Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun

I think Joseon will permanently be stuck on their peninsula since, as @Simeon has said, both the Jin (OTL Qing) and Amur are modernizing since the Asiatic Northern War has taught them that they need to catch up with the rest of the Asian powers.
It does depend on how well they do, since the Chinese look like they're moving back to isolationism, and the Joseon don't seem to be moving against them for now. I could see the Jin successfully modernising, but it is just as possible for them to fail as they are to succeed.

Also the fact that sinizisation in this point in time is not as effective as it is of times past.
 
Wait its been years now?
Holy shit I do feel old
Im amazed this story is still here and still going strong in spite of the writer blocks you endured
Just barely lol. Timeline started in September 2022.
Is a napoleonic type war guaranteed?
Depends on what you mean. If you mean Napoleon Bonaparte or a Napoleon Bonarparte equivalent rising in France, I would say its not guaranteed as the French Revolution would have to happen, and that is far from guaranteed.
I think Joseon will permanently be stuck on their peninsula since, as @Simeon has said, both the Jin (OTL Qing) and Amur are modernizing since the Asiatic Northern War has taught them that they need to catch up with the rest of the Asian powers.
In Joseon's defense, they're still more advanced ITTL than they were IOTL at this point and the Jurchen khanates haven't been focusing on modernization for a long time as of yet.
 
I honestly wonder what the Napoleonic Wars will look like ITTL...because Japan will probably be a major player by then...
Is a napoleonic type war guaranteed?
tbf other than the possibility of a Napoleon-esque war not happening, I don't see there being full European displacement from Asia, as Japan would want them in as a counterbalance against local influences such as Joseon and other native powers.


Depends on what you mean. If you mean Napoleon Bonaparte or a Napoleon Bonarparte equivalent rising in France, I would say its not guaranteed as the French Revolution would have to happen, and that is far from guaranteed.
Agreed, given the changes in Europe, I don’t believe the OTL Napoleonic Wars as we seen it could play out the same way, since a lot of events such as the Seven Years War, French Revolution, etc are completely altered
 
Also, speaking of equivalent events, is there a possibility we could see an event similar to the Ako Incident/Forty-Seven Ronin? We do have equivalent events such as the Battle of Yamazaki or "The Enemy at-" line or the Date Disturbance, so maybe we can see something similar. Now, not with the same players like Asano Naganori or Kira Yoshinaka, but I'm wondering if two other clan heads could have such a rivalry that leads to a similar event? It doesn't even have to be the number of Forty-Seven Ronin.
 
Agreed, given the changes in Europe, I don’t believe the OTL Napoleonic Wars as we seen it could play out the same way, since a lot of events such as the Seven Years War, French Revolution, etc are completely altered
Considering how different the Netherlands is already I see France having a different fate to otl, especially with Japan being one of the nations they have contacted and sent items to. France also would be affected by Indian and events from SEA, which would be very interesting.
 
It does depend on how well they do, since the Chinese look like they're moving back to isolationism, and the Joseon don't seem to be moving against them for now. I could see the Jin successfully modernising, but it is just as possible for them to fail as they are to succeed.

Also the fact that sinizisation in this point in time is not as effective as it is of times past.
I mean... it's not surprising with the Chinese looking to return to isolationism but it'll increase even more division between Isolationist North and merchant/Materialist South.
In Joseon's defense, they're still more advanced ITTL than they were IOTL at this point and the Jurchen khanates haven't been focusing on modernization for a long time as of yet.
While the Joseon is still more advanced but that'll just cause problems like for every advancing nation.
 
Also, speaking of equivalent events, is there a possibility we could see an event similar to the Ako Incident/Forty-Seven Ronin? We do have equivalent events such as the Battle of Yamazaki or "The Enemy at-" line or the Date Disturbance, so maybe we can see something similar. Now, not with the same players like Asano Naganori or Kira Yoshinaka, but I'm wondering if two other clan heads could have such a rivalry that leads to a similar event? It doesn't even have to be the number of Forty-Seven Ronin.
Potentially, I mean there was the attempted takeover of Kanazawa by rebellious Kaga clan retainers after the seppuku of Kaga Nagaaki.
 
So, a question occurred to me. What are hairstyles like ITTL?

From what I read, the Chonmage we know of (the top of the head is shaved) became more popular by the end of Sengoku Era and even more during the Edo Period (Even enforced). Before, during the Sengoku Era, full head of hair and a beard was seen as masculine, but in the Edo Period it fell out of fashion during an era of peace.

Now that Oda Japan is more militaristic and more expansionist in same areas, are the hairstyles more varied (Like the Chonmage, Chasen-mage "tea-whisk" style, or even just long hair or bald) and do beards and mustaches remain in fashion? Or could we see hairstyles from the West become popular for some samurai
 
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Another thought occurred. We've talked a little bit about women in Oda Society ITTL, but what about the concept of the Onna-musha? During the Sengoku Era, some women fought during that era, with some famous cases being Komatsuhime (Honda Tadakatsu's daughter), Ikeda Sen (Ikeda Tsuneoki's daughter), Maeda Matsu (Maeda Toshiie's spouse), Yuki no Kata (OTL Ukita Hideie's daughter). Even some rare exceptions became de facto heads of their clans like II Naotora or Tachibana Ginchiyo, or just political savvy and involved with diplomacy like OTL Yodo-Dono.

However, during the Edo Period, besides being an era of peace therefore less warfare, Neo-Confucianism diminished the role of the Onna-musha significantly, as women became viewed as purely child bearers, and women didn't fight in Japanese warfare till the Boshin War, like Nakano Takeko.

Since Neo-Confucianism is less influential in Oda Japan, and there have been two civil wars during the 17th Century and two or three foreign wars, what is the role of Onna-musha. Now, I'm not saying Japanese women form battalions and actively go to battle (Though, supposedly Ikeda Sen did during the Sengoku Era and again, Nakano Takeo during the Boshin War). But has there been cases of wives of samurai defending their husbands or castles from sieges? Or at the very least, some women of Samurai clans involved with politics or diplomacy?
 
But has there been cases of wives of samurai defending their husbands or castles from sieges?
It was expected of them, from what I understand. That's why samurai women trained with the naginata, in case that situation arose (and because it let them keep potentially stronger men at arm's length but still fight).
 
So, a question occurred to me. What are hairstyles like ITTL?

From what I read, the Chonmage we know of (the top of the head is shaved) became more popular by the end of Sengoku Era and even more during the Edo Period (Even enforced). Before, during the Sengoku Era, full head of hair and a beard was seen as masculine, but in the Edo Period it fell out of fashion during an era of peace.

Now that Oda Japan is more militaristic and more expansionist in same areas, are the hairstyles more varied (Like the Chonmage, Chasen-mage "tea-whisk" style, or even just long hair or bald) and do beards and mustaches remain in fashion? Or could we see hairstyles from the West become popular for some samurai
I’m still figuring out how hair styles are different if at all compared to OTL which I’ll cover in an upcoming chapter but I’m leaning towards with more lax standards but a trend nevertheless towards the Chasen-mage or Chon-mage.
Another thought occurred. We've talked a little bit about women in Oda Society ITTL, but what about the concept of the Onna-musha? During the Sengoku Era, some women fought during that era, with some famous cases being Komatsuhime (Honda Tadakatsu's daughter), Ikeda Sen (Ikeda Tsuneoki's daughter), Maeda Matsu (Maeda Toshiie's spouse), Yuki no Kata (OTL Ukita Hideie's daughter). Even some rare exceptions became de facto heads of their clans like II Naotora or Tachibana Ginchiyo, or just political savvy and involved with diplomacy like OTL Yodo-Dono.

However, during the Edo Period, besides being an era of peace therefore less warfare, Neo-Confucianism diminished the role of the Onna-musha significantly, as women became viewed as purely child bearers, and women didn't fight in Japanese warfare till the Boshin War, like Nakano Takeko.

Since Neo-Confucianism is less influential in Oda Japan, and there have been two civil wars during the 17th Century and two or three foreign wars, what is the role of Onna-musha. Now, I'm not saying Japanese women form battalions and actively go to battle (Though, supposedly Ikeda Sen did during the Sengoku Era and again, Nakano Takeo during the Boshin War). But has there been cases of wives of samurai defending their husbands or castles from sieges? Or at the very least, some women of Samurai clans involved with politics or diplomacy?
Even without neo-Confucianism, their role diminishes due to a shift towards massed infantry armies with cavalry support and troop standardization especially with the creation of the regional shogunal army system. In the Furuwatari and Manji Wars, onna-musha still occasionally played a role in sieges and on a clan level but the trends of military tactics along with the advent of overseas wars like the Asiatic Northern War make onna-musha almost unviable. However, samurai women are still trained in the naginata in this era as part of basic martial training.
 
Now that I think about it japan will probably be a bastion for woman's rights on this timeline
One reason the Japanese shifted to a stay at home woman mentality was trying to copy the Europeans
(Bastion for rights in the sense they have more than most)
 
So, a thought occurred. A while ago, we previously talked about the Yakuza and whether or not they'd exist in Oda Japan, or what form they would take. However, what about the gangs before them- the Kabukimono - those street gangs of young samurai delinquents that dressed wildly and I personally call them the Feudal Japanese-version of Bōsōzoku. Heck, even Oda Nobunaga himself was considered one when he was young, along with Maeda Toshiie.

Do they still exist, or have they either slowly died out naturally or due to enforcement of laws and government crackdowns, or since there are more wars that young men can join, general peace, or do they still exist in some small form?

Or heck, does their type of flamboyant style become a popular counterculture/ youth subculture among certain young samurai with increase foreign trade and western influence fashion trends
 
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So, a thought occurred. A while ago, we previously talked about the Yakuza and whether or not they'd exist in Oda Japan, or what form they would take. However, what about the gangs before them- the Kabukimono - those street gangs of young samurai delinquents that dressed wildly and I personally call them the Feudal Japanese-version of Bōsōzoku. Heck, even Oda Nobunaga himself was considered one when he was young, along with Maeda Toshiie.

Do they still exist, or have they either slowly died out naturally or due to enforcement of laws and government crackdowns, or since there are more wars that young men can join, general peace, or do they still exist in some small form?

Or heck, does their type of flamboyant style become a popular counterculture/ youth subculture among certain young samurai with increase foreign trade and western influence fashion trends
They die out like IOTL because of legal enforcement and general peace and prosperity. Also, the most desperate of those types do have the ability to attempt to ditch their clan and settle down in a frontier province like Luson, Bireito, or Ezo. Or even leave the country.

That being said, male samurai clothing is more colorful ITTL, something to be covered in a future fashion-society chapter.
 
Even without neo-Confucianism, their role diminishes due to a shift towards massed infantry armies with cavalry support and troop standardization especially with the creation of the regional shogunal army system. In the Furuwatari and Manji Wars, onna-musha still occasionally played a role in sieges and on a clan level but the trends of military tactics along with the advent of overseas wars like the Asiatic Northern War make onna-musha almost unviable. However, samurai women are still trained in the naginata in this era as part of basic martial training.
Tbf however — even if they'll be a rounding error as low tens or hundreds compared to the sizes of the armies — cases of wartime crossdressers do exist, and they can even play surprisingly pivotal roles in the units that they are in.

There are also several more that lost to history but nevertheless identified due to the pelvises of their skeletons being later identified as belonging to a woman.
So, a thought occurred. A while ago, we previously talked about the Yakuza and whether or not they'd exist in Oda Japan, or what form they would take. However, what about the gangs before them- the Kabukimono - those street gangs of young samurai delinquents that dressed wildly and I personally call them the Feudal Japanese-version of Bōsōzoku. Heck, even Oda Nobunaga himself was considered one when he was young, along with Maeda Toshiie.
There is significantly more trade and construction work going on ITTL; those are some fat sources of income organised crime, if you'll ask me.
 
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Chapter 127: Siam and Dai Viet in the Late 17th Century

Chapter 127: Siam and Dai Viet in the Late 17th Century

The latter half of Siamese king Chaofa Chai’s reign was much more active than the former half in its foreign policy and other overseas activities. Like the Ming merchants did in the 1670s, Chaofa Chai took advantage of the weakening of Japanese mercantile and trade projection in the greater region and sought to expand Siam’s own maritime reach and influence. He accomplished this by supporting the native merchant class in Ayutthaya and other ports in his kingdom through the expansion of their privileges. As a result, Siamese merchants began to spread their reach beyond the immediate vicinity of their home realm like never before, especially into the Indian Ocean. The king would also grant these same privileges to many foreign merchants and groups, notably excluding the Dutch and Japanese from this particular development completely.

Chaofa Chai would also engage in a flurry of embassies and other diplomatic contacts with overseas powers. The most important of these were the one to Safavid Persia and France. Safavid Persia was a trade power of high interest for the newly enterprising Siamese merchant class, leading to an embassy to Isfahan in 1680 [1]. 1669 and 1680 respectively to spark interest in expanded trade relations. The latter proved to be more fruitful and led to the Persian embassy to Ayutthaya in 1685, led by Mohammed Rabi ibn Mohammed Ebrahim. This embassy would cement an increasingly strong relationship between the two countries, making the Siamese the favorite trading partner of the Safavid court east of the Indian subcontinent and thus a primary source for Persian goods in East and Southeast Asia.

The embassies to France, meanwhile, would establish the fledgling colonial trade power as the most important of Siam’s European trading partners. Formal contact between the two powers would originate when the Paris Foreign Missions Society landed in Ayutthaya in 1662, having chosen Siam as its first target country to convert due to Ayutthaya’s pre-existing Catholic minority. Chaofa Chai cordially accepted their presence, providing them with land to construct a church and a hospital. To further curry favor with the Siamese king, bishop Francois Pallu managed to obtain letters from both Louis XIV and Pope Alexander VII in 1666-1667 after sailing back to Europe, presenting them before Chaofa Chai in 1670 [2]. By then, the French East India Company had arrived onto the scene and were on the way to acquiring Phuket as a major trading depot especially over the tin trade, and Franco-Siamese relations were on the upswing. This culminated in the exchange of embassies between Paris and Ayuthhaya coinciding with Chaofa Chai’s big trade expansionism in the late 1670s. 1677 saw a first embassy by Siam to Paris, followed by one by Paris to Ayutthaya led by the Chevalier de Chaumont in 1678. Although the French ambassador was unsuccessful in his bid to convert the king to Catholicism, Chaumont managed to secure favorable trade agreements that also formally acknowledged French presence in Phuket and its tin monopoly. Additionally, Chaofa Chai would persuade Count Claude de Forbin to enter into his military service as the governor and commander-in-chief of Bangkok and hired the engineer Lamarre to help construct fortifications for the kingdom.​

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Depiction of the Chevalier de Chaumont paying his respects to king Chaofa Chai​

The third and final embassy of this exchange was the 1680 Siamese embassy to Paris whose scale exceeded that of the first embassy in 1677. Led by diplomat and bureaucrat Kosa Pan, it became a sensation across Europe on the same level that the Azuchi embassy in 45 years earlier had been, the embassy’s journey to Versailles attracting crowds of onlookers. Kosa Pan brought many gifts to Louis XIV, including 1,500 pieces of porcelain, carpets, and tortoise shells, and in turn would order French products like telescopes, cannons, and other pieces of rare technology as well as 4,264 mirrors that were to decorate the Siamese royal palace. On a diplomatic level, the embassy would confirm the ratification of the trade agreements made by the Chevalier de Claumont. While in Versailles, the embassy would receive invitations from Sweden and Portugal. Lacking time, Kosa Pan would only manage to visit Lisbon for a few days on their way home before departing for Siam. Nevertheless, they would be back as this was only the beginning of Siam’s direct diplomacy with Europe.

Chaofa Chai’s interest in a more interconnected kingdom was even reflected in his territorial ambitions. In 1674 [3], he invaded the sultanate of Singora, which had broken away from Siam in 1642 under the directive of Sulaiman Shah. Until the new sultan, Singora had been modernized, its defenses strengthened through the construction of city walls and moats and its overseas trade expanded with European merchants. Prasat Thong had attempted to reincorporate Singora thrice but the wily sultan successfully warded off Siam each time. Sulaiman’s son and successor Mustapha, however, proved less capable and would ultimately fail in protecting his sultanate from the clutches of Chaofa Chai, who sought to extinguish what he perceived as competition, after a siege that lasted for 6 months. It would subsequently be razed to the ground although the former sultan’s family would be pardoned and integrated into the Siamese nobility.

For his many accomplishments on the domestic and overseas fronts that strengthened the kingdom and its already significant presence within the region, Chaofa Chai would be remembered as a great king, one of a few to earn the epithet “the Great”. However, the king’s death in 1686 and the ascendance of his stepson Phra Pi as the new king would provide an opening for the dissatisfied and opportunistic within the realm. The latter came in the form of a revolt by a Makassar prince who had fled to the court of Chaofa Chai after driven from his homeland by the VOC, with the prince hoping to install one of his brother as the new Siamese king and establish Islam as the new state religion. Before a serious attempt could be made, however, the plot was uncovered and the new king Phra Pi crushed it with ease. The dissatisfied, meanwhile, came in the form of councilor and commander Phetracha who led a faction of conservative nobles and Buddhist clergy opposed to further foreign influence and engagement by the king. They particularly hated the appointment of Greek adventurer and interpreter Constantine Phaulkon to the post of foreign minister in the Ayutthayan court [4]. Phetracha would attempt to take advantage of this festering opposition and launch a coup in 1688, only for it to be suppressed relatively quickly by the king [5]. He, along with his son Luang Prasak who happened to be a biological son of Chaofa Chai with a concubine given to Phetracha as an infant, would be executed. Phra Pi would subsequently weaken the power of the Buddhist clergy and even begin to toy with the idea of converting to Catholicism. Under him, Chaofa Chai’s policies would be continued and progressed which saw Siam continue on its path of trade expansionism and diplomatic engagement.​

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Statue of Chaofa Chai “the Great”​

Changes were also occurring in the Trinh-dominated Dai Viet kingdom in the late 17th century. After the final defeat of the Mac dynasty in 1667, Trinh Tac turned to domestic affairs, reviving the civil bureaucratic apparatus set up by the Dai Viet king Le Thanh Tong in the 15th century [6] and reinstituting Confucianism within the government. As a result, power would shift from the military to the literati within Dai Viet. This conservative turn also affected the regime’s outlook on foreigners with European traders increasingly viewed with suspicion and Jesuits and other missionaries expelled from the kingdom in 1663. Nevertheless, Trinh Tac continued Hanoi’s relatively cordial relationship with the Dutch particularly, with the English even managing to open a factory in Tonkin in 1672. The Portuguese continued to be marginalized in comparison while the French would prove unsuccessful in establishing a foothold as both European powers had too friendly of relations with rival powers like the Nguyen lords and Siam. On the other hand, Chinese and Japanese merchants would increase their activity with the Trinh-controlled north, with relations with the latter improving as Siamese-Japanese political and economic rivalries became ever more entrenched. Trinh Tac died in 1682 and was succeeded by his son Trinh Can who would continue his father’s reforms and policies.​

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Sketch of Trinh Tac​

The Nguyen-controlled Vietnamese south was also making its own strides. Having been thoroughly humbled by the Trinh lords and come down extensive Siamese economic and political influence, this autonomous piece of the Dai Viet kingdom under Phuc Tan nevertheless sought to strengthen itself and prepare for any future confrontations with the Trinh lords, Siam, or Cambodia if the latter ever managed to break free from Siamese vassalage. Thus, Nguyen Phuc Tan would first embark upon the invasion and annexation of the Champa principalities of Panduranga and Kauthara between 1660 and 1670. This campaign not only expanded the coastal territorial extent of the Nguyen realm but also removed potential Trinh allies that could pincer the Nguyen from behind. Phuc Tan would also focus his energy on building up his new capital of Quy Nhon [7] which had been founded not far from the battlefield of Vijaya after the Nguyen-Trinh war. Quy Nhon would quickly grow and attract trade as the Trinh lords’ greater hostility towards merchants drove longtime traders to the new home of their old collaborators, especially the Portuguese. The English and French would also come to be important trading partners, and they along with the Portuguese would also being crucial to Phuc Tran’s military reforms in terms of knowledge and technology.

[1]: No Siamese embassy to Isfahan in 1669 ITTL.

[2]: Happens in 1670 and 1673 respectively IOTL.

[3]: Happens in 1679 ITTL.

[4]: He doesn’t rise up the ranks as quickly due to time and Siam having greater foreign exposure compared to OTL, making the kingdom less willing to appoint foreigners to important government posts (with exceptions obviously). This also is the reason why the Anglo-Siamese War doesn’t happen IOTL.

[5]: The opposite happens IOTL ie the Siamese Revolution of 1688.

[6]: Happens a few years earlier IOTL.

[7]: This city was not founded for at least another century IOTL.​
 
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Chapter 127: Siam and Dai Viet in the Late 17th Century

The latter half of Siamese king Chaofa Chai’s reign was much more active than the former half in its foreign policy and other overseas activities. Like the Ming merchants did in the 1670s, Chaofa Chai took advantage of the weakening of Japanese mercantile and trade projection in the greater region and sought to expand Siam’s own maritime reach and influence. He accomplished this by supporting the native merchant class in Ayutthaya and other ports in his kingdom through the expansion of their privileges. As a result, Siamese merchants began to spread their reach beyond the immediate vicinity of their home realm like never before, especially into the Indian Ocean. The king would also grant these same privileges to many foreign merchants and groups, notably excluding the Dutch and Japanese from this particular development completely.

Chaofa Chai would also engage in a flurry of embassies and other diplomatic contacts with overseas powers. The most important of these were the one to Safavid Persia and France. Safavid Persia was a trade power of high interest for the newly enterprising Siamese merchant class, leading to an embassy to Isfahan in 1680 [1]. 1669 and 1680 respectively, both to spark interest in expanded trade relations and request naval support against . The latter proved to be more fruitful and led to the Persian embassy to Ayutthaya in 1685, led by Mohammed Rabi ibn Mohammed Ebrahim. This embassy would cement an increasingly strong relationship between the two countries, making the Siamese the favorite trading partner of the Safavid court east of the Indian subcontinent and thus a primary source for Persian goods in East and Southeast Asia.

The embassies to France, meanwhile, would establish the fledgling colonial trade power as the most important of Siam’s European trading partners. Formal contact between the two powers would originate when the Paris Foreign Missions Society landed in Ayutthaya in 1662, having chosen Siam as its first target country to convert due to Ayutthaya’s pre-existing Catholic minority. Chaofa Chai cordially accepted their presence, providing them with land to construct a church and a hospital. To further curry favor with the Siamese king, bishop Francois Pallu managed to obtain letters from both Louis XIV and Pope Alexander VII in 1666-1667 after sailing back to Europe, presenting them before Chaofa Chai in 1670 [2]. By then, the French East India Company had arrived onto the scene and were on the way to acquiring Phuket as a major trading depot especially over the tin trade, and Franco-Siamese relations were on the upswing. This culminated in the exchange of embassies between Paris and Ayuthhaya coinciding with Chaofa Chai’s big trade expansionism in the late 1670s. 1677 saw a first embassy by Siam to Paris, followed by one by Paris to Ayutthaya led by the Chevalier de Chaumont in 1678. Although the French ambassador was unsuccessful in his bid to convert the king to Catholicism, Chaumont managed to secure favorable trade agreements that also formally acknowledged French presence in Phuket and its tin monopoly. Additionally, Chaofa Chai would persuade Count Claude de Forbin to enter into his military service as the governor and commander-in-chief of Bangkok and hired the engineer Lamarre to help construct fortifications for the kingdom.​

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Depiction of the Chevalier de Chaumont paying his respects to king Chaofa Chai​

The third and final embassy of this exchange was the 1680 Siamese embassy to Paris whose scale exceeded that of the first embassy in 1677. Led by diplomat and bureaucrat Kosa Pan, it became a sensation across Europe on the same level that the Azuchi embassy in 45 years earlier had been, the embassy’s journey to Versailles attracting crowds of onlookers. Kosa Pan brought many gifts to Louis XIV, including 1,500 pieces of porcelain, carpets, and tortoise shells, and in turn would order French products like telescopes, cannons, and other pieces of rare technology as well as 4,264 mirrors that were to decorate the Siamese royal palace. On a diplomatic level, the embassy would confirm the ratification of the trade agreements made by the Chevalier de Claumont. While in Versailles, the embassy would receive invitations from Sweden and Portugal. Lacking time, Kosa Pan would only manage to visit Lisbon for a few days on their way home before departing for Siam. Nevertheless, they would be back as this was only the beginning of Siam’s direct diplomacy with Europe.

Chaofa Chai’s interest in a more interconnected kingdom was even reflected in his territorial ambitions. In 1674 [3], he invaded the sultanate of Singora, which had broken away from Siam in 1642 under the directive of Sulaiman Shah. Until the new sultan, Singora had been modernized, its defenses strengthened through the construction of city walls and moats and its overseas trade expanded with European merchants. Prasat Thong had attempted to reincorporate Singora thrice but the wily sultan successfully warded off Siam each time. Sulaiman’s son and successor Mustapha, however, proved less capable and would ultimately fail in protecting his sultanate from the clutches of Chaofa Chai, who sought to extinguish what he perceived as competition, after a siege that lasted for 6 months. It would subsequently be razed to the ground although the former sultan’s family would be pardoned and integrated into the Siamese nobility.

For his many accomplishments on the domestic and overseas fronts that strengthened the kingdom and its already significant presence within the region, Chaofa Chai would be remembered as a great king, one of a few to earn the epithet “the Great”. However, the king’s death in 1686 would provide an opening for the dissatisfied and opportunistic within the realm. The latter came in the form of a revolt by a Makassar prince who had fled to the court of Chaofa Chai after driven from his homeland by the VOC, with the prince hoping to install one of his brother as the new Siamese king and establish Islam as the new state religion. Before a serious attempt could be made, however, the plot was uncovered and the new king Phra Pi crushed it with ease. The dissatisfied, meanwhile, came in the form of councilor and commander Phetracha who led a faction of conservative nobles and Buddhist clergy opposed to further foreign influence and engagement by the king. They particularly hated the appointment of Greek adventurer and interpreter Constantine Phaulkon to the post of foreign minister in the Ayutthayan court [4]. Phetracha would attempt to take advantage of this festering opposition and launch a coup in 1688, only for it to be suppressed relatively quickly by the king. He, along with his son Luang Prasak who happened to be a biological son of Chaofa Chai with a concubine given to Phetracha as an infant, would be executed. Phra Pi would subsequently weaken the power of the Buddhist clergy and even begin to toy with the idea of converting to Catholicism. Under him, Chaofa Chai’s policies would be continued and progressed which saw Siam continue on its path of trade expansionism and diplomatic engagement.​

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Statue of Chaofa Chai “the Great”​

Changes were also occurring in the Trinh-dominated Dai Viet kingdom in the late 17th century. After the final defeat of the Mac dynasty in 1667, Trinh Tac turned to domestic affairs, reviving the civil bureaucratic apparatus set up by the Dai Viet king Le Thanh Tong in the 15th century [5] and reinstituting Confucianism within the government. As a result, power would shift from the military to the literati within Dai Viet. This conservative turn also affected the regime’s outlook on foreigners with European traders increasingly viewed with suspicion and Jesuits and other missionaries expelled from the kingdom in 1663. Nevertheless, Trinh Tac continued Hanoi’s relatively cordial relationship with the Dutch particularly, with the English even managing to open a factory in Tonkin in 1672. The Portuguese continued to be marginalized in comparison while the French would prove unsuccessful in establishing a foothold as both European powers had too friendly of relations with rival powers like the Nguyen lords and Siam. On the other hand, Chinese and Japanese merchants would increase their activity with the Trinh-controlled north, with relations with the latter improving as Siamese-Japanese political and economic rivalries became ever more entrenched. Trinh Tac died in 1682 and was succeeded by his son Trinh Can who would continue his father’s reforms and policies.​

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Sketch of Trinh Tac​

The Nguyen-controlled Vietnamese south was also making its own strides. Having been thoroughly humbled by the Trinh lords and come down extensive Siamese economic and political influence, this autonomous piece of the Dai Viet kingdom under Phuc Tan nevertheless sought to strengthen itself and prepare for any future confrontations with the Trinh lords, Siam, or Cambodia if the latter ever managed to break free from Siamese vassalage. Thus, Nguyen Phuc Tan would first embark upon the invasion and annexation of the Champa principalities of Panduranga and Kauthara between 1660 and 1670. This campaign not only expanded the coastal territorial extent of the Nguyen realm but also removed potential Trinh allies that could pincer the Nguyen from behind. Phuc Tan would also focus his energy on building up his new capital of Quy Nhon [6] which had been founded not far from the battlefield of Vijaya after the Nguyen-Trinh war. Quy Nhon would quickly grow and attract trade as the Trinh lords’ greater hostility towards merchants drove longtime traders to the new home of their old collaborators, especially the Portuguese. The English and French would also come to be important trading partners, and they along with the Portuguese would also being crucial to Phuc Tran’s military reforms in terms of knowledge and technology.

[1]: No Siamese embassy to Isfahan in 1669 ITTL.

[2]: Happens in 1670 and 1673 respectively IOTL.

[3]: Happens in 1679 ITTL.

[4]: He doesn’t rise up the ranks as quickly due to time and Siam having greater foreign exposure compared to OTL, making the kingdom less willing to appoint foreigners to important government posts (with exceptions obviously). This also is the reason why the Anglo-Siamese War doesn’t happen IOTL.

[5]: Happens a few years earlier IOTL.

[6]: This city was not founded for at least another century IOTL.​
AMAZING work as always! Pretty interesting developments!
 
It’s will always still amaze me to how IOTL a guy from Greece managed to become the Chief Minister in Siam

Great chapter. Love learning about the development in SEA.
 
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