Sunday's results were monumental in the Kingdom of the French. It was clear that the Feuillant Club, led by Macron and Dupont-Aignan, would lead in seat count. While only having an absolute majority in parts of Western France, the Feuillants have been leading the overall polls between, and with a broad support across the Kingdom they could easily come first in many of the departments. What was surprising was how many Girondin-led seats flipped to the Feuillants. While many had called Macron a traitor for leaving the Girondin and taking his parliamentary group with him, it seems that the French electorate was also eager to abandon the Girondin, and The Mountain as well. Approval ratings for the grand coalition had been poor due to the internal disputes and austerity agenda of the government. Macron's group was not the only to break off, forcing the traditional parties to invest resources in recapturing safe seats. Macron's operative, comparatively, was quite smooth. With his "Young Feulliant" takeover of the party effectively complete, Macron was able to field a slate of candidates loyal to himself, quieting the party's intercine struggle in the months leading up to the election.
It was expected that Macron would falter with the actual issues of the campaign. While Macron had been know to be a closet absolutist in the Girondin, few of his peers thought his radical ideas could catch on if they were in the open. However, Macron was able to justify his ideals, effectively tying them into other campaign issues. For the hated 2015 budget, Macron's proposal of return the veto to the King would have paused the bill's passage and allowed for the numerous earmarks to be reviewed and removed from the bill. For ecological issues, Macron and his green conservative deputy, Kosciusko-Morizet, linked long-term dynastic interest to the preservation of the environment for future generations. For federal corruption, Macron proposed reviving the Royal Vetting Service to dispassionately weed out national agents that received their position due to political patronage.
While his left-wing opponents hammered Macron on his trade policies, stating that they would undermine French industries and jobs, the backing of Dupont-Aignan comforted most protectionists, who felt that Dupont-Aignan's parliamentary leadership would prevent Macron from excesses on the economic front. On social issues, while Macron had admitted in the past that he did not feel coldly towards LGBT people, he did carry the party torch and promised a referendum on same-sex marriage, which would potentially repeal the legalization bill passed by the grand coalition in 2014.
With his victory, Macron revealed the cracks in French society. He showed that there was a strata willing to vote for reaction over democracy, even at the expense of their economic interests. He showed the weakness of the French electoral system, which, due to its mixture of fixed winner-take-all and proportional seats, allowed Macron to will 50% of the seats with 33% of the vote. He showed that the gains of the French revolution, which had won France a constitution and led to end of royal power, were even now under threat.
Upon the opening of the new assembly, Macron quickly formed a cabinet of Young Feulliant representatives and allies. With only the Culture and Defense ministries in the hands of Dupont-Aignan's factions, the Old Feuillants reluctantly voted to form the government. With the government ceremonially inducted by King Louis XX, Macron has begun to roll out his plans and draft reams of legislation that would reverse many liberal reforms of the late 20th century.
Another notable stories of the election were the Mutuellists' victory in Brussels. Under Oliver Besancenot, the party did well in Flanders. While the allied with the Flanders National Party on the creation of a regional parliament for the Flemish departments, the undercut the FNP electorally, taking votes from both them and The Mountain. Following the elections, Oliver released a statement that his party and their allies would "resist any attempt to undermine the principles of our revolution and our labor struggles." If polling holds up, the Mutuellists and the independent left will do well at the departmental elections in 2019.