Reichstag was met with opposition from amongst the Prussian leadership and elites. These reforms would mean the dissolution of the Free State of Prussia and it's partition into numerous provinces, and to those with a vested interestin the 'Prussian-dominated Germany', this was an unacceptable move. However, in the aftermath of the Red Summer, there was a significant interest amongst Germans to strengthen the power of the Berlin government to be able to dispatch threats to the Republic, particularly communistic ones.

    In order to shutter the government, the Prussian aristocratic elites began to work against Berlin, shuttering railways arbitrarily, preventing business from being done, and generally attempting to stunt the government's ability to service Prussia; mostly in an attempt to force President Curtius and Chancellor Remmele to resign due to the stunned government. On March 13, 1937, the situation was given a final push by Polish forces crossing the frontier into Wartheland and Prussia under the guise of restoring Polish territorial integrity. The Prussian elite was immediately blamed for the war, as their refusal to accept 'humanitarian border revisions', had doomed the German Republic's people in those eastern provinces to the battlefield. Prussia, primarily the state of East Prussia within the Free State, staged a revolt against the Berlin government, inviting the 'restoration of the King of Prussia' to govern their lands. While the Reichswehr easy suppressed any and all Prussian attitudes in the homeland, the advancing Polish, Lithuanian and Livonian Army made clear that there wasn't much to do about restoring peace to Konigsberg.

    The war, which only lasted a few weeks, was brought to an end by Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop visiting Warsaw and negotiating a quick peace. The terms saw the Germans losing West Prussia, East Prussia and Wartheland, but gaining back Silesia proper from the Poles. The peace treaty was arbitrated by the United Kingdom, whom deeply insisted on Poland joining the Tokyo Pact, and insisting on a permanent border treaty to ensure that no further wars broke out of the Eastern Borders of Germany, and the Western Border of Poland. The Final Settlement on the Border Between the Republic of Germany and Kingdom of Poland was signed in August 1937, and would permanently mark the German-Polish Border for years to come. The Port City of Danzig would remain open to German traffic, duty-free for a term of 10 years, as per the treaty.

    After the war's conclusion in April 1937, the Reichstag approved the new internal provincial revisions, and formally abolished Prussia as an entity. The new Bezirke system took effect on May 1, 1937.

    In Poland, the King's prestige and popularity soared even higher, with Augustus IV seen as once again standing for his people, not his birthland. Celebrations were held across Poland to commemorate his service. In Lithuania and Livonia however, the popularity of King Mindaugas III of Lithuania and Kaiser Wilhelm II were nowhere near as high...

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    German Bezirke after the Prussian War; May 1937.
     
    32. New Deal
  • Asami

    Banned
    1aff4ac604a16159b93554a898e58fe0.jpg


    Chapter 32. 新たな契約
    New Deal

    By the time the 1936 United States presidential elections arrived, a general malaise had settled across the United States, and a large number of people were angry at the inaction and relatively 'slow' recovery promised by the Garner presidency, and the economic policies shoved into action by the 'business Republicans' of Congress that caused the Great Depression to start with. As a result, there was a deep divide in the political field, and an easily exploitable hole. Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt, whose name had been on the lips of Americans for years now, seemed ready to take that hole and run with it.

    Amongst Progressive Republicans, including the enigmatic figure of Former President Charles Hughes, there was a need to ensure a progressive candidate for 1936, as it seemed that the Republican Party was in a 'one-track mind' to nominate Frederick Steiwer and Robert A. Taft, both of whom were known for their Borah-esque isolationist sympathies. This infuriated men like Charles Hughes, Robert M. La Follette Jr., William Stephens, and Herbert Hoover. On the Democratic side, similar frustration was mounting over the nearly mandatory renomination of President Garner and Vice President Anderson to a second term of office--as a result, both parties seemed on the brink of mutiny.

    In a private meeting between Governor Roosevelt, Former President Hughes, Former Vice President Dawes, and Former Secretary of Commerce Hoover; the Republicans in the room made a plea to draft Governor Roosevelt to serve as the head of a Progressive ticket for 1936. Roosevelt, whose presidential aspirations in the Democratic Party had been waylaid by his daughter's romantic entanglement and later marriage to the Japanese Emperor, was intrigued, but not convinced. It wasn't until he was visited by his cousin, Quentin Roosevelt, that he changed his mind. Quentin, the son of the famed President Theodore Roosevelt, convinced Franklin to run under the premise that if he did--he would be able to shape the future of a nation in a manner to suit him.

    In a speech widely publicized, in November 1935, Franklin Roosevelt announced his candidacy, and formation of the 'New Deal Coalition'-- a coalition of liberal and progressive Republicans, Democrats and Socialists (in the Stalinist sense, not the Trotskyite CPUSA) against the 'conservative and stagnant ideology' of Garner and Steiwer. The New Deal Coalition saw an immediate entrance into the polls running rather close to the Democrats and Republicans as the weeks rolled on. In early 1936, Roosevelt nominated Robert E. Lee Chancey, the Governor of Florida, and a Progressive Democrat, to the Vice Presidency.

    chancey.jpg

    Chancey was unique. A Southern Progressive Democrat was what the ticket needed to energize it. Chancey had been the Governor of Florida since 1931, and Florida had seen the least economic 'upset' of the 48 states of the Union. From a long-line of planters from Georgia and Florida, Chancey had served as the Mayor of Tampa during the Borah and Roosevelt administrations, and had later served as Deputy Governor of Florida during the Hughes presidency. He was an enigmatic and charismatic man, the right man to lead the way.

    The Progressive Republicans who had created the 'New Deal' movement were a little scorned and upset at the nomination of another Democrat, but were satiated when Roosevelt outlined his plans for the cabinet-- the Governor of Maryland, Charles L. Bonaparte, would be named to the Secretary of State, as Roosevelt had met with him several times, and he had been thoroughly impressed by his capacities as an administrator and leader.

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    Governor Charles L. Bonaparte (born 1890; death 1981), Roosevelt's planned Secretary of State.
    On the campaign trail, Roosevelt surrounded himself with the popularity of his cousin Theodore, and those who had served in his presidency, in his Congress, and in his cabinets. Derided by Southern Democrats as a traitor to the party, Roosevelt paid no mind to the direct mudslinging, and instead hammered the economic and political points--the need for rights, the need for progress, the need for reform, and the need for recovery. Postulating that the largest threat to America at the time was the Latin Popular Union, and that only by extending America's alliance with the Japanese, British, Germans (and now Italians), could the United States secure itself and it's interests from communism and fascism.

    From the left-side, in the 'socialistic' faction of the Coalition, Walter Reuther, and Norman Thomas campaigned for Roosevelt. Reuther, a leading figure in the automotive trade unions, emphasized the need to protect unions from being busted up by the conservative Democrats and 'business' Republicans; and the need to protect the rights of workers to prevent another Red Summer.

    Thomas spent his time agitating for civil rights extensions, one of the policy initiatives the Socialists insisted on before agreeing to the coalition. The Civil Rights plank strengthened Roosevelt's standing amongst Progressives (and in his own home, as his wife was very pro-Civil Rights); but decimated his standing amongst the already hostile and skeptical Southern Democrats. However, those black voters that did have the right to vote, seemed to trend very pro-Roosevelt through out the election season.

    Polling data was having a difficult time keeping up with the game. Roosevelt's multi-polar campaign and attitudes drew voters away from the Republican and Democratic parties in every region except for the South and parts of New England. When the time to vote came around, everyone across America waited with baited breath for whom would emerge as the next President of the United States. From the Progressives of New York, Roosevelt's motto of "Happy Days Are Here Again" resounded strongly; while Garner's repeated phrases of "continued recovery" and Steiwer's "America for Americans, America First" seemed to fall on deaf ears.

    YlWsjNX.png

    The election was notable in that every Vice Presidential candidate lost their home-state. Chancey did not carry Florida (as despite his best efforts, his candidacy for the Vice Presidency did not end up on Florida's presidential ballot thanks to his now numerous enemies in his own government), Anderson did not carry Pennsylvania, and Taft did not carry Ohio. Roosevelt and Garner won their home-states (New York and Texas respectively), but Steiwer failed to carry Oregon, a defeat most historians attribute to Roosevelt's numerous agrarian-friendly policies on farmland recovery, and the public dislike of Senator Taft for his isolationist views.

    The New Deal Coalition began to prepare for transition, and many apprehensive progressive, liberal and left-leaning Senators and Congressmen openly joined the growing coalition with the intent of backing the New Deal horse as it galloped at full tilt into the spotlight of national politics.
     
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    33. National Anti-Imperialist Campaign
  • Asami

    Banned
    e16-21.jpg


    Helmsman Zhu Leads The Revolution Forward! (1953 propaganda poster, Bureau of National Safety and Security, Nanjing)

    Chapter 33: 国家反帝运动
    National Anti-Imperialist Campaign
    For several years, China had been, effectively, held hostage to the rolling tide of chaos, bitterness, and hostility. Regime changes had been a common thing now for nearly 20 years, ranging from the Kuomintang, to monarchists, to communists, to republicans again, to conservatives, so on and so forth. For Zhu De, leader of the Communist Party of China, and one of the only factions to have endured and weathered the worst of the Mongol Empire's aggression without retreating from China entirely, had been exploiting the rapid collapse of the Mongol State to expand their own revolutionary tide. Despite the assassination of the 'father of the party' Chen Duxiu, Zhu De was a man who was ready to strike.

    The National Anti-Imperialist Campaign began in March 1936, and coincided with the post-2/26 chaos in Japan. While Zhu wisely decided to avoid confrontation with the Empire of Japan, his 'National Liberation Army' took several skirmishes to the nose against the conservative anti-Japanese Republic of China, and the Maoist Japanese-aligned Republic of China.

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    Chinese insurgencies as of 1935
    During the first weeks of the campaign, the Communists focused their efforts against the Conservatives, whom were dealing with a peasant insurgency due to their strict and heavy taxation policies that benefited only the small urban elite in parts of their territory, and not the largely agrarian majority.
    By the middle of May 1936, the Communists had delivered a crippling blow to the conservative Republicans, driving them from Central China all together, and into the southern regions. The Communists had seen an increase in popularity as they had been the least nefarious of all factions, showing some measure of 'mercy' and 'kindness' to the average Chinese citizen. As a result, they had a large amount of popularity amongst the agrarian classes, most of whom were under the jackboot of the Mongols.

    The National Anti-Imperialist Campaign would carry on through 1936 and into 1938, with the twin Republics retreating entirely. Mao, being a forebear of some-what socialistic thought and an important and popular figure, was allowed to return to China in 1947, where he would hold numerous political positions of middle-relevance before his death in 1967. Chiang, however, was convicted of treason in absentia, and was never allowed to return to China. He lived the remainder of his life in Japanese exile, primarily staying on Formosa, but frequently foraying north to Korea and into Japan for personal reasons or business reasons.

    While the Communists were conducting the 'Anti-Imperialist Campaign', the Hebei-Chahar Republic did not waste time to do a land-grab. They had taken great strides to push deep into the heart of the Mongol Empire, primarily 'Inner Mongolia', and the Qinghai region. As the Communist forces advanced against the Mongols, the Hebei-Chahar Republic and Zhu De's China had to reach an agreement on the future border. Zhu would not be able to impose his will on them, as they were still protected by the Japanese--so Beijing was a lost cause for years to come (and likely forever at the current rate), however; he was able to get most of the Qinghai region back from them. The accords of July 1938 marked the end of hostilities in China, and the formalization of China's borders.

    Zhu De was a communist, but was not a Trotskyite in the image of Chen Duxiu. He did not see expanding China's aegis over the other 'troubled minorities' to be worth the venture, as it would cause nothing but headache, as those groups had caused China for centuries. Proclaiming the establishment of the Chinese Soviet Republic on July 11th, 1938; he began the new communist era of China. While relations between Japan and the new China were very poor, Zhu acknowledged that Japan was the 8,000 pound elephant in the room, and Japan acknowledged that they would have to do business with the new communist China--there was no avoiding it anymore.

    The two nations, tense and uncertain of each other's true intentions, opened diplomatic relations reluctantly in September 1938.

    Outside of Japan, the foreign response to the Chinese Revolution was primarily negative. Joseph Stalin's Russia was already frustrated enough as it was by the hamstrung Trotskyite revolutionary movements causing trouble at home-- however, the slight benefit that Zhu De took a lot of inspiration from his own socialist movement gave him some respite. Russia opened diplomatic relations with the Chinese, but until China severed all ties to Paris, Russia remained recalcitrant and distant.

    The United Kingdom was outraged, and concerned. Prime Minister Stafford Cripps put in the deep efforts to prevent Hong Kong and other British spheres of influence from being damaged. Zhu De delineated a region of China where the foreign capitalists would be able to conduct business without the oversight of the Ministry of Economics--this was the Guangxi region. However, the UK opened diplomatic relations with the Chinese in 1939.

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    34. Twilight in Havana
  • Asami

    Banned
    319px-Fulgencio_Batista%2C_1938.jpg


    Chapter 34: Crepúsculo en La Habana
    Twilight in Havana
    Since independence, Cuba had largely been the playground for the American wealthy and aristocratic to do... nearly everything they pleased. While Cuba was a representative democracy by all means, it was largely dominated by wealthy landowners, military juntas, and a complete and utter disregard for proper democracy. But Cuba's future was not written in stone. After a brief spell of American occupation between 1906 and 1909, Cuba's independence was restored, and with it, a hope bubbled in some's hearts that even if a dictator was necessary--Cuba could power through the darkness.

    Gerardo Machado had been President of Cuba now for 12 years. While at first immensely popular and well-recieved, his actions in forcing his way into more terms of office, combined with his contributions to the 1934 Great Depression in Cuba, which led to the Cuban economy shedding millions due to a slump in sugar prices, fed high anxieties amongst military officers.

    The election of Franklin D. Roosevelt marked the catalyst for the ensuing situation in Cuba. Roosevelt's 'new' doctrine for the Latin American countries extended upon the United States' pre-existing Monroe Doctrine and Roosevelt Corollary. The Good Neighbor policy openly specified that the United States had a vested interest in protecting democracy and liberty in Latin America from Sorelianism and Fascism.

    The Revolt of 1937 marked the end of the authoritarian government of Gerardo Machado, and the short-lived 'Transitional Authority' (1937-1940). Cuban military forces, academics, exiles and others coordinated together to dissolve the Cuban government and enforce their own military state. Batista took up the mantle as a 'non-partisan' head of state, being named President by the plotters; including Dr. Ramon Graú, a major figure in the Cuban exile community in Florida. Modern historians often attribute Cuba's legalization of homosexuality in 1945 as an effort by Dr. Grau to modernize Cuba.

    While Cuba was nominally a military dictatorship (and the Congress of Cuba dissolved until 1943), the US recognized the new government and worked quickly to exert influence to convince Batista to move towards some semblance of democracy. This was done through aid packages, and the idea that US companies may make room for domestic companies to do business directly with foreign markets.

    Distrust for Batista was rife amongst certain elements of the society; however, with the 'Progressive Damocles Sword' hanging over Batista's head, and his knowledge that the United States would likely have him overthrown too if he did not toe the line, contributed to Cuba's 'progressive' attitudes during the Transitional Authority. Cuba's new government would, Washington's hoped, remain stable and mark a start of a wave of Latin American governments transitioning to democratic systems.

    But first, a little bit of blood had to be spilled.​
     
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    35. New Deal for Central America
  • Asami

    Banned
    337px-Juan_Bautista_Sacasa_cph.3a44780.jpg


    Chapter 35: New Deal para Centroamérica
    New Deal for Central America
    Since 1912, the United States had been knee-deep involved in the continued civil war and strife in Nicaragua. Through changing presidential regimes, Nicaragua's stability was consistently slapped around and broken. In the 1930s, the United States' primary ally in Nicaragua was the government of President Juan Bautista Sacasa. While President Garner had basically forced the incumbent Nicaraguan government to accept militants into their ranks and cultivate a field of authoritarian leadership to keep the banana growing companies happy, Franklin Roosevelt was a much different man with different attentions.

    But there was also Japan! After the February 26th Incident, Prime Minister Koki was increasingly interested in making deals with the American countries and strengthening 'Pacific' ties. In early 1937, President Roosevelt sacked the American ambassador to Nicaragua, and had him replaced. Somoza was the unfortunate creation of years of American foreign policy, and now Franklin Roosevelt had inherited a 'no-win' situation--if he backstabbed Somoza, it would destroy American reputation in Nicaragua amongst the educated elite, and no doubt frustrate and annoy Americans at home, and siding with the Sandinistas was... not going to happen, particularly after the US had spent 10 years rampaging through the jungles searching for him and his followers.

    Japan, with no such qualms, began to funnel money and guns into the government of Juan Sacasa, implying deeply that if Sacasa was to... purge Somoza, it would behoove Nicaragua. Japan dealt with this in a discrete manner, avoiding the overt and the obvious, as so not to invoke a major U.S. reaction. During the summer of 1937, Somoza attempted a military coup d'etat against the constitutional government of Sacasa, but faced with US occupational forces reacting harshly against him, along with a Sandinista offensive and Japanese meddling, the coup d'etat buckled under it's own weight, and Somoza (and his family) found themselves at the wrong end of a firing squad by Autumn.

    In the twilight months of 1937, President Sacasa undertook a major reform effort in his government, and began to push for his own reforms and economic plan, much in the image of President Roosevelt's New Deal and Prime Minister Koki's National Progress Initiative. The general goal was to cultivate a stronger national economy, and, maybe later on, forge a reunification of Central America into one strong national union to ward of fascism, communism and imperialism. One of the projects Nicaragua found itself interested in, was the Nicaragua Canal. While the U.S. owned Panama Canal had been in operation now for 23 years, and was a major money-maker for the United States (as Panama did not own it)--there was significant interest from other nations in building the Nicaragua Canal, and the US had made clear it would not happen without their blessing.

    In April 1938, Japan and the United States entered a series of trade negotiations, and after then negotiating with Sacasa (who needed an economic boon), both nations announced a joint-effort to build the new Nicaragua Canal; and that money gained from the canal would be divvied up between the US, Japan, and Nicaragua in a 40-30-30 joint effort.

    Beyond the Nicaragua Canal, Sacasa had his eyes on the greater efforts to be hand--One Centroamerica, and a solid industrial economy...​
     
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    Kim Song-ju
  • Asami

    Banned
    Hey everyone! Yesterday was good old Papa Kim 105 birthday! We should pay homage to his memory by celebrating his outstanding cinematographic career and his begining of a glorious dynasty of great artists!

    3C7F845300000578-4156678-image-m-133_1485361052261.jpg


    Dr. Kim Song-ju (김성주)
    Born:
    15 April 1912
    Pyongyang, Korea, Empire of Japan​
    Death:
    30 August 1999 (age 87)
    █████████ ████, █████ ██████████, █████​
    Buried:
    11 September 1999
    ███ ██████ █████████, █████████, █████​

    Academic degrees:
    * Tokyo University (Bachelors of Engineering, 1936)
    * Tokyo University (Masters in Engineering, 1940)
    * Seoul University (Doctorate in Engineering, 1947)
    * Mukden Provincial University (Bachelors in Agricultural Science, 1959)
    * University of Pyongyang (Master of Business Administration, 1966)

    Well-known for:
    * Development of advanced military landing craft (Mitsubishi)
    * Founder and CEO of Red Star Co. (1968-1972; 1975-1998)
    * Father of Kim ████-█████ (famous cinematographer, b. 1941)
    * Grandfather of Kim ███████ (famous ██████████, ██████, b. 1987)
    * Patron of Asian Red Cross (1942-1999)​
     
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    36. La Gran Guerra Bolivariana
  • Asami

    Banned
    Ex_presidente_Carlos_Blanco_Galindo.jpg


    Chapter 36: La Gran Guerra Bolivariana
    The Great Bolivarian War
    Outside of the developments in Central America and in Cuba, the tides that Theodore Roosevelt had described were doing their best to rock and unseat the boats of the Latin American and Brazilian nations. Despite Franklin Roosevelt's endorsement of openly supporting the strengthening of democratic governments (and his demonstration of said ideological pursuit with the American intervention in Nicaragua, and the U.S. backing of the military coup d'etat against the authoritarian President of Cuba); the pendulum of the remainder of Latin America seemed to be swinging against the tide of democracy that the Americans had been hoping for.

    One of the most important players of South America's affairs in the early 1930s was Bolivia. Bolivia had been humiliated in a war before, having been forced in the late 19th century to cede her only port to the ocean to the Chilean government. At the dawn of the 1930s, with the global economy teetering, it would not take much to finally push Bolivia into a desperate situation. In January 1930, after years of slow economic growth and stagnation, the Bolivian government was overthrown by the National Integrity Movement, a group of home-grown militarists modeling themselves after Japan's own militarist factions. The new leader of the Bolivian nation, Carlos Blanco Galindo, envisioned a strong Bolivia that would 'cull' the lesser nations into line.

    For him, finding allies in the region was the most important aspect of his foreign policy--if he did not, it would spell the doom of Bolivia's restoration experiment. To this end, he looked to Argentina, and to Brazil. Both nations had their own large and growing militaristic movements, aided on by feelings of national inadequacy and economic stagnation under democratic leaders. Brazil was unstable enough as it was--Washington Luis had been like every politician of the Brazilian Republic thus far, decadent and authoritarian with excess, and by that, had invoked the ire of urban elites and oligarchs alike. The election of his successor, Júlio Prestes, in 1930, had caused a lot of controversy after deep allegations of fraud, as was expected to be a thing in the Republic. However, with the economy still running at a rather steady cadence; there was little to do to prevent the mostly-democratic transition of power.

    However, after the Red Summer swept through the world and unseated the stability of the capitalist system, the ensuing collapse of global prices and economies sent panic through out Brazil; particularly after the price of coffee tanked, causing millions, if not billions of real to be lost to the wind as global trade grinded to a near halt. President Prestes' government was derided domestically for not doing anything to impede the collapse of coffee prices and the inevitable hurt it put on Brazil's economy; and was also accused of communist sympathies after it reached a ceasefire with the Communist Party of Brazil's insurgents that had been raging since the late 1920s. These factors combined gave way to the establishment of a cabal of generals and military officers ready to take matters into their own hands.

    In February 1934, President Prestes was overthrown by the military cabal, and replaced by Getulio Vargas. While not nearly as authoritarian as Galindo, he was certainly not a democratic leader, but then again--neither were the Presidents of the now abolished First Republic.

    In opposition to the chain of authoritarianism that had damaged Brazil, Pedro Henrique, the Head of the House Orleans-Braganza, became a leading critical figure of the new Vargas government. Unable to remain in Brazil due to the sheer pervasiveness of the government of Vargas and his military loyalists, Pedro and his own 'government in exile' took up refuge in the Republic of Cuba, where they remained until the end of the Vargas government.

    Argentina was far less susceptible to military rule than that of Brazil and Bolivia. While in many ways a functional democracy, Argentina's own elite and aristocratic class had their own ambitions. To claim the Falklands away from the United Kingdom, and to expand their Pacific Coastline at the expense of the Republic of Chile. Hipólito Yrigoyen had served as the President of Argentina from 1928 to 1935. He was a democratic man, and had done his best to ensure the establishment of a stronger nation through education and industry. However, despite his efforts, the Great Depression did it's fair share against Argentine stability as well.

    And unfortunately, so did President John Garner and the ailing United States government.

    With collusion from Standard Oil of New Jersey and several openly militarist and paternal autocratic officers, the Argentine government of Yrigoyen was brought down by a military coup d'etat in late 1935. It would be after the election of Franklin Roosevelt in 1936 that the United States would reverse it's decision to recognize the new military governments of Brazil, Argentina and Bolivia. FDR's displeasure at all three nations were made clear when Congress passed a tariff bill against those three nations, tightening down what American money could be spent on those goods. However, with his own domestic agenda to pass, FDR could not expend much of his political capital on meddling in the affairs of Latin America -- at least, not yet.

    The three nations, now transitioned over to authoritarian military autocracy, signed a mutual 'alliance' pact in 1938 to much fanfare amongst their own militarist cabals. Fears shot through the governments of Paraguay, Uruguay, and Chile. Ecuador and Peru as well, as they felt they would be targeted by Bolivia should Bolivia decide to 'go on the warpath'. Two months after the signing of the La Plata Alliance, Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, Panama and Costa Rica signed onto their own alliance, aimed at halting aggression from their south.

    It seemed little to no surprise when, the following year, in 1939, the Great Bolivarian War erupted. Bolivian, Argentine and Brazilian military forces colluded to occupy the small nation of Paraguay. Paraguay, being the gallant nation it was, never shied from a fight. Many Paraguayan government propaganda pieces invoked the reminder of the Paraguayan War of years past, and that this time, no nation would stop Paraguay from winning. However, with little effort on their part, and the antiquated weaponry they were fighting with (unlike Bolivia and Argentina, which had been gaining weapons from Japanese militarists and zaibatsu under the nose of the Imperial Government); the Paraguayans fell, and were quickly partitioned between Argentina and Bolivia.

    Turning to the west, the dual-power invasion of Chile resulted in a much longer campaign (months instead of weeks) but resulted in the collapse and occupation of Chile as well. The rampant and sudden militarist expansionism in Latin America drew the attention of the world powers. Japan enacted an embargo on the combatant powers, as did the United States, Russia, Germany and the United Kingdom; but the nations refused to back down from their militaristic path; and no world power seemed interested in funding an expedition into a hostile land. However, the use of Japanese weapons in war did give Japan a good view of how good their weapons were in times of war, and gave the Imperial government an excuse to ruthlessly investigate and pursue the zaibatsu for 'actions against the Emperor'.

    The biggest and hardest nut to crack was, of course, Peru. The nation was quite strong, and able to punch at or above it's weight-class. The Peruvians however, had believed that with their standing alliance with the Colombians, their northern frontier was largely covered. This was, sadly, not the case, when Ecuador, acting largely on it's own self-interest, occupied the disputed territory that it contested with Peru. The Peruvians were stunned and declared war on Ecuador, but the distraction of a two-front war and an ensuing communist uprising sparked by the government's imposition of a restriction of civil liberties and the implementation of rationing broke the Peruvian back, and the government of Peru collapsed and surrendered soon afterwards. The aftermath of the Great Bolivarian War was worrisome to the United States, as now, three burgeoning militarist powers had cropped up on their radar. FDR had tried arguing for intervention as soon as Paraguay had fallen, but his own coalition in Congress didn't seem interested. Many of the Republicans whom had come over during the 'Realignment' in 1936 were not interested in such a thing, and were instead interested on further domestic reform and agenda policies in the upcoming 1940 elections.

    FDR allies in Congress introduced numerous bills to intervene in the war, but the most FDR got out of it was an embargo, and a seizure of all those three nations' assets in the United States. While that did do some number on the economy, third-party smugglers and nations willing to circumvent the US embargo, made profit instead.

    However, as a result of the war, FDR became even more dedicated to fostering a strong democratic alliance in the Americas, and began reaching out to the leaders of Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador and Uruguay to build a coalition of American states against militarism and communism; an extension of the pre-existing Tokyo Treaty, and in July 1940, FDR and Congress gave formal recognition to the exiled governments of all three nations, including that of the Brazilian government holding out in Havana.

    But for now, much to the chagrin of democratic reformers and peaceniks everywhere, more than two-thirds of South America suffered under the yoke of military dictatorship; and seemed fit to be under those regimes for years to come.​
     
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    37. To Take Action
  • Asami

    Banned
    wLjCRjv.jpg


    Chapter 37: To Take Action
    Since the Revolution had unseated the republican government of Paris, Free France had been floating along in Africa, living lives of irrelevance. Military dictatorship was the order of the day under Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, the man who saved the French Republic from absolute abolition by communards. His regime was, for the most part, quiet. The fact that France was now majority African and Islamic was dealt with by creating legal ways to help empower the Islamic Berbers while keeping the Tuaregs and other aborigines down and in the background. France's democracy was all but abolished as Foch ruled entirely by military decree, enforcing his will by task forces located in Dakar, Algiers, Oran and Constantine. It did little to prevent France from lost most of her empire to Britain, Italy and nationalism; but it was enough to keep the core territories--being Algiers and French West Africa, together under the rule of his government.

    In 1929, Ferdinand Foch finally died of old age. His successor was far less popular than the Great Marshal. Philippe Petain was a famed military leader from the Great War as well, but his reputation amongst France's military ruling class and the urban elites of the few major cities in the French territory was horrendous. Having spent the years after the Great War trying to argue for reconciliation, and his subsequent bungling of the Red Summer debacle and failure to lend aid to Spain or Portugal to prevent their inevitable collapse into the Communard hands, did little to bolster his reputation. He spent increasing amounts of time dallying and refusing to follow the advice of his advisers.

    Charles de Gaulle became well-known amongst the military elite for constantly being at odds with the Chief of State. Having served as a military attache to the Dominion of Canada during the 1920s and 1930s, he had witnessed the destructive power of the LPU's influence, and was dedicated to preventing it from spreading any further. France, if it was to succeed as a state once more, and reclaim the metropole, it would need strong leadership, and to reinstate the flailing democracy to win back support from her once-allies, and, it would have to accept that it could not enforce treaties on nations that it would be forced to call on to aid them in their struggle to reclaim the homeland.

    Similarly, other generals got similar ideas. François Darlan was the number one naval commander in the French State at the time. He was very well-known for having kept the French Navy a thing and denying over 90% of the French ships that had survived the Great War (and had not been swept under the ocean by the Germans) together, evacuating to Africa. He was serving as the Military Governor of the Mallorcas during the 1930s; and was a known sympathizer for de Gaulle's growing stubbornness against Petain's weakness.

    Georges Thierry d'Argenlieu was another military officer, also from the Navy, who was a commonly-seen man in Dakar, the capital for French West Africa, and had served as the regional governor for some time as part of Foch (and now Petain's) concept of military governance. d'Argenlieu believed that France had lost touch with God, and was being punished for it. He envisioned reclaiming France and rebuilding a proper Christian democracy, with reverence and fealty to God as well as State. This different from de Gaulle's open flirting with the concepts of Bonapartism or Populist Republicanism. de Gaulle's argument was that if France had a proper figure-head, and a powerful group to rally around, they could overshadow the LPU despite the LPU's more obvious military strength in numbers.

    The last member of the elite involved in the growing discontent was, surprisingly, Joseph Kessel. Kessel had been an active member in the Free French resistance during the wave of anti-intellectualism in the earliest days of the French Revolution, and as a result of his loyalty to Foch and the French State, he had been named Governor of French Equatorial Africa, despite it being half-sized since the British annexation of French colonies in the Congo basin. These men were poised to clash, and the final event that gave them the means to finally stand up, was the events of January 18, 1941.

    On January 18, 1941; Chief of State Philippe Petain intended to travel from Algiers to Dakar as part of a state visit to commemorate new upgrades and enhancements made to the Dakar-Niger railway. On the way there, the British-made Percival Q.6 that Marshal Petain utilized for his state trips by air, suffered an engine failure, and crashed in the Sahara Desert. No survivors or bodies were found, despite the plane wreckage being uncovered some days later. The death of Marshal Petain was announced to the nation, and the various men of power exercised their own efforts, declaring themselves the heirs of Petain.

    de Gaulle and Darlan managed to seize power over the Metropolitan departments in Algiers, as well as the colony proper, and Mallorca. From Dakar, d'Argenlieu pronounced that he was the next Chief of State; while Kessel did the same from his own capital in the Equatorial African colony.

    With no clear military successor, the French state fractured into three pieces. While Algiers controlled most of the French navy, Dakar maintained control over French Guyana; and Kessel's regime found itself being propped up by the British colonies that neighbored it--war and instability fared not well for stability in The Sudan and Congo. Dakar had the most territory, while Algiers had the strongest military assets and France's core 'Algerian' territory.

    Free France now couldn't decide who was leader, and with it, France's resistance to Communard rule became even more scattered and confused.

    hUW0caE.png
     
    Far Eastern Republic Administrative Divisions
  • Asami

    Banned
    81xD7A1.png


    1. Siberian Autonomous Federal Republic (SAFR; Сибирская Автономная Федеративная Республика)

    Capital: Yakutsk
    Largest ethnic group: Siberian Aborigines (83%)
    Aborigine Majority rule

    2. Kamchatka Autonomous Federal Republic (KAFR; Камчатская Автономная Федеративная Республика)
    Capital: Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky
    Largest ethnic group: Siberian Aborigines (63%)
    Aborigine Majority rule

    3. Republic of Western Baikal (Republika Západní Baikal)
    Capital: Syrovov (frmr. Irkutsk)
    Largest ethnic group: Czech-Slovak (46%)
    Czech plurality rule

    4. Eastern Baikal Republic (Východná Baikalská Republika)
    Capital: Štefánikovo (frmr. Ulan-Ude)
    Largest ethnic group: Czech-Slovak (43%)
    Slovak plurality rule

    5. Buryat Republic (Республика Бурятия)
    Capital: Chita
    Largest ethnic group: Buryat (53%)
    Buryat majority rule

    6. Mongolian Autonomous Federal Republic (Монголын Өөртөө Засах Холбооны Бүгд Найрамдах Улс; Moz)
    Capital: Ulaanbaatar
    Largest ethnic group: Mongol (91%)
    Mongol majority rule

    7. Chahar Republic (查哈爾共和國)
    Capital: Chifeng
    Largest ethnic group: Mongol (40%)
    Russian minority rule

    8. Fengtian Republic (奉天共和國)
    Capital: Mukden
    Largest ethnic group: Han (45%)
    Japanese minority rule

    9. Republic of New Russia (Республика Новая Россия)
    Capital: Sankt-Petersburg (frmr. Hulunbuir)
    Largest ethnic group: Han (40%)
    Russian minority rule

    10. Republic of Qırımlar
    Capital: Hinggan
    Largest ethnic group: Mongol (46%)
    Crimean Tatar minority rule

    11. Republic of Girin (吉林共和國)

    Capital: Hsinking / Shinkyou
    Largest ethnic group: Han (61%)
    Manchu minority rule

    12. Amur Federal Republic (Амурская республика)
    Capital: Blagoveshchensk
    Largest ethnic group: Russians (53%)
    Russian majority rule

    13. Republic of Green Ukraine (Республіка Зеленої України)

    Capital: Tetyukhe
    Largest ethnic group: Russians (47%)
    Russian plurality rule

    14. Zion Autonomous Federal Republic (Сионистская Автономная Федеративная Республика)
    Capital: Birobidzhan
    Largest ethnic group: Russian (44%)
    Russian plurality rule
    Referendum scheduled to abolish this republic in 1941.
     
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    38. Mechanization of the Working Class
  • Asami

    Banned
    464px-М.Н._Тухачевский.jpg


    Chapter 38: Mechanization of the Working Class
    "The inevitable conclusion of this union's refusal to modernize, is it's inevitable defeat by capitalist forces. We must mechanize the working class, to relieve their burden, and empower them."

    So were the famous words penned by Leon Trotsky in September 1937, which were soon after made public and known in the French state publications that were dominated by the Trotskyite faction of the governing Party for Revolutionary Mobilization, the large-tent replacement for all leftist parties in France, Spain and Portugal by the 1930s. While the party had remained dominated by the French Sorelians and their allies in the CNT-FAI faction; members of the party who belonged to the Trotskyite, Stalinist, and Orthodox Marxist factions were growing discontent at the stagnant nature of the LPU.

    At the head of the faction was the infamous and well-known Leon Trotsky. However, he relied deeply on political allies and military allies, particularly that of Mikhail Tukhachevsky, a loyal Trotskyite who defected to the LPU after the defeat of the Bolsheviks in the Russian Civil War. Tukhachevsky was key to Trotsky's plan to bring LPU back in-line with the inevitable result of the People's Revolution, by bringing large swaths of the LPU's cavalry-and-trench-infantry military to defect.

    Maurice Thorez, another known Trotskyite factionalist, took a leading charge in assistance with the Russian emigre community to start generating domestic sympathies with their faction, and against the anarcho-syndicalists and Sorelians. They were joined by internal political and military figures, including Camille Chautemps, Marcel Déat, Édouard Daladier, Kirill Meretskov, and so on. Aligned against the government of Hubert Lagardelle and his Sorelian dominated section of the Party, Trotsky felt that the temperature was rapidly approaching 'acceptable' in LPU.

    In April 1940, appearing before the Conseil-Suprême de l'Union Populaire Latine (Supreme Council of the Latin Popular Union), a number of members of the Council leveled charges against Chairman Lagardelle and several of his closest advisors, accusing him of counter-revolutionary behaviour, Jewish conspiracy and collaboration, and German sympathizing by refusing to "fortify and strengthen the military of the Revolution against the German menace."-- he was arrested by the Red Guards, the paramilitary force belonging to the Ministry of Peace and Truth (under the control of Édouard Daladier), the resultant 'investigation' turned up counterrevolutionary documents and publications, including Eric Blair's criticism of France's government, Animal Farm (1938).

    With the leadership of the Sorelians effectively decapitated, the second stage of the 'second revolution' was put into place. Under the guidance of the Revolutionary Militia and the Red Guards, Leon Trotsky was arrested and put under house arrest for various crimes that were largely baked up by Daladier and Tukhachevsky. With Trotsky out of the picture, Tukhachevsky was nominated and elected to be the next Chairman of the Party and State under a guise of 'stability' and 'law and order'. Keeping many of the same ministers that had supported him, and firing the remainder, Tukhachevsky envisioned his own "six year plan".

    By 1946, he intended for the LPU to be able to wage a war of offense against the Germans, Italians and British, and be capable of forcing them back from whence they came. As well, the Conseil-Suprême voted and agreed to pass a bill proposed by a large sect of French nationalists, establishing the LPU's greatest territorial claims as "the territory beholden or occupied by the French Empire as of 23 June 1812", with any future war being conducted with the express goal of achieving this. The resolution angered many of the LPU's neighbors, and seemed to energize anti-LPU sentiment in those nations; and simply did nothing to help the LPU's already serious hostility.

    Shortly afterwards, the de Gaulle-Darlan government in Algiers promulgated their own slight declaration, proclaiming France's borders as being "borders prior to the outbreak of the Great War", with the inclusion of the "historic province of Alsace and Lorraine," and the inclusion of "the hotbed of Sorelianism, Catalonia". De Gaulle was poising himself as a major figure in the resistance against the Paris regime, and it seemed to resonate, as the anti-Communard resistance increased in Southern France through out the 1940s.

    "Within six years, the People of the Popular Union will achieve all of the following goals. We will see to it that our Armies stand poised to storm the banks of the River Rhine, the banks of the River Thames, and the hills of Rome. We will see to it that the Mechanization of the Working Class is undertaken at a steady and capable pace, and we will build a new Revolution from the hearts of the People..."
    - excerpt from Tukhachevsky's first speech as Chairman​
     
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    39. The Great Diplomat
  • Asami

    Banned
    p14-pulvers-sugihara-a-20150712-870x538.jpg


    Chapter 39. 偉大な外交官
    The Great Diplomat
    After the tragic February 26th Incident shook Japan's entire political sphere up, Prime Minister Koki Hirota had a decision to make--he could prosecute the criminals of the 2/26 coup and with it, force Japan into a new age of reform; or refuse to prosecute, and allow them to slink back into the shadows. But he already knew that to allow the treason of February 26th to go unpunished was treason in itself. The non-partisan Head of Government, appointed with the most sincere trust of His Majesty, The Emperor, announced to the Japanese public in March 1936 that all the February 26 plotters would be charged and tried for treason, including Prince Chichibu.

    To make it easier for the domestic government to prosecute a member of the Imperial Household for treason, Emperor Hirohito promulgated a degree within the Imperial Household, stripping Chichibu of his rights and titles for treasonous crimes. This did not pleased many of the remaining genrō, and frustrated some conservative ideological thinkers, but many agreed that no man should be allowed to get away with treason against the Emperor just because he himself is of blood relation to the Emperor. A signed statement appeared before the Prime Minister, conferring that not only did The Emperor agree that Chichibu must be prosecuted for treason, but also he received the support and agreement of Princes Takamatsu and Mikasa.

    During the period of evidence gathering and initial hearings on proceeding forward with trials, several conspirators openly admitted guilt, and insisted that, in accordance with Japanese tradition, they be given the option of committing seppuku to redeem themselves and their families. However, under directive from the commanding officer of the Kempeitai, Hideki Tōjō, the Emperor, the Prime Minister and the current Commander-in-Chief of the IJN, Isoroku Yamamoto, the conspirators were denied that right, and were informed that if they were sentenced to death, they would be executed as the state saw fit.

    The so-termed Tokyo Trials began behind closed doors in February 1937; with some of the lower-ranking members being placed on trial first. The former Emperor of China, Puyi, had been implicated in the coup d'etat attempt in 1936, but was inevitably not prosecuted by the Japanese government. Puyi, already living a life of miserable exile in the Far-Eastern Republic as a private Manchu resident, was deemed to be enough of a punishment, as he was not even considered a citizen of the FER (being Manchu or Han meant that he, technically, was not allowed to become a citizen, unless he redeemed his ties to China by openly renouncing his throne, renouncing his citizenship to any Chinese state, and adopting a non-Chinese name).

    As the months and trials waned on, it became fairly obvious that anybody who went before the tribunal would be sentenced to death. Numerous military officers, politicians and even members of the genrō were sentenced to the gallows. In mid-1937, Prince Chichibu finally went on trial for his crimes against the state. In his own defense, he argued passionately that he was doing what he thought was right to preserve Japanese integrity and sovereignty, and that he would do it again to save Japan from itself and the forces of western democracy. His pleas fell largely on deaf ears as many of the people were upset at the destruction and death that his movement had caused. In a rather quick trial, the Prince was sentenced to death by firing squad. His execution was carried out on August 19, 1937 in the early morning hours. The only indication of his demise was a small notice published in national newspapers, and members of the Imperial Household and their staff wearing black that morning. While the Emperor had come to loathe his brother and his fanatical extremism, he still felt some remorse at the path his brother had chosen.

    The trials occupied most of the mind of the Japanese people through out 1937. After the completion of the trials, and the, hopefully, final purge of militarism from the Japanese military leadership, Prime Minister Kōki and the Japanese Diet passed a new law, moving the national election day to the middle of July; the second Sunday of the month. As well, announcing that he would not be seeking an extended term as Prime Minister, the law proscribed a six year term for the Prime Minister, with the first 'next' election phase taking place on July 10th, 1938-- 6 logical years after the conclusion of Inukai Tsuyoshi's most recent electoral term (1932), which had been interrupted by his assassination in 1936.

    The three major political parties--the Rikken Seiyukai, Rikken Jiyuto, and Rikken Minshuto began to mobilize their national party supporters and leaders to find who would be the candidates for Prime Minister in 1938. For the Rikken Minshuto, the honour befell quite easily upon Hitoshi Ashida, the parliamentary leader of the Party. The Jiyūto, similarly, had nominated their Parliamentary leader, Hayato Ikeda.

    But for the Rikken Seiyukai, they needed a leader who would stun and empower Japan. They were already poised to shed some seats as it was, as the more liberal and social democratic political spheres gained influence, and the Seiyukai knew of the best man possible. The Foreign Minister was already famous in Japan for his masterful diplomacy in securing the existence of the Hebei-Chahar Republic, and the peaceful co-existence between the Japanese and the Chinese Soviet Republic. That man was Chiune Sugihara. He was invited to be the candidate for the Seiyukai in 1938, and this was an honor he decided to accept. He traversed Japan, campaigning on the same principles that had kept the nation stable and secure now for several years.

    When election day finally rolled around in July 1938, the over twenty million Japanese voted, the highest in it's history, thanks to Kōki and Inukai's extension of enfranchisement to all adult men. The Seiyukai had a narrow majority in the House of Representatives, and Japan was confident that this would mean a strong democratic government for years to come, particularly in a time of needing to maintain peace in all forms. In order to maintain support for his policies, Sugihara invited the Jiyuto and Minshuto to take up some Cabinet positions and empower a "Popular Front" government during Japan's healing phase.

    One of the main goals of the new Diet, according to Sugihara, was to reform the electoral system again. Prime Minister Sugihara was a deep supporter of universal enfranchisement, and believed that any literate citizen of the Empire, regardless of sex or ethnicity, should be allowed to cast a ballot in the democratic race for Prime Minister. It was a radical proposal, but one that found support from many Minshuto or Jiyuto members.

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    40. Heir to the Throne
  • Asami

    Banned
    455px-Teru-no-miya_Shigeko_1941_large.jpg


    Chapter 40: 皇位継承者
    The Heir to the Throne
    After the February 26 Incident concluded, there remained little to no confusion as to the next Sovereign of Japan. While the traditions had long forbade women from governing over Japan as a true Empress Regnant, with all previous instances of a female Emperor being primarily regencies for an incapable male relative or a husband; Hirohito and his American Empress were determined to buck the trend, as further attempts to sire males did not seem to work out. After the 2/26 Incident, The Empress would birth three more daughters, Kasumi (b. 1937), Asuka (b. 1939) and Koharu (b. 1941). Out of a family of six daughters, Princess Michiko, the oldest child, had gained her right to succeed her father upon the Chrysanthemum Throne. While the Succession Act of 1935 had guaranteed that, in the immediate aftermath of the 2/26 Incident, The Diet explicitly reconfirmed it with the Imperial Household Succession Reaffirmation Act of 1937; which lifted the exclusively 'agnatic' nature of the Chrysanthemum Throne, and accepted an agnatic-cognatic system, where a daughter could inherit if no sons were born.

    The six daughters of Emperor Hirohito were raised in a way that once more marched out of step with their predecessors. Instead of handing the children off to nannies as was tradition in most monarchist societies, Empress Tamako became deeply involved in the upbringing of her daughters. American and British tutors were not uncommon, and the daughters were brought up learning with deep reverence, Japanese culture, history and language skills; as well as more modern topics. The Crown Princess showed a strong academic edge, advancing faster than her younger sisters in several topics, especially science, where the Crown Princess found herself deeply invested.

    As well, Michiko received further education from her father, with the express intent of getting her ready to rule from a young age, considering the numerous attempts on his and his family's life--should something befall him, Japan should not have to wait for an incompetent Empress to ascend to the Chrysanthemum Throne. She was carefully tutored in the matters of the Emperor's role in society, the doctrine of nonpartisan behaviour, and the combination of diplomacy and tact. In 1939, as part of a goodwill tour in the Pacific region to foster further Japanese-American relations, Franklin D. Roosevelt visited Japan. This was the first time that Princess Michiko would meet her grandfather. The older man's natural charisma and witty remarks left deep impressions on the eight-year-old Crown Princess, who, in later years, would attempt to capture some of her maternal grandfather's natural charisma in her own speeches to the Japanese public.

    In order to strengthen her future rule over other provinces, in early 1941, Michiko was dispatched by her father to Korea to serve as his representative at the opening of an orphanage in the city of Pyongyang. The eloquent and cerebral Crown Princess gave a brief speech to the public, and thanked them for their continued service to the Empire, and spoke with several high ranking locals from whom she would carry their words back to Tokyo and report to the Emperor and Cabinet. As Korea was still ever fragile despite the lightest touch of Japanese integration, the Emperor felt it to be a great service to Michiko to strengthen her ties to the Korean Peninsula. Six months after her trip to Korea, she conducted a similar trip to Formosa and the Chinese Concessions, where she met with locals and leaders alike, and carried their message back to Tokyo.

    However, one issue that came up during her childhood, was the stark contrast in personality between her and Crown Prince Bảo Long of Vietnam. She and Bao were the same age, and there had been some speculation of a match between the two to tie the two crowns of Japan and Vietnam together. However, from the start, neither one liked each other. The Crown Prince, raised largely in the image of Vietnam's most elite and well-off, grew to feel that the Princess was too independent and too 'Western'; while on the opposite, the Princess felt that the Prince "lacked critical thinking and was totally incapable of a thought other than for his own gain". No doubt, since both would be monarchs of their respective realms in time, many, including Hirohito, feared that it would mean a troublesome time in Indochina some years down the line.

    But other than one upset Prince, Michiko was well liked and well-received across the Empire; just the thing Japan needed to ensure it's Empire would sustain another generation.​
     
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