Un Dios, Un Imperio, Un Rey | Alternate TL.
- Thread starter Paladín Wulfen
- Start date
Lmao you know him so well
Then again its not like he's trying to hide it~
Paladín Wulfen
Kicked
I know him well because we talk via discord and give his opinion about some things. I have another reader who literally want a peace treaty between Spain and Ottomans and declare Spain like the Third Roma because Fernando of Aragon buy the Roman emperor title to the last emperor.
And yes. It is true. The Spanish Crown have a fucking ton of titles even King of Jerusalem.
Paladín Wulfen
Kicked
Yeah but later it's a piece of bread. Tbh this work is motivate partially by him and his comments.
Paladín Wulfen
Kicked
Honestly. I research a lot for avoid problems about historical errors. And I feel happy about the Double Spanish. I am proud of my history and nation.
You know the European parlamentarism after the Roman empire born in Leon?
Not to mention that Edward would be dead soon...so much for all the sh*t that Henry has pulled - for a male heir that barely passed manhood
It really is that. The Cortes de Leon of 1188 is the first more or less modern parliament in the world, as it included the people for the first time. In the form of representatives of the main cities and towns of the kingdom.
El Anochecer del Hijo del Sol.
Paladín Wulfen
Kicked
«Por este lado se va a Panamá, a ser pobres; por este otro al Perú, a ser ricos; escoja el que fuere buen Español lo que más bien le estuviere».
«On this side you go to Panama, to be poor; for this other to Peru, to be rich; choose the one who is a good Spaniard what suits him best».
— Francisco Pizarro
«On this side you go to Panama, to be poor; for this other to Peru, to be rich; choose the one who is a good Spaniard what suits him best».
— Francisco Pizarro
In America, the Conquest of Mexico did not stop only with the fall of the Aztec Empire. The Purépecha empire, led by Irecha Tangaxuan II, did not take long to make the mistake of establishing communications with the Virroyalty Court of Cortes and delivering gifts of gold. That would motivate Hernan Cortes to finance expeditions of several thousand men to conquer and colonize the territories. The thirst for slaves, gold, silver and land was reason enough to join an Expedition. The Industry of New Spain, arose at the beginning being primary; dedicated to agriculture and extraction of mineral resources, to then obtain its secondary and third sector. In a matter of ten years, New Spain had been transformed from a small colonial province to a flourishing industrial power. The discovery of precious resources created a feedback loop. Proceeds from the sale of gold, silver, and copper were used to finance the expansion of roads, workshops, iron foundries, and armories. These investments were inevitably used to fuel the campaigns of conquest, which led to the continued expansion of the Spanish Encomienda economy to produce greater quantities of Wheat, Corn, Sugar Cane, along with beans and chili. Or simply extract more mineral resources such as iron, gold, silver, bronze and copper. The nobility of New Spain was not a nobility with great lineages that went back about a thousand or five hundred years ago, they were men who had participated in the Conquest in the first wave and in reward for their service they had received a latifundium of large dimensions, in the style of the retirements of the Roman Legionaries who could choose money or land. The conquest of Mexico was the start for a period where Empires, Kingdoms and Tribes such as the Purépecha Empire in Michoacán, the Mayas of Yucatan and the Chichimecas, were swept away by the ferocity and superiority in the Spanish art of war.
The Spanish campaigns of colonial conquest focused on besieging towns, razing crops, torturing and executing the heads of the towns while the native women were taken for all uses, that is, servants and concubines at the same time while the men were sent to work in the fields or mines, although the natives were soon exchanged for African slaves in the mines due to their greater resistance to intense physical labor. In the midst of the Conquest of Mexico, an institution would emerge that would facilitate communication between Europe and America: The Casa de la Contratación de Indias: a well-regulated organization, with its own chapel and jail, in charge of controlling the monopoly of Spanish trade with the Indies while controlling merchandise, maintenance, ships, purchase and sale prices, destined supplies but perhaps their most important work is nautical information and cartography that was kept secret to prevent the information from falling into the hands of foreign powers, of Among this key information, the Padrón Real: the main official Spanish map of the explored world, would be the most important as it was used as a model for the maps and nautical charts present in all Spanish ships at the time that the pilots of the Spanish ships were obliged to use a copy of the official letter, under the risk of the penalty of a fine of 50 doubles. The importance of the maps and the constant naval updating forced all the ships that returned to report all the details about the new lands or discoveries that they had made to the Casa de Contratación, along with the corresponding latitudes and longitudes, since without good help to navigation, the capacity of Spain to exploit and benefit from its discoveries would be limited, which meant that in the event that a Spanish ship was attacked and boarded, one of the first things that were eliminated were the maps and nautical files.
The expeditions of discoveries and conquests led the Spanish Conquistadors to end up colonizing the land that was called by Columbus as "Tierra de Gracia" but was renamed Venezuela because the houses built by the Añú Indians, erected on wooden stilts that protruded of the water reminded the city of Venice. At the same time, the Kingdom of New Granada would be created, founding the cities of Santa Maria and Cartagena de Indias, which would establish Spanish control of the coast, and the expansion of territorial control inland began. The conqueror Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada would colonize a vast area in the region following the course of the Magdalena River in the interior of the Andes in Colombia, defeating the powerful Muisca Confederation, founding the city of Santafé de Bogotá. In the midst of such events, a relative of Hernan Cortes would stand out: an adventurous soldier named Francisco Pizarro. Pizarro was the illegitimate son of a gentleman from a good family and a woman from the town. He was born in Trujillo, an important town in Extremadura, where he spent his early years, completely abandoned by his parents, who did not even give him the first principles of the most common education. This ignorance was an ever new cause of sorrow and mortification. No doubt his father believed him little capable of rising above the condition of his mother, since ever since he had the strength for it, he employed him guarding the pigs on his farms. The young Pizarro could not bear the inconveniences of this ignoble occupation, so little in harmony with the sentiments of ambition that filled his soul, and taking advantage of the first opportunity to escape from his father's supervision, he enlisted in an infantry company that went to Italy . He served for a few years, and became a good soldier, but his personal situation forced him to try his luck in the Indies. The discovery of America opened a vast field to people with their enterprising and ambitious spirit.
So Pizarro followed the example of a large number of his brothers-in-arms, and sailed for the New World, where he soon attracted the attention of his chiefs by his resolute character and by his inclination to throw himself into battle. the riskiest companies. He accompanied Governor Alfonso de Ojeda in the conquest of Uraba, where he was left in charge of the establishment that was formed there. Later he followed Balboa on the famous expedition that resulted in the discovery of the South Sea. Pizarro gave notable evidence of intrepidity and vigor: his body was insensitive to pain and fatigue, and his spirit neither wavered in the face of risk nor was he dejected by setbacks. Always the first in the dangers, he was always indefatigable and of a patience to all test. Despite being ignorant to the point of not knowing how to read, he was soon thought of as a man born to command. He was successful in all the operations entrusted to him, uniting in his person qualities that are rarely found together: perseverance and ardor; the audacity in combining his plans and the prudence in executing them. Launched very soon into the midst of camps and councils, with no other resources than his talents and ability, he could count on himself alone to come out of the darkness, and acquire such a great knowledge of business and men, who soon found himself in a position to direct some and govern others. By the time Pizarro decided to undertake his greatest enterprise, he could have retired with a considerable fortune made from his services. It was then that he became associated with two men who enjoyed great influence in the colony, Diego de Almagro and Fernando de Luque. The first of origin even darker than that of his colleague, was an orphan born in Almagro, from where he took his name, which he had never known his family name.
Like Pizarro, he was a soldier of fortune, educated in the camps, and seasoned from childhood to privation and misery. He did not yield to his companion in military virtues, but he was far inferior to her in the qualities of his spirit: as he had intrepid courage, indefatigable activity, and unfailing perseverance; but Pizarro added to these qualities that skill and skill in finding files, so necessary to train a skillful politician. Almagro knew how to fight, withstand adversity; but he did not have the knowledge of the world, nor that talent for disguising his designs, which made Pizarro know, when it suited his interests, to discover the thoughts of others by hiding his own. Fernando de Luque, the third associate, was a churchman, both a parish priest and a school teacher; he possessed great wealth and wished to concur with his form in the discovery of new countries and the increase of the possessions of his sovereign. Such were the three characters who conceived the project of conquering the rich regions whose existence had been revealed by Balboa. They submitted their plan to Pedrarias, Governor of Panama, who approved it, and solemnly bound themselves to act in concert for the good success of the undertaking. Pizarro, the least wealthy of the three, who could not supply as many resources as the others, took upon himself the greater part of the fatigue and danger, taking charge of personally sending the host destined for the first voyage and the first attempts at discovery. Almagro was to lead the reinforcements of men and supplies that Pizarro needed, and Luque was to remain in Panama to deal with the governor and occupy himself with common interests. Once these preliminary arrangements were finished, the three associates, moved by that religious spirit that was allied in the conquerors of the New World to all the important companies, ratified their commitments at the foot of the altars. But it would not be until the end of 1531 that the Spanish arrived at the gates of the empire they wanted to subjugate.
The departure of the Spaniards was neither easy nor successful. The coast of Peru is at various points barren, unhealthy, and sparsely populated, and the Spaniards also had to traverse the rivers near their mouths, where their width made their passage more difficult. Pizarro, instead of winning the confidence of the natives, had imprudently attacked them and forced them to abandon their dwellings: hunger, excessive fatigue and diseases of different kinds, reduced the Spaniards to such harsh extremes that dozens died of diseases, unknown fauna and insects. On April 14, the province of Coaco was reached, and having surprised the inhabitants of its main town, the Spaniards found there vessels and ornaments of gold and silver worth more than thirty thousand pesos, with other riches that vanished all their doubts and revived the courage even of the most dissatisfied, awakening their ambitious hopes. Transported with joy Pizarro at the sight of those rich remains, which he considered as the first gifts of a land inexhaustible in treasures, immediately sent a ship to Almagro with a large part of the booty. At the same time, he ordered another ship to leave for Nicaragua with considerable sums, intended for influential persons of that colony: a measure he took, to give a lofty idea of the wealth of the country, and with the hope of awakening in a large number of adventurers the desire to go meet him. Pizarro resumed the march but although he wanted to match Hernan Cortes, he lacked that conciliatory character that had so supported the plans of the courageous and prudent conqueror of Mexico. Pizarro, equal to this caudillo in all the qualities that constitute a man of war, completely lacked that skillful and profound policy which had formed one of the main features of Cortés' conduct, and disdaining to use means other than force, openly attacked. the natives and forced them to submit or take refuge in the interior regions.
Like Pizarro, he was a soldier of fortune, educated in the camps, and seasoned from childhood to privation and misery. He did not yield to his companion in military virtues, but he was far inferior to her in the qualities of his spirit: as he had intrepid courage, indefatigable activity, and unfailing perseverance; but Pizarro added to these qualities that skill and skill in finding files, so necessary to train a skillful politician. Almagro knew how to fight, withstand adversity; but he did not have the knowledge of the world, nor that talent for disguising his designs, which made Pizarro know, when it suited his interests, to discover the thoughts of others by hiding his own. Fernando de Luque, the third associate, was a churchman, both a parish priest and a school teacher; he possessed great wealth and wished to concur with his form in the discovery of new countries and the increase of the possessions of his sovereign. Such were the three characters who conceived the project of conquering the rich regions whose existence had been revealed by Balboa. They submitted their plan to Pedrarias, Governor of Panama, who approved it, and solemnly bound themselves to act in concert for the good success of the undertaking. Pizarro, the least wealthy of the three, who could not supply as many resources as the others, took upon himself the greater part of the fatigue and danger, taking charge of personally sending the host destined for the first voyage and the first attempts at discovery. Almagro was to lead the reinforcements of men and supplies that Pizarro needed, and Luque was to remain in Panama to deal with the governor and occupy himself with common interests. Once these preliminary arrangements were finished, the three associates, moved by that religious spirit that was allied in the conquerors of the New World to all the important companies, ratified their commitments at the foot of the altars. But it would not be until the end of 1531 that the Spanish arrived at the gates of the empire they wanted to subjugate.
The departure of the Spaniards was neither easy nor successful. The coast of Peru is at various points barren, unhealthy, and sparsely populated, and the Spaniards also had to traverse the rivers near their mouths, where their width made their passage more difficult. Pizarro, instead of winning the confidence of the natives, had imprudently attacked them and forced them to abandon their dwellings: hunger, excessive fatigue and diseases of different kinds, reduced the Spaniards to such harsh extremes that dozens died of diseases, unknown fauna and insects. On April 14, the province of Coaco was reached, and having surprised the inhabitants of its main town, the Spaniards found there vessels and ornaments of gold and silver worth more than thirty thousand pesos, with other riches that vanished all their doubts and revived the courage even of the most dissatisfied, awakening their ambitious hopes. Transported with joy Pizarro at the sight of those rich remains, which he considered as the first gifts of a land inexhaustible in treasures, immediately sent a ship to Almagro with a large part of the booty. At the same time, he ordered another ship to leave for Nicaragua with considerable sums, intended for influential persons of that colony: a measure he took, to give a lofty idea of the wealth of the country, and with the hope of awakening in a large number of adventurers the desire to go meet him. Pizarro resumed the march but although he wanted to match Hernan Cortes, he lacked that conciliatory character that had so supported the plans of the courageous and prudent conqueror of Mexico. Pizarro, equal to this caudillo in all the qualities that constitute a man of war, completely lacked that skillful and profound policy which had formed one of the main features of Cortés' conduct, and disdaining to use means other than force, openly attacked. the natives and forced them to submit or take refuge in the interior regions.
Pizarro advanced unopposed to the island of Puna in the Bay of Guayaquil; but the inhabitants of said island, more courageous and courageous than those of the mainland, opposed him with a lively resistance that lasted nearly six months. When they were finally subdued, Pizarro moved to Túmbez, where he gave his soldiers a three-month rest, which they absolutely needed after the fatigue they had undergone, and especially as a result of the illnesses many had contracted. During this time the general began to reap the fruits of the care he had taken in spreading far and wide the news of his early triumphs. In 1532 a reinforcement arrived from Nicaragua, and although it consisted of only sixty men, it was received with all the more joy, since the two officers who commanded them, Fernando de Soto and Sebastián Benalcázar, enjoyed a great reputation and were held by two of the best captains in America. On May 16, Pizarro resumed his operations heading towards the banks of the Piura, where he decided to found an establishment that could serve as a storage place. He chose a site on purpose and laid the foundations of the town of San Miguel, which was the first Spanish colony in Peru; and then he boldly advanced towards the center of the vast empire which he had invaded, fearlessly and little considering the dangers to which his rashness might expose him. Pizarro did not miss any opportunity to take information about the country, the knowledge of which was essential for the execution of his plans; and although it was extremely difficult for him to make himself understood by the natives, since he had no interpreter, he knew that he was in the possessions of a very powerful monarch, owner of an extensive, rich and fertile territory, but that the country was the prey of civil dissension, a circumstance that seemed to him the best omen and to which he in fact owed that his triumphs were so rapid.
However, beforehand it must be explained that when the Spanish first approached the coast of Peru in 1526, Huana Capac, the twelfth monarch since the founding of the monarchy, occupied the throne, and was described as a prince who brought together military talents. to the peaceful virtues that distinguished their ancestors. He had subdued the kingdom of Quito, a conquest that nearly doubled the wealth and extent of the empire. He wanted to reside in this beautiful province, and against the ancient and fundamental law of the monarchy that forbade staining royal blood with any foreign alliance, he married the daughter of the defeated king. He had from her a son named Atahualpa, to whom he bequeathed the kingdom of Quito upon her death, which occurred around the year 1525, leaving the rest of his states to another son of his named Huáscar, whose mother was of royal blood. However great the respect Peruvians had for the memory of a monarch who had reigned with more glory than any of his predecessors, his provisions regarding the succession to the crown excited general discontent in Cuzco, because they contradicted a custom as old as the monarchy, and founded on an authority regarded as sacred. Huáscar encouraged by the opinion of his subjects, he wanted to force his brother to renounce the kingdom of Quito, and to recognize him as his sovereign; but the first thing Atahualpa had tried to do was win the will of a large body of troops to accompany his father to Quito. It was made up of the flower of the Peruvian warriors, and Huana Capac owed them all his victories. Strong with such support, Atahualpa first evaded his brother's claim, later marching against him with a formidable army. It was not difficult to foresee in such a situation what should happen: Atahualpa was victorious and cruelly abused his victory. Convinced himself of the invalidity of his claim to the crown, he set out to extinguish the royal race, by causing all the sons of the sun to perish who fell into his hands. However, he preserved the life of his unfortunate rival: Huáscar, taken prisoner in the battle that had decided the fate of the empire, was pardoned for political reasons, so that Atahualpa, commanding in the name of his brother, could establish more easily his government
The usurper's authority then seemed solidly established; but his throne was still surrounded by dangers. The party that supported Huáscar, despite the setbacks suffered, was neither subjugated nor completely dejected, and it was to be presumed that a new struggle would soon begin in favor of the legitimate sovereign. Thanks to this dissension between the two brothers, the Spaniards reached thirty leagues inland, without anyone trying to stop them. Pizarro did not know how to explain the apathy of the natives, when messengers sent by Huáscar arrived imploring the assistance of foreigners against the usurper. The general immediately understood the importance of this step, and foresaw all the advantages that he could derive from the civil war that was destroying the country. Consequently, he determined to advance while the discord made it impossible for the Peruvians to attack him with all their forces, hoping that by taking the defense of one or the other of the competitors, depending on the circumstances, he would more easily succeed in destroying both. However, he could not dispose of all his people: he had to leave in San Miguel a garrison capable of defending this post, so important as a place of retreat and as a port, where the reinforcements expected from Panama had to arrive. Consequently, he left fifty-five men there, and left on September 24 at the head of sixty-two horses and one hundred and two peons, of whom there were twenty armed with arquebuses and three with muskets, also carrying his two cannons. Meanwhile, Atahualpa was encamped in Caxamalca, a city located about twelve days' march from San Miguel. Although he knew that the enemy army was very numerous, Pizarro advanced with the greatest courage. Little had he done yet, when an envoy of the Inca appeared to him with a rich present from this prince, inviting him with his friendship and inviting him to go to Cajamalca.
Remembering then Pizarro of the political measures adopted by Cortés in similar circumstances, he received the envoy with the greatest benevolence; He declared himself the ambassador of a powerful prince, and declared that he was going with the intention of offering Atahualpa his help against the rebels who disputed the crown. This declaration managed to dissipate the suspicions and fears of the Peruvians, who, like the other peoples of America, had conceived the most lively concerns since the first appearance of the foreigners. Should they regard them as celestial beings or as formidable enemies? Was it not wiser to reconcile their friendship with submission than to increase their anger with resistance? Such were the doubts that came to dissipate the conciliatory words of Pizarro, and all suspicion vanished, the foreigners were allowed to march towards Caxamalca. Before reaching there the Spaniards still had to face cruel sufferings: it was necessary to cross a barren desert that extends between San Miguel and Motapé, in a space of some twenty-seven leagues, made up of sandy plains, without forests or water. The scorching rays of the sun made the crossing extremely painful, and the least effort of the natives could have been fatal to Pizarro's host. They then had to pass through a defile so narrow and inaccessible that a few men would have sufficed to defend it against a large army. The reckless credulity of the Peruvians did not allow them to take advantage of these advantages, and Pizarro quietly entered Caxamalca on November 25, 1532. He immediately took possession of a large court which he fortified to take cover from a blow of the hand; and knowing that Atahualpa was celebrating a great party in his camp a league from the city, he sent his brother Fernando and Fernando de Soto there. They had the task of confirming the assurances given by Pizarro about his peaceful intentions and asking his chief for an interview with the Inca, in order to explain the intentions that had moved the Spaniards to come to his country.
Deceived by these protests, Atahualpa received the envoys with respect and friendship, and made them understand that he himself would go the next day to visit the foreign leader. The noble bearing of the monarch, the order that reigned in his court, the respect with which his subjects approached his person and carried out his orders, the Spaniards admired. But his greedy glances were mainly fixed on the immense riches profusely piled up in the field. The adornments that the Inca and the nobles of his entourage wore on their persons, the gold and silver vessels in which the food was served, the multitude of utensils of all kinds made with those precious metals offered them a spectacle that exceeded all expectations. ideas of opulence that his imagination had been able to create. Based on the story they told Pizarro, he fixed all his thoughts on the measures that should be taken to carry out a project that he had been meditating on since leaving San Miguel: he called his brothers, Soto and Benalcázar to his council and explained to them the plan he had conceived. After having shown them how much it mattered to them to have the Inca in his power, and reminded them of the advantages that Moctezuma's captivity had brought in Mexico, he ended up proposing a similar measure to them, and it was adopted without hesitation. Consequently, he divided his sixty horsemen into three platoons under the command of Soto, Benalcázar and his brother Fernando; he formed a single mass of infantry, except for twenty chosen men who were to go with him wherever danger demanded, and ordered the two pieces of artillery to be placed in front of the road along which the Inca was to arrive. he next day, November 16, Atahualpa left his camp to visit Pizarro; but wanting to give foreigners a high idea of his power and his riches, he set out with all the pomp that he displayed in the greatest solemnities. Jerez, an eyewitness, describes that scene in these terms:
«The people he brought in the front carried secret weapons under their shirts, which were strong cotton doublets, and bags of stones and slingshots; It seemed that they had evil intentions. Then the front of the people began to enter the square; A squadron of Indians dressed in a colored livery in the manner of squares came before; They came removing the straw from the ground and sweeping the road. After these came three other squads dressed differently, all singing and dancing. Then many people came with armor, patens and crowns of gold and silver. Among these came Atahualpa in a litter lined with parrot feathers of many colors, trimmed with gold and silver plates. Many Indians brought her on high shoulders, and after this came two other litters and two hammocks, in which other important persons came; then many people came in squadrons with gold and silver crowns».
As soon as Pizarro discovered the Inca, he sent Father Valverde, almoner of the expedition, to meet him. According to Jerez, Father Valverde came forward carrying a crucifix in one hand and the Bible in the other. Arriving close to the Inca, he told him through his interpreter: «I am a priest of God; I teach Christians the things of the Lord, and I come to teach them to you. I teach what God has taught us and what is contained in this book. As such, I beg you on behalf of the God of Christians to be his friend, because God wants it, and it will be for your good: go speak to the governor who awaits you». Atahualpa asked to be allowed to see the book that Father Valverde had, and it was delivered to him closed. Since he couldn't open it, the priest reached out his hand to show him how to do it; but Atahualpa, not wanting to receive his instructions, gave him a contemptuous blow on the arm, making an effort to open it, he succeeded. He was not surprised, like the other Indians, when he saw the characters on the paper; he threw the holy book five or six feet away, and then said in a proud accent: "I am well instructed as to what you have done on the way, and how you have treated my leaders and pillaged the villages." «Christians have not done this, responded Father Valverde; but some Indians having taken their belongings without the governor's knowledge, he has dismissed them. -As well! -replied Atahualpa, I will not move from here until everything is returned to me». The priest turned to the governor with this answer, while the Inca stood up on his litter and exhorted his people to be prepared for whatever might happen.
As soon as Pizarro discovered the Inca, he sent Father Valverde, almoner of the expedition, to meet him. According to Jerez, Father Valverde came forward with a crucifix in one hand and the Bible in the other. Arriving close to the Inca, he told him through his interpreter: «I am a priest of God; I teach Christians the things of the Lord, and I come to teach them to you. I teach what God has taught us and what is contained in this book. So I beg you on behalf of the God of the Christians to be his friend, because God wants it, and it will be for your good: go talk to the governor who is waiting for you». Atahualpa asked to be allowed to see the book that Father Valverde had, and they gave it to him closed. Since he couldn't open it, the priest held out his hand to show him how to do it; but Atahualpa, not wanting to receive instructions from him, gave him a contemptuous blow on the arm, making an effort to open it, he succeeded. He was not surprised, like the other Indians, when he saw the characters on the paper; he threw the sacred book five or six feet away, but when Father Valverde saw the Holy Scriptures profaned by the Inca, who had thrown the holy book on the ground, he exclaimed indignantly: “To arms, Spaniards! to the weapons!". Then the warlike instruments of the Spaniards were instantly heard, muskets and cannons belching fire, while horses charged, and the infantry fell sword in hand on the Peruvians. The poor Indians, amazed at such a sudden and unexpected attack, disturbed by the terrible effects of the firearms and by the irresistible onslaught of those monsters, unknown to them, carried by the Spaniards, began to flee everywhere, without trying. even defend himself. Pizarro at the head of his chosen troop, threw himself straight at the Inca, and although the great men of his accompaniment, crowding around the monarch, made a shield for him with their bodies, sacrificing themselves in his defense, he very soon reached him, and taking him by the arm, he led him down from his litter and into his tent.
The imprisonment of the monarch hastened the defeat of his troops. The Spaniards pursued them everywhere, continuing to cold-bloodedly slaughter fugitives who offered no resistance. The night put an end to the massacre in which more than ten thousand Peruvians perished. No Spaniards were killed, and only Pizarro was slightly wounded in the hand by one of his own soldiers, in the rush to seize the Inca's person. The riches collected in the looting of the camp exceeded the idea that the Spaniards had formed of the opulence of Peru; the victors gave themselves over to the transports of joy that some miserable adventurers must have experienced, who experienced in a single day such an extraordinary change in their fortune. Atahualpa could not calmly endure a captivity as wicked as it was cruel. The terrible and unforeseen calamity which he suffered had so dejected him, that for some time it was impossible for him to think of means of making his lot less miserable. Pizarro, fearing to lose the advantages that he could derive from a prisoner of such importance, tried to lessen the loser's pain with a few consoling words; but the Inca seeing that the actions of the victor were not in harmony with his expressions of respect, he rejected him with contempt. Being among the Spaniards he soon discovered that the thirst for gold was his ruling passion, and he conceived the hope of obtaining his freedom by satisfying his avarice. In consequence he offered such a ransom, that it filled Pizarro's imagination with admiration, despite what he already knew of the riches of that kingdom. «Atahualpa, writes Jerez, said that he would give gold to a room that is twenty-two feet long and seventeen wide, filled up to a white stripe that is halfway up the room, which is what he said about height of state and a half, and said that up to that point he would fill the room with various pieces of gold, pitchers, pots and tiles, and other pieces, and that he would give all that hut twice as full of silver, and that this would be accomplished within two months. ».
This proposal was accepted, and Atahualpa, overjoyed at the thought of soon regaining his freedom, took the most active steps to fulfill his promises, and sent messengers to all the provinces charged with collecting the promised treasures. Fernando de Soto and Pedro del Barco obtained permission to accompany the envoys going to Cuzco. They knew that as long as the Inca was in Pizarro's power nothing would be attempted against them, and in fact everywhere they went they were received with the deepest respect. The complete and rapid success they had just achieved inspired the Spaniards with both confidence and audacity, and they considered the conquest of Peru finished. You have just confirmed in this idea the news that was received at that time that Almagro had landed in San Miguel with one hundred and fifty men and eighty-four horses; reinforcement that doubled the number of combatants in one fell swoop. The imprisoned monarch, not knowing where these new foreigners had come from and by what means they had arrived in Peru, could not foresee where that invasion would stop and what its consequences would be. While he was agitated by these anxieties, new reasons for alarm came to disturb him on the other hand. He knew that his oppressors had entered into relations with Huáscar, his brother. Indeed, when Fernando de Soto arrived at the city where the imprisoned prince was, he asked to see him. The visit of the Spaniard revived the hopes of the unfortunate prince, who implored the protection of foreigners against Atahualpa, and knowing the promise made by the latter to obtain his freedom, he forced himself, if his throne were restored, to fill with gold until the ceiling the room in which he was imprisoned. As seductive as this offer was, far superior to Atahualpa's, Soto could not accept it, but he promised the prince that he would make every effort to persuade Pizarro to listen to his propositions. The officers in charge of the custody of Huáscar, and who were close to his rival, hastened to inform their monarch of the meeting between Huáscar and Soto, and this news aroused in his spirit the most lively concerns.
He was convinced that the Spaniards would not refuse such brilliant proposals, and that they would willingly take advantage of the slightest pretext to give an appearance of justice to his interested views. On the other hand, as his own conduct towards his brother might suffice to justify the Spaniards' lack of faith, he thought his doom inevitable, if Huáscar remained alive. Impressed by this idea he sent a formal order to put his brother to death, an order which was duly executed; and then fearing that his victors would not charge him with this crime, since he took away their hope of a new rescue, he affected the greatest pain, and maintained that his captains had committed that crime without the consent of the. At this Almagro arrived at Cajamalca, and his soldiers, exalted at the sight of the gold they brought from everywhere, asked for the division of the loot; Pizarro's men joined them, and that enormous mass of metal was melted down, after having separated some vessels, precious for their work, which were destined for the King of Spain. On the day of Santiago 1533, Pizarro ordered a solemn mass to be celebrated, and those immense riches were distributed. "Taking up the account, says Jerez, reduced everything to good gold, there was a whole story and three hundred and twenty-six thousand and five hundred and thirty-nine pesos of good gold, of which his fifth belonged to His Majesty, after taking the smelter's rights, two hundred and sixty-two, and two hundred and fifty-nine pesos of good gold. And in silver there were fifty-one thousand and six hundred and ten marks, and to his Majesty belonged ten thousand and one hundred and twenty-one thousand silver marks. Of all the rest, taking the fifth and the foundry's rights, the governor distributed among the conquerors who won it, and those on horseback received eight thousand and eight hundred and eighty gold pesos and three hundred and sixty-two silver marks, and those on foot to four thousand and four hundred and forty pesos and one hundred and eighty-one silver marks, and some more and others less, as it seemed to the governor that each one deserved, according to the quality of the people and work that had passed» . As the weight of that time was equivalent to 100 of our reales, it turns out that each horseman received, even without counting the silver marks, 888,000 reales. Pizarro's share and that of the officers were proportionate to his rank, and therefore very considerable.
The history of mankind offers no other example of such a fortune acquired in military service, and never was such a large booty distributed among such a small number of soldiers. Many of them, seeing themselves richer than they had ever imagined, clamored for their leave in order to spend the rest of their days in Spain. Pizarro, seeing that he could no longer expect either courage in combat or patience in work, and convinced that wherever they went the sight of their riches would move a multitude of adventurers to enlist under their banners, allowed more of sixty of them to accompany his brother Fernando to Spain, whom he sent to bring the emperor the treasures that corresponded to him, with the task of telling him what had happened. After the distribution of his ransom, the Inca required Pizarro to set him free; but the general was far from thinking of doing it. In his agreement with Atahualpa, he had had no other purpose than to seize all the riches of the kingdom, and once he had achieved his goal, far from fulfilling what was promised, he had decided to have the unfortunate monarch secretly perish. As Pizarro imitated the conduct observed by Cortés with Moctezuma, he lacked the necessary talents to follow with equal art the plan adopted by the conqueror of Mexico. Suspicion and distrust between the Inca and the Spaniards had not been long in growing; The care with which it was necessary to keep a prisoner of such importance greatly increased the difficulties of military service, while the advantage that keeping him reported was little; so that Pizarro soon saw in the Inca nothing more than a hindrance from which he wanted to get rid of. Despite the fact that Almagro's soldiers had been given one hundred thousand pesos, to which they had no right, they were all dissatisfied: they feared that as long as Atahualpa remained captive, Pizarro's soldiers would consider the treasures that could be collected in the process. successively as a supplement to the rescue of the prince, and that under this pretext, they wanted to appropriate everything.
Thus, they urgently requested his death so that all the soldiers of the host would run the same chances and have equal rights. Pizarro himself was beginning to be alarmed by the news that reached him from the remote provinces of the empire: troops were gathering and he suspected that the Inca had issued orders to that effect. These fears and suspicions were fueled by the artifices of Filipillo, an Indian slave who served as interpreter between the Incas and the Spanish. This man, whose functions also gave him the title of mayordomo in the house of the captive monarch, dared, despite his low birth, to set his sights on one of Atahualpa's female relatives, of royal blood, and did not Seeing no hope of obtaining it while the monarch lived, he excited the Spaniards to take his life, alarming them with the secret designs of the prisoner, of which he pretended to have knowledge. To these different causes that contributed to the loss of the unfortunate Atahualpa, another was soon added, the most powerful of all, because it had its beginning in the humiliated pride of Pizarro. Among the arts of Europe, he especially excited the Inca's admiration for reading, and he wanted time to discover whether it was a natural or acquired ability. To clarify his doubts, he asked one of the soldiers who guarded him to write the name of God on his thumbnail, and he immediately taught those characters to different Spaniards, asking them what they meant; and to his great admiration they all gave him the same answer without hesitation. One day when Pizarro appeared before the prince, the latter extended his thumb to him, begging him to read what was written in it: the governor turned red, and was forced to confess full of confusion his ignorance; From that moment Atahualpa looked at him like a common man, less educated than his soldiers, and he did not have the ability to hide the feelings that that discovery had inspired in him. The general was so piqued at finding himself the object of a barbarian's scorn that he determined to kill him.
But in order to give some semblance of justice to such a violent action that could be severely reprimanded by the emperor, Pizarro wanted the Inca to be tried according to the forms observed in Spain in criminal cases. Himself, Almagro, and two officers were the judges; an attorney general charged on behalf of the king; A lawyer was in charge of the defense, and secretaries were appointed to write up the minutes of that extraordinary process. The depositions of the witnesses, interpreted by the traitor Filipillo, were all contrary to the monarch, and the judges, whose opinion was already fixed in advance, condemned him to be burned alive. Upon arriving at the place of execution, Atahualpa declared that he wanted to embrace the Christian religion: he informed the governor, who ordered that he be baptized, and the Reverend Father Vicente de Valverde, who was working on his conversion, administered the sacrament of baptism. Then his sentence was commuted, and instead of being burned, according to the sentence, he was hanged. The next day his body was lowered from the fatal gallows, and the religious, the governor and the other Spaniards led him to the church to bury him there with the greatest honors due to his regal position. The death of Atahualpa ensured the domination of the Spanish. The natives, terrified by the frightful examples that they had in sight, and either too indolent or weak to try to expel the foreigners, far from making new efforts against them, they only tried to win their good will. They met the death of the two Incas without chiefs, without a flag under which to meet; and as if this were not enough, they were also divided into two powerful parties, one of which supported the rights of Manco or Mango, Huáscar's brother, while the other supported the claims of Atahualpa's son. The latter was young and inexperienced, and this was the one Pizarro recognized, persuaded that he would be more willing to let himself be led by him than his older and more experienced competitor.
The two parties were actively preparing for war, and during this time simple generals aspired to independence and absolute monarchy in other provinces. Atahualpa himself, sacrificing all the descendants of the royal race to his ambition, had taught the Peruvians not to respect the privileges of the sons of the sun. The supporters of that Inca, however, preserved a great veneration for their deceased monarch, and as soon as Pizarro left Caxamalca they dug up his body to transfer it to Quito. The governor of the city, named Ruminiani, as remarkable for his ambition as for his talents and courage, as soon as he learned of his sovereign's death, resolved to make himself independent. The transfer of the remains of Atahualpa to Quito served his projects. Under the pretext of celebrating his lord's funeral with the pomp and solemnity worthy of his rank, he invited all the Inca's relatives and the chiefs who had been attached to him to the magnificent ceremony he was preparing, so that they all met in Quito. the characters of the empire
Ruminiani invited them to a banquet, where, according to him, the measures that he should take to expel the Spaniards should be discussed. He had his guests served an intoxicating drink called a sora, and when it had produced its effect, Ruminiani fell with his supporters upon his defenseless guests, mercilessly slaughtering them. The revolts that agitated the country and that could not but be profitable to the Spaniards, encouraged Pizarro to march on Cuzco, undertaking this conquest with all the greater confidence since he had just received considerable reinforcements. The soldiers whom he had allowed to accompany his brother Fernando de el, as soon as they arrived in Panama, ostentatiously flaunted before their compatriots the treasures they brought from Peru. The news of his victories, and especially of his riches, spread in a short time throughout all the colonies of the South Sea; the adventurers of Panama, Guatemala, and Nicaragua were all inflamed with the desire to join Pizarro, and such was the number of them that, after having left an imposing garrison at San Miguel under Benalcázar, the governor found himself still at a loss. front of five hundred men. This host seemed to him so considerable that he even neglected to take the necessary precautions against treachery and surprise. Knowing this, Ben Quizquiz, a Peruvian general, assembled a large army and, convinced that he could not resist the foreigners in a pitched battle, placed himself in ambush near the road where the Spaniards were to pass, and suddenly falling on the rear guard, he killed seventeen men and took eight prisoners; after which he marched in retreat, circumventing Pizarro's vigilance and activity.
After many battles, in which he always gained the upper hand, Pizarro entered Cuzco, and the treasures he found there, remnants of what the inhabitants had taken or hidden, exceeded Atahualpa's ransom in value. Herrera says that apart from the fifth belonging to the king, 1,920,000 gold pesos were left to share; and yet the soldiers were still not satisfied, despite having received four thousand pesos each. In this Atahualpa's son died without Pizarro thinking of giving him a successor. Mango Capac inspired little care, so he let him be recognized as legitimate (temporary) sovereign throughout the nation. Having left sufficient forces for the security of the fort he entrusted to his custody placed himself at the head of the remaining available troops, and they consisted, counting peons and horses, and between them two hundred horsemen. His intention was to subdue Quito, where Atahualpa was said to have gathered all his treasures. Neither the distance to that city, nor the difficulties of the road through the mountains, nor the efforts of Ruminiani, nothing was enough to cool the ardor of Benalcázar and his companions: they triumphed in many encounters with their enemies, and Ruminiani , forced to leave Quito, had to take refuge in the mountains. The victors, however, did not get the promised profits from the taking of the city, because in their flight the inhabitants had taken all their wealth. The joy that Pizarro experienced for these easy triumphs was disturbed by the news of an event of the greatest importance, and that made him conceive the most lively concerns; such was the arrival in Peru of a large body of Spaniards, commanded by Pedro Alvarado. This captain, who distinguished himself particularly in the conquest of Mexico, had been appointed governor of Guatemala and of all the part of Peru that he could discover outside the jurisdiction of Pizarro.
He lived calm and bored in his government, when the glory and riches acquired by Pizarro's companions excited in him the desire to throw himself once again into the agitations of military life. Believing or pretending to believe that the kingdom of Quito was outside Pizarro's jurisdiction, he resolved to invade it. His great reputation attracted volunteers from far and wide to place themselves under him, and he embarked with a thousand men, of whom more than two hundred were nobles and served on horseback. He disembarked at Puertoviejo, and knowing the country imperfectly, he marched without guides straight towards Quito, following the course of the Guayaquil and crossing the Andes towards its source. During this march through one of the wildest places in America, his troops had to make their way through forests and swamps: in addition to these fatigues, they suffered in such a way because of the rigors of the cold in the heights of the mountains, that before reaching on the plain of Quito they had lost a fifth of the people and half of the horses. Those who remained were dispirited and out of shape to fight. When Pizarro heard of Alvarado's departure, he immediately sent Almagro out with all the soldiers who were not absolutely necessary to him, ordering him to go and oppose the progress of his rival, after meeting with Benalcázar's troops. Almagro and Alvarado found themselves in each other's presence on the Riobamba plain, one and the other deployed their forces; but Pizarro's friends were not very disposed to come to blows, because they saw before them a host much more numerous than their own, and they were unaware of the state of weakness to which it was reduced. Alvarado boldly stepped forward to begin the attack, but the soldiers of both sides refused to fight, and mingled with one another, conversing like old comrades. Most of them were natives of Extremadura, and there were those in the two hosts who were united by ties of kinship or friendship.
The lawyer Don Coldera hastened to finish a reconciliation so happily by chance begun; he served as an intermediary between both parties, and after some talks he ended with everyone's satisfaction in friendly peace what threatened to be the beginning of a civil war. As a result of the treaty that followed that agreement, Alvarado was forced to leave the province of Quito and direct his arms to the south: it was also agreed that Alvarado, Pizarro and Almagro would act in concert and share the profits of their future conquests among themselves. . Such were the public clauses; but there was a secret article, which it was not thought prudent to divulge for fear of exciting the discontent of Alvarado's soldiers, and it was the one that Almagro would pay this chief one hundred thousand pesos in payment for his withdrawal. After this arrangement, Alvarado allowed his soldiers who wished to do so, to pass into the service of Pizarro, and also expressed his desire to have an interview with the governor, both to congratulate his former comrade-in-arms, and to learn about the country subjected to the Spanish. Pizarro, however, although satisfied with that result, thanks to which an expedition that seemed to have ruined him had on the contrary contributed to increasing his forces, he saw not without concern that such a fearsome rival would prolong his stay in the country. He feared that if Alvarado entered Cuzco the sight of the riches he contained would not make him change his mind; so he hastened to collect the promised sum, which Almagro had not been able to pay, and leaving the command of Cuzco to his brothers, he moved to Pachacamac to await Alvarado there, who arrived a few days later. Whether it was because of politics, or that in reality he appreciated the character of the famous captain who had been his companion in arms, Pizarro did not use in that circumstance the perfidious duplicity of which he had given so much evidence until then. Some trusted friends of his advised him to have Alvarado arrested and sent to Spain without paying the agreed sum.
Far from following this opinion, the governor not only paid Alvarado the promised one hundred thousand pesos, but also gave him twenty thousand more for the expenses of his trip. The two caudillos spent a few days together, like old comrades, discussing their past dangers and their hopes for the future, and they parted, making the liveliest protests of friendship. Alvarado returned to Guatemala, Pizarro stayed in Pachacamac with the idea of establishing the seat of government on that coast. Cuzco, in fact, the ancient residence of the Incas, was situated in a corner of the empire, more than four hundred miles from the sea, and even further from Quito. Apart from these two populations there was no other establishment in Peru that deserved the name of city and that could determine the Spaniards to fix their abode there. Touring the country, Pizarro fell in love with the beauty and fertility of the Rimac Valley, and decided to establish the capital of his government there, on the banks of a small river of the same name in the valley it irrigates, six miles from Callao, inlet La most comfortable in the Pacific. He gave it the name of City of the Kings, because he laid its first stone on the day the Church celebrates the feast of the Epiphany (January 1535). While Peru belonged to Spain, this name was preserved in public acts; but the city is better known for that of Lima. The buildings of the new city rose so quickly that it soon took on an imposing appearance: the magnificent palace that Pizarro had built for him and the superb houses destined for his main officials, seemed to announce from then on the high position of greatness to which he owed. one day that population will arrive. Before this time the news of the arrival of Fernando Pizarro in Spain had been received. The immense quantity of gold and silver that he brought here excited so much admiration, as it had caused in Panama and other Spanish colonies.
Pizarro was received by the King with the attentions due to those who offered him a present, whose value exceeded the concept that the Spaniards formed of the riches of their acquisitions in America, even after ten years had elapsed since the conquest of Mexico. The king received 153,300 pesos of gold, 34,000 marks of silver, with a large number of vessels and other precious ornaments, apart from 499,000 pesos and 54,000 marks of silver, product of different gifts that were made to him. Ferdinand did not hesitate to heap honors on men who submitted such a vast and rich country to his empire. He confirmed all the privileges previously granted to Pizarro and increased his jurisdiction by 70 leagues of coast to the north: the whole region was to be called New Castile. Almagro was granted, with the title of advance, a territory of 200 leagues of extension with the name of Nueva Toledo.
All these genocidal and expensive colonial adventures basically guarantee that Spain doesn't make it into one piece by the modern era: there is no way in hell that Spain can hold those territories for more than two centuries with at least some support from the natives. If OTL Spanish Empire eventually fell victim to logistical and monetary restraints, I imagine this Roman Empire on steroids is going to sooner or later plant its face towards the ground. Really hard.
Paladín Wulfen
Kicked
Want know a fun thing? IRL this is what happen. And Peru was one of the last territories in lost Spanish control
If it were true that being brutal and ruthless with the inhabitants guarantees that you will be expelled from the territory sooner rather than later, the world would have at least 300 more nations.
Heh, that reminds me of one of Miguel de Unamuno's quotes. "Yo soy vasco y por ello doblemente español" / "I am Basque and thus, doubly Spanish".
Paladín Wulfen
Kicked
Yesterday I see the movie While the War Last and... Unamuno was a Gigachad who don't have fear to nothing.
Wait until see 1600s
A Haiti 2? That will serve to stop the Brazilian expansion.